THE 

LIFE  AND   LETTERS 


OF 


EMORY     UPTON, 

\ 

Colonel  of  the  Fourth  Regiment  of  Artillery,  and 
E revet  Major-General,  U.  S.  Army. 


BY 

PETER   S.   MICHIE, 

PROFESSOR     U.    S.     MILITARY    ACADEMY 


WITH     AN     INTRODUCTION 

BY 

JAMES  HARRISON   WILSON, 

LATE    U.    S.    A. 


NEW   YORK: 
D.    APPLETON    AND    COMPANY, 

I,  3,    AND    5    BOND    STREET. 
1885. 


^ 


.0- 


COPYRIGHT,  1885, 
Bv    SARA    K.    UPTON. 


TO 

DANIEL    UPTON, 

AND 

ELECTA    UPTON,   HIS  WIFE, 

THE   HONORED   PARENTS   OF 

EMORY  UPTON, 
THIS   MEMOIR   IS  AFFECTIONATELY   DEDICATED. 


224114 


PREFACE. 


THE  subject  of  the  following  memoir  was  wide 
ly  known  by  reputation  in  the  military  profession, 
and  the  story  of  his  life  would,  at  least  to  military 
men,  have  been  a  matter  of  passing  interest.  The 
tragic  circumstances  of  his  death  seemed  to  de 
mand  some  explanation  in  harmony  with  his  estab 
lished  reputation  and  character.  At  the  earnest 
solicitation  of  his  nearest  relatives,  the  author, 
although  conscious  of  his  own  deficiencies,  under 
took  the  task  of  compiling  a  brief  record  of  Gen 
eral  Upton's  life  for  his  family  and  immediate  per 
sonal  friends. 

In  overstepping  the  limits  at  first  proposed  for 
the  work,  and  in  extending  its  circulation  to  the 
general  public,  the  author  has  been  guided  by  two 
considerations:  First,  the  hope  that  the  lessons 
drawn  from  General  Upton's  life  might  be  valu 
able  to  the  youths  who  may  hereafter  enter  the 
military  profession,  brought  about  a  modification  of 
its  original  plan,  and  necessitated  the  omission  of 
much  that  was  of  purely  family  interest ;  second, 


vi  Preface. 

Upton's  valuable  researches  into  the  military  policy 
of  his  country,  and  the  essential  influence  which 
his  conclusions  will  have  upon  its  future  military 
organizations,  seemed  to  warrant  the  wider  pub 
licity  which  is  now  attempted. 

Although  the  volume  has  been  written  while  the 
author  has  been  engaged  in  official  duties  of  a 
somewhat  exacting  nature,  his  task  has  been  great 
ly  lessened  by  the  abundant  material  placed  at  his 
disposal.  Whatever  excellence  the  book  contains, 
the  author  gratefully  acknowledges  to  be  due  to 
the  wise  counsel  and  able  criticism  of  his  friend 
General  J.  H.  Wilson.  Whatever  defects  honest 
criticism  may  note  in  the  matter  retained,  method 
of  presentation,  or  style  of  expression,  are  to  be 
charged  to  the  inexperience  of  the  author,  whose 
only  qualification  for  the  assumed  task  was  a  sin 
cere  desire  to  judge  rightly  and  deal  justly  with 
the  character  of  his  friend  and  comrade. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION        ....  ....  ix 


CHAPTER   I. 
BOYHOOD    i 

CHAPTER   II. 
CADET-LIFE  AT  WEST  POINT 10 

CHAPTER   III. 
ACTIVE  SERVICE  AS  A  SUBALTERN 42 

CHAPTER   IV. 
SERVICE  AS  A  REGIMENTAL  AND  BRIGADE  COMMANDER.        .      66 

CHAPTER  V. 
SERVICE  AS  DIVISION  COMMANDER  OF  CAVALRY     .        .        .    130 

CHAPTER   VI. 
SERVICE  IN  COLORADO — TACTICS 179 

CHAPTER  VII. 
MARRIAGE 217 


viii  Contents. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

PAGE 

COMMANDANT  OF  CADETS 242 

CHAPTER   IX. 
MILITARY  OBSERVATIONS  AND  STUDIES  IN  FOREIGN  LANDS  .    284 

CHAPTER   X, 
REPORT  ON  THE  ARMIES  OF  EUROPE  AND  ASIA      .        .        .    388 

CHAPTER   XI. 
THE  MILITARY  POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES     .        .        .    416 

CHAPTER   XII. 

PROFESSIONAL  VIEWS  ON  MILITARY  LEGISLATION,  AND  FINAL 

REVISION  OF  TACTICS 454 

CHAPTER    XIII. 
DEATH 474 


INTRODUCTION. 


IT  was  my  good  fortune  to  know  EMORY  UPTON 
from  the  date  of  his  entry  into  the  Military  Acad 
emy  at  West  Point,  as  a  mere  stripling,  in  1856,  to 
the  time  of  his  death,  in  the  full  maturity  of  his 
manhood,  in  1881.  His  class  was  next  to  mine, 
graduated  less  than  a  year  afterward,  and  entered 
the  army  at  the  outbreak  of  the  great  rebellion. 
We  served  together  during  the  Antietam  campaign ; 
then  in  Grant's  memorable  series  of  operations  from 
the  Rapidan  to  Petersburg ;  then  with  Sheridan  in 
the  Valley  of  Virginia ;  and,  finally,  in  the  cavalry 
campaign  from  Waterloo  through  Alabama  and 
Georgia,  ending  in  the  last  battles  of  the  war  and 
the  collapse  of  the  Confederacy.  From  the  close 
associations  of  these  nine  years  of  youth  and  early 
manhood,  and  especially  of  the  last  year  of  the  re 
bellion,  during  which  Upton  commanded  a  division 
of  cavalry  under  my  immediate  supervision,  I  came 
to  know  him  with  that  intimacy  which  is  possible 
only  between  soldiers.  After  the  war  our  paths  lay 
apart,  for,  while  I  resumed  my  duties  as  an  engineer 
officer,  and  finally  left  the  army  altogether  for  the 
purpose  of  building  and  operating  railroads,  Upton, 
although  urged  to  resign  and  engage  in  private 


x  Introduction. 

business,  on  the  theory  that  it  was  as  meritorious 
for  a  man  of  his  parts  to  leave  the  army  in  times  of 
peace  as  to  enter  it  in  times  of  war,  after  mature 
consideration  declined,  and  determined  to  devote 
himself  for  life  to  the  military  profession.  He 
realized  that,  while  his  campaigning  days  were 
probably  over,  there  was  yet  a  brilliant  career 
open  for  him  in  the  writing  of  tactics,  the  study  of 
the  organization  and  administration  of  armies,  and 
in  the  evolution  of  an  effective  and  economical 
military  policy  for  our  Government.  As  shown  by 
the  course  of  the  narrative  which  follows,  he 
served  after  the  close  of  the  war  successively  on  the 
Plains ;  as  commandant  of  cadets  at  West  Point ;  on 
a  board  of  officers  to  assimilate  the  tactics  of  artil 
lery,  cavalry,  and  infantry ;  as  the  head  of  a  com 
mission  to  visit  Asia  and  Europe  for  the  purpose  of 
inspecting  and  reporting  upon  the  armies  of  those 
countries ;  as  superintendent  of  theoretical  instruc 
tion  in  the  Artillery  School  for  Practice  at  Fortress 
Monroe ;  and,  finally,  in  command  of  his  regiment 
in  California.  During  the  whole  of  this  time  we 
corresponded  with  each  other,  and  our  friendly  re 
lations  remained  unbroken  to  the  end. 

The  history  of  the  events  which  occurred  during 
the  War  of  the  Rebellion  is  fast  being  written,  and 
is  of  great  importance  to  the  American  people,  but 
it  needs  the  element  of  personality  to  give  it  that 
absorbing  interest  which  is  necessary  to  fix  it  in  the 
mind,  and  to  impress  its  lessons  upon  the  under 
standing  of  coming  generations.  Fortunately  for 
the  country,  the  pages  of  history  can  never  be  illu 
minated  by  a  more  exemplary  character  or  a  more 


Introduction.  xi 

spotless  name  than  that  of  Upton.  His  life  was 
pure  and  unselfish  in  the  highest  degree,  and  yet  it 
was  controlled  by  a  patriotic  and  sleepless  ambition, 
accompanied  by  an  ardent  love  for  the  profession 
of  arms,  which,  from  their  earliest  dawn,  filled  him 
with  the  resolve  to  acquire  military  fame.  This 
idea  dominated  him  completely  throughout  his  ca 
reer,  and  when  the  rebellion  broke  out  it  found  the 
young  soldier  not  only  ready,  but  eager  for  the  fray. 
His  loyalty  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  was 
unshakable ;  it  was  bone  of  his  bone  and  blood  of 
his  blood.  His  courage  and  independence  had  al 
ready  been  proved  by  sturdy  resistance  to  the  ar 
rogance  of  his  Southern  classmates.  He  had  at  his 
very  advent  at  the  Academy  boldly  announced  that 
he  was  an  abolitionist,  and  in  sympathy  with  what 
ever  tended  to  promote  the  freedom  of  the  slaves. 
He  had  been  ostracized  for  his  political  opinions, 
and  had  suffered  in  body  and  mind  for  his  superior 
ity  to  sectional  influences.  He  had  been  forced  to 
fight  because  he  would  not  bend  before  the  bluster 
ing  bravado  of  the  "  fire-eaters,"  and  had  come  off 
victorious.  He  had  grown  in  strength  of  intellect 
as  well  as  of  body ;  he  had  made  his  way  from  the 
foot  of  his  class,  where  the  alphabetical  arrange 
ment  had  placed  him,  to  the  first  section,  where  he 
graduated.  He  entered  the  army  with  a  strong, 
healthy,  robust  constitution,  full  of  energy  and  cour 
age,  and  with  a  well-trained  mind  richly  stored  with 
such  knowledge  as  he  could  obtain  from  text-books, 
and,  what  was  more  and  quite  unusual,  he  had 
the  faculty  of  turning  this  knowledge  promptly 
and  efficiently  to  practical  use  in  his  profession. 


xii  Introduction. 

This  was  one  of  his  strongest  points.  He  was 
proud  and  honorable,  and  feared  no  man ;  his  love 
of  God  was  open  and  avowed ;  his  love  of  liberty 
for  all  God's  creatures  amounted  to  a  passion,  and, 
while  his  love  for  his  chosen  profession  was  deep- 
seated  and  abiding,  it  found  its  justification  to  him 
self  in  the  opportunity  it  would  give  him,  during  the 
trials  which  had  come  upon  the  nation,  to  render 
good  service  to  the  cause  of  humanity  and  to  that 
of  his  country's  unity.  But  aside  from  patriotism 
on  the  one  hand  and  religion  on  the  other,  he  was  a 
genuine  military  enthusiast,  whose  thoughts  night 
and  day  turned  to  the  art  of  war.  No  knight  of  old 
was  ever  more  absorbed  in  dreams  of  military  glory, 
nor  more  grimly  determined  to  win  it,  as  opportu 
nity  offered.  He  was  tremendously  in  earnest,  and 
whatever  his  hand  found  to  do,  that  he  did  with  all 
his  might.  Had  Upton  lived  during  the  period  of 
any  of  the  great  European  wars,  he  might  still  have 
been  a  devout,  God-fearing  Christian,  but  he  would 
certainly  have  been  a  soldier,  and  with  favoring 
circumstances  he  would  have  been  a  great  captain. 
His  ambition,  subordinated  and  controlled  as  it  was 
by  a  character  of  extraordinary  purity  and  strength, 
was  limited  only  by  his  sense  of  duty  as  a  soldier 
and  as  a  patriot.  Like  the  young  eagle  which  had 
not  yet  felt  the  strength  of  its  pinions,  there  was  no 
flight  within  the  range  of  his  vision  which  he  would 
hesitate  to  essay.  At  the  very  outset  of  his  career 
this  was  plain  to  those  who  knew  him  well,  and,  long 
before  the  war  of  the  rebellion  ended,  it  had  come 
to  be  understood  by  all  that  there  was  no  enterprise 
too  perilous  for  Upton,  if  only  he  might  hope  to 


Introduction.  xiii 

gain  credit  or  promotion  thereby.  No  proper  un 
derstanding  can  be  had  of  Upton's  character  with 
out  giving  full  force  and  effect  to  this  peculiarity. 
He  had  as  high  a  sense  of  duty  as  any  man,  and 
would  have  cheerfully  laid  down  his  life  and  all  its 
anticipations  of  honor  and  fame  in  the  performance 
of  any  service  for  his  country  which  its  legally  con 
stituted  authorities  could  have  set  for  him,  but 
throughout  his  career  he  was  constantly  inspired 
and  cheered  by  the  thought  of  "  young  ambition's 
ladder,"  whereto  he  upward  turned  his  face  in  order 
that  he  might  reach  its  topmost  round.  It  must  be 
said,  however,  that  as  he  rose  from  round  to  round 
he  neither  turned  his  back  upon  the  ladder,  nor 
scorned  the  degrees  by  which  he  did  ascend.  He 
was  modest  at  all  times,  constant,  courageous,  and 
vigilant.  He  was  loyal  and  obedient  to  his  superiors 
whoever  they  were,  though  his  patience  was  more 
than  once  severely  tested  by  what  seemed  to  him 
indifference  or  incompetence  on  the  part  of  those 
above  him.  He  did  all  in  his  power  to  improve  the 
discipline  and  to  promote  the  subordination  of  the 
army  to  those  in  authority  over  it.  He  had  no  dis 
position  to  take  part  in  cliques  or  cabals,  but  felt 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  serve  in  silence  wherever 
he  might  be  sent,  and  to  be  faithful  over  those 
things  which  might  be  confided  to  his  care. 

With  an  ample  education  given  him  by  his  coun 
try,  inspired  by  the  enthusiasm  of  youth,  and  guided 
by  the  correct  principles  of  manhood,  Upton  began 
his  public  career  fully  equipped,  and  under  the 
most  favorable  auspices.  He  was  not  long  in  real 
izing  his  ambitious  dreams,  for  honorable  mention 


xiv  Introduction. 

and  rapid  promotion  followed  close  upon  his  in 
trepid  deeds.  As  a  regimental  drill-master,  and  as 
an  aide-de-camp,  battery  commander,  and  chief  of 
artillery,  he  shared  all  the  perils  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  war,  gaining  ex 
perience  and  familiarity  with  military  operations  in 
the  field,  and  above  all  gaining  confidence  in  him 
self  and  his  own  military  knowledge  and  capacity, 
as  compared  with  those  of  the  officers  with  whom 
he  was  thrown  in  contact.  His  voluminous  corre 
spondence  with  his  family  and  friends  gives  abun 
dant  evidence  of  the  readiness  with  which  he  ad 
vanced  from  details  to  the  higher  considerations  of 
administration  and  command,  and  even  to  those  of 
strategy  and  military  policy.  He  soon  saw  that, 
having  devoted  five  years  to  acquiring  the  edu 
cation  of  a  soldier,  and  having  participated  in 
the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  the  subsequent 
operations  in  Virginia,  he  knew  just  as  much 
about  war  as  an  art  and  science  as  the  older 
officers  of  the  regular  army,  and  a  great  deal 
more  than  was  possible  for  any  officer  of  volunteers 
fresh  and  green  from  civil  life.  This  encouraged 
him  to  believe  that  notwithstanding  his  youth — for 
at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  he  was  only  twenty- 
two  years  old — and  in  spite  of  his  lack  of  political 
influence,  he  would  surely  gain  rank  if  his  life  were 
spared.  This  last  consideration  was  of  the  first  im 
portance  to  him,  as  to  all  ambitious  soldiers,  for 
the  chances  of  death  were  very  great  in  the  war 
then  raging.  Upton  had  early  become  convinced 
that  the  first  requisite  to  success  in  the  profession 
of  arms  was  unflinching  and  unhesitating  courage, 


Introduction.  xv 

not  only  for  its  influence  over  his  superiors,  but 
over  those  whom  he  had  to  lead,  and  yet  observa 
tion  taught  him  that  the  most  courageous  were 
frequently  the  first  to  fall.  Fully  appreciating  all 
the  dangers  of  his  calling,  he  never  shirked  one  of 
them,  but  boldly  and  resolutely  met  them  wherever 
and  whenever  duty  seemed  to  require  it  of  him. 
He  was  neither  rash  nor  foolhardy,  and  yet  the 
closest  observer  could  find  nothing  in  his  conduct 
under  fire  to  criticise.  His  courage  was  both  physi 
cal  and  moral,  and  therefore  of  the  highest  type. 
When  he  reported  to  me  for  assignment  to  the 
command  of  a  division  of  cavalry,  he  remarked 
that  he  had  no  doubt  of  his  professional  capacity 
to  manage  cavalry  as  well  as  either  artillery  or  in 
fantry,  but  he  expressed  considerable  anxiety  as  to 
his  standing  with  his  division  until  he  should  have 
commanded  it  in  action  and  shown  both  officers 
and  men  that  he  was  neither  afraid  nor  lacking  in 
dash.  He  feared  that  the  rigid  discipline  he  would 
exact  and  the  constant  instruction  he  would  give 
might  for  a  while  make  him  unpopular,  but  he  felt 
sure  that  he  would  remove  all  prejudice  of  that 
sort  at  the  first  action  in  which  he  should  lead  his 
division.  The  result  was  as  he  anticipated  in  every 
respect,  except  as  to  his  unpopularity.  The  divis 
ion  to  which  he  was  assigned  was  composed  of 
veterans,  who  saw  from  the  start  that  his  was  a 
master-hand.  Both  men  and  officers  responded 
promptly  and  cheerfully  to  every  demand  he  made 
upon  them,  and  after  the  fights  at  Montevallo  and 
Plantersville,  the  assault  upon  Selma,  and  the  capt 
ure  of  Columbus,  by  a  night  attack  of  extraordi- 


xvi  Introduction. 

nary  brilliancy,  their  confidence  in  and  admiration 
for  him  were  unbounded.  They  felt  that  under  his 
leadership  they  could  go  anywhere  and  do  any 
thing,  while  he  told  me  that  he  had  learned  the 
greatest  lesson  of  his  life,  in  reference  to  the  rela 
tive  value  of  the  three  arms  of  service,  and  as  to 
the  almost  boundless  capacity  of  mounted  troops 
when  properly  armed,  organized,  and  commanded. 
Immediately  after  the  capture  of  Columbus,  to 
which  I  shall  allude  again,  he  declared  that  he 
could  traverse  the  Confederacy  from  end  to  end, 
and  from  side  to  side,  with  his  single  division,  carry 
ing  any  kind  of  fortifications  by  assault  with  which 
he  might  come  in  contact,  and  defying  capture  by 
any  kind  or  amount  of  force  which  might  be  sent 
against  him.  This  declaration  was  not  that  of  a 
braggart,  but  was  the  honest  conclusion  at  which 
he  had  arrived,  after  the  closest  observation  and 
reflection.  In  the  hour  of  battle  he  was  as  intrepid 
a  man  as  ever  drew  a  saber,  and  yet  in  battle,  as 
well  as  on  the  march  or  in  camp,  prudence  and 
judgment  were  his  constant  companions.  He  left 
nothing  to  chance,  and  trusted  nothing  to  mere 
luck,  but  provided  for  everything,  and  as  far  as 
possible  foresaw  everything.  He  knew  that  dis 
cipline,  order,  and  attention  to  the  details  of  or 
ganization,  equipment,  and  supply,  whether  on  the 
march  or  in  the  camp,  were  essential  to  success 
in  a  long-continued  campaign,  and  would  do  more 
than  everything  else  toward  making  his  command 
invincible  in  action.  He  did  not  for  a  moment 
commit  the  fault,  so  common  to  young  cavalry- 
commanders,  of  supposing  that  he  could  build  up 


Introduction.  xvii 

a  solid  reputation  by  courage  and  enterprise  alone. 
He  saw  that  both  men  and  horses  required  con 
stant  attention ;  that  celerity  of  movement,  com 
pactness  of  formation,  and  long-continued  exertion, 
were  no  less  essential  than  courage  in  action,  and 
that  no  amount  of  the  latter  could  compensate  for 
lack  of  condition  on  the  part  of  either  men  or 
horses,  or  their  equipment.  Hence,  from  the  day 
he  took  command  of  his  division  its  improvement 
in  every  respect  was  conspicuous,  and,  what  is 
more  important,  this  improvement  continued  to 
show  itself  throughout  the  campaign,  which  ended 
at  Augusta,  Georgia.  At  that  time  the  condition 
of  his  division  was  all  that  could  be  desired,  and  it 
may  be  doubted  if  it  was  in  any  respect  surpassed 
by  that  of  any  other  cavalry  division  in  the  army, 
although  it  had  been  under  his  command  less  than 
three  months. 

But  to  return  to  the  earlier  days  of  Upton's 
career.  His  experience  in  the  command  of  a  bat 
tery  of  horse-artillery,  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown, 
the  action  at  West  Point,  and  at  the  battles  of 
Gaines's  Mills  and  Glendale,  and  also  in  command 
of  a  brigade  of  artillery  in  the  Maryland  campaign, 
was  of  the  most  creditable  character.  It  brought  him 
prominently  into  notice ;  but,  owing  to  the  broken 
and  heavily  wooded  condition  of  most  of  the  Vir 
ginia  battle-fields,  and  the  consequent  limitations 
upon  the  use  of  artillery,  he  saw  that  that  arm  would 
not  afford  him  scope  enough  for  his  genius,  and 
that,  the  more  useful  he  made  himself  in  it,  the 
less  chance  would  he  have  for  service  in  the  other 
arms,  or  for  promotion  to  the  rank  of  a  general 


xviii  Introduction. 

officer.  Consequently  he  spared  no  proper  effort 
to  secure  the  command  of  a  regiment  of  infantry, 
and  did  not  rest  till  he  had  got  it.  This  gave  him 
a  larger  field  for  usefulness,  together  with  an  abun 
dance  of  that  kind  of  work  which  he  coveted  and 
for  which  he  was  peculiarly  fitted.  His  first  care 
was  to  secure  the  confidence  of  his  regiment,  and 
this  he  did  by  showing  it  that  he  knew  his  business 
in  all  its  details,  whether  in  camp,  on  the  march,  or 
in  battle.  His  constant  effort  was  to  keep  it  well 
supplied,  properly  clad,  and  under  perfect  drill 
and  discipline,  and  so  successful  was  he  in  all 
this  that  he  soon  became  noted  throughout  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  as  a  model  colonel.  He 
was  one  of  the  few  officers  in  service  who  prop 
erly  appreciated  the  value  of  an  address  to  his  men 
before  going  into  battle,  and  it  was  his  custom 
to  encourage  them  in  this  way  whenever  occasion 
offered. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  follow  him  through  the 
details  of  his  service  as  regimental  commander,  ex 
tending  from  October  23,  1862,  to  July  4,  1863.  This 
has  been  done  in  the  narrative  which  follows.  The 
command  of  a  brigade  came  to  him  in  due  time,  not 
only  by  seniority  as  a  colonel,  but  by  the  selection  of 
those  in  authority  over  him,  and  his  conduct  in  the 
still  broader  field  which  it  opened  was  characterized 
by  the  same  fertility  of  resource,  untiring  zeal,  and 
attention  to  details  that  had  hitherto  distinguished 
him.  No  duty  was  omitted.  Drill,  discipline,  and 
order  were  exacted  from  all,  and  supervised  by 
him  in  all  the  regiments  under  his  command.  Tac 
tics  and  formations  for  battle  were  most  carefully 


Introduction.  xix 

studied,  and  nothing  was  left  to  chance.  Every 
order  was  executed  by  him  with  the  greatest  possi 
ble  precision,  and  when  left  to  himself  he  provided 
for  every  contingency,  including  that  of  success 
as  well  as  that  of  failure.  As  a  consequence,  it 
soon  came  to  be  understood  that  Upton's  brigade 
must  lead  all  attacks  and  assaults  made  within 
his  reach,  and,  what  was  of  still  greater  credit  to 
him,  he  rarely  failed  to  carry  the  enemy's  position, 
whether  fortified  or  not.  This  was  not  mere  chance, 
nor  was  it  altogether  the  result  of  intrepidity  and 
clash.  He  showed  those  qualities  in  the  highest 
degree,  but  he  showed  prudent  foresight  and  good 
judgment,  combined  with  careful  preparation  for 
every  step  of  the  undertaking  assigned  to  him,  in  a 
still  higher  degree.  In  view  of  the  splendid  fighting 
qualities  of  the  rebel  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
and  of  the  great  vigilance  and  abilities  displayed 
by  Lee  and  his  subordinate  commanders  of  every 
grade,  and  considering  the  extraordinary  mortality 
that  always  attended  an  engagement  with  them,  it 
may  well  be  doubted  if  the  metal  of  any  soldier  of 
modern  times  was  ever  more  severely  tested  than 
was  Upton's  during  his  two  years'  service  in  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  especially  at  Salem 
Heights,  Rappahannock  Station,  in  the  Wilderness, 
or  while  leading  the  assaulting  column  of  twelve 
regiments  of  the  Sixth  Corps  which  carried  the 
Angle  of  the  enemy's  intrenchments  at  Spottsyl- 
vania.  The  abilities  displayed  by  him  on  this  occa 
sion  were  of  the  highest  character,  and  secured  for 
him  not  only  the  praises  of  the  whole  army,  but 
the  long-coveted  and  amply  earned  reward  of  a 


xx  Introduction. 

commission  as  brigadier-general  of  volunteers,  and 
also  as  brevet  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  regular  army. 
But  neither  the  hard  work  nor  the  hard  knocks 
were  over  yet.  He  displayed  the  same  high  quali 
ties  in  all  the  movements,  marches,  and  battles  which 
characterized  that  remarkable  campaign,  including 
the  bloody  actions  of  Cold  Harbor  and  the  siege 
and  assaults  of  the  rebel  works  about  Petersburg. 
His  conduct  throughout  these  trying  times  was 
absolutely  faultless  ;  while  his  cheerful  and  un 
shaken  confidence  in  the  ultimate  success  of  our 
arms  had  a  great  influence  on  those  about  him,  and 
was  worthy  of  all  praise.  He  was  prompt  and 
obedient  at  all  times  and  in  all  situations,  and  his 
alacrity  was  surpassed  only  by  the  resolution  and 
the  steadiness  which  he  displayed  in  the  desperate 
and  almost  constant  fighting  in  which  the  army  was 
engaged  for  nearly  a  year  after  Grant  took  com 
mand.  He  gave  loyal  and  unquestioning  support 
to  his  superior  officers,  and  especially  to  those  who 
were  in  chief  command  ;  but  it  must  not  be  sup 
posed  that  he  was  a  mere  machine  soldier,  or  that 
he  gave  his  approval  to  their  plans  as  he  gave 
obedience  to  their  orders.  He  studiously  and  care 
fully  refrained  from  public  criticism,  but  he  was  too 
good  an  officer  and  too  close  a  student  of  the  art 
of  Avar  to  blindly  shut  his  eyes  to  the  faults  which 
were  committed  about  him.  The  fact  is,  that  he 
saw  much  to  condemn  in  the  daily  operations  of  the 
army,  and  the  reader  will  not  fail  to  note  that  his 
active  mind  poured  itself  out  in  criticism  in  his  let 
ters  to  his  sister.  It  was  to  her  that  he  expressed  his 
disappointment  at  the  long  delay  of  his  promotion 


Introduction.  xxi 

to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  after  he  had  earned 
it  over  and  over  again ;  it  was  to  her  that  he  wrote 
during  the  overland  campaign :  "  Our  men  have  in 
many  instances  been  foolishly  and  wantonly  sacri 
ficed.  Assault  after  assault  has  been  ordered  upon 
the  enemy's  intrenchments  when  [the  general  order 
ing  it]  knew  nothing  about  the  strength  or  position 
of  the  enemy.  Thousands  of  lives  might  have  been 
spared  by  the  exercise  of  a  little  skill ;  but  as  it  is, 
the  courage  of  the  poor  men  is  expected  to  obviate 
all  difficulties.  I  must  confess  that,  so  long  as  I  see 
such  incompetency,  there  is  no  grade  in  the  army 
to  which  I  do  not  aspire."  It  was  also  to  her  he 
wrote :  "  We  are  now  at  Cold  Harbor,  where  we 
have  been  since  June  ist.  On  that  day  we  had  a 
murderous  engagement.  I  say  murdero2is,  because 
we  were  recklessly  ordered  to  assault  the  enemy's 
intrenchments  "  ;  and  again  :  "  I  am  very  sorry  to 
say  I  have  seen  but  little  generalship  during  the 
campaign.  Some  of  our  corps  commanders  are  not 
fit  to  be  corporals.  Lazy  and  incompetent,  they 
will  not  even  ride  along  their  lines ;  yet  without 
hesitancy  they  will  order  us  to  attack  the  enemy,  no 
matter  what  their  position  or  what  their  numbers. 
Twenty  thousand  of  our  killed  and  wounded  should 
to-day  be  in  our  ranks."  But  it  will  not  escape  the 
reader's  attention  that  Upton's  mind  was  not  content 
at  this  period  to  confine  itself  to  the  mere  condem 
nation  of  details.  It  was  incessantly  occupied  in 
trying  to  work  out  correct  solutions  for  all  the  mili 
tary  problems  then  engaging  the  army's  attention  ; 
and  while  subsequent  events  did  not  justify  all  his 
suggestions  or  criticisms,  the  careful  student  of 


xxii  Introduction. 

the  war  will  be  struck  by  the  extraordinary  grasp 
and  ability  displayed  in  the  arguments  and  con 
clusions  which  he  so  patiently  recounted,  perhaps 
for  his  own  improvement  as  much  as  for  the 
information  and  instruction  of  his  sister.  Nor 
will  the  reader  fail  to  note  that  as  early  as 
June  5,  1864,  when  Upton  was  not  yet  twenty- 
five  years  of  age,  he  had  not  only  detected  and 
pointed  out  the  crude  methods  and  incompetency 
which  were  so  prevalent,  but  had  frankly,  and 
with  pardonable  ambition,  declared  that  there 
was  no  grade  in  the  army  to  which  he  did  riot 
aspire. 

When  Lee  detached  Early  to  threaten  Washing 
ton  and  harry  the  Maryland  border,  it  was  Upton's 
good  fortune  to  be  sent  in  the  same  direction  with 
the  Sixth  Corps,  to  which  his  brigade  was  attached. 
He  took  part  in  all  the  operations  for  the  relief  and 
defense  of  the  capital,  and  finally  participated  in 
the  battle  of  the  Opequan  and  the  capture  of  Win 
chester,  in  which  Early 's  army  was  completely 
routed.  It  was  Upton's  brigade  which  first  de 
ployed  on  the  plateau  beyond  the  Opequan  after  its 
capture  by  the  cavalry.  It  was  his  brigade  and  the 
cavalry  division  which  covered  the  debouchcmcnt  of 
the  Sixth  Corps  from  the  defile  through  which  it 
was  compelled  to  advance,  and  held  the  field  till  it 
and  the  rest  of  the  army  could  deploy  and  form  for 
the  attack.  It  was  his  brigade  which,  by  a  change 
of  front  to  the  right,  arrested  the  flight  of  a  part  of 
the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  Corps,  and,  taking  the 
enemy  in  flank,  drove  them  back  in  confusion.  It 
was  also  his  brigade  which,  in  the  final  rush  of 


Introduction.  xxiii 

both  infantry  and  cavalry,  pierced  the  enemy's  left 
center,  and  made  the  victory  both  certain  and 
complete.  It  was  in  this  charge  that  the  heroic 
General  David  A.  Russell,  commanding  the  divis 
ion,  was  mortally  wounded.  He  was  promptly  suc 
ceeded  by  Upton,  who  pressed  the  division  for 
ward  with  conspicuous  ability  and  energy.  In  the 
full  tide  of  success  the  gallant  young  commander 
was  severely  wounded  on  the  inside  of  the  right 
thigh  by  a  fragment  of  a  bursting  shell.  The  mus 
cle  was  frightfully  lacerated  and  the  femoral  artery 
laid  bare,  but,  instead  of  retiring,  as  he  was  fully 
justified  in  doing,  and  indeed  as  he  was  ordered  to 
do  by  General  Sheridan  in  person,  he  called  his 
staff-surgeon  and  directed  him  to  stanch  the  bleed 
ing  wound  by  a  tourniquet.  As  soon  as  this  was 
done,  he  called  for  a  stretcher,  and  had  himself  borne 
about  the  field  thereon,  still  directing  the  move 
ments  of  his  victorious  division,  and  did  not  leave  it 
or  give  up  the  command  till  night  had  put  an  end  to 
the  pursuit.  The  fortitude  displayed  by  him  upon 
this  occasion  was  heroic  in  the  extreme,  and  marked 
him  as  a  man  of  extraordinary  nerve.  It  was  in 
notable  contrast  with  what  had  come  to  be  custom 
ary  on  such  occasions.  So  bloody  had  been  the 
Richmond  campaign  under  Grant,  that  both  officers 
and  men  counted  themselves  fortunate  when  they 
received  a  slight  wound,  which  might  be  honorably 
availed  of  as  an  excuse  for  leaving  the  field,  and 
thus  escaping  the  peril  of  a  mortal  one.  I  knew  a 
corps  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  in 
the  earlier  days  of  the  war,  famed  for  his  fighting 
qualities,  who  retired  from  battle  because  of  a 


xxiv  Introduction. 

trifling  flesh-wound  under  the  arch  of  the  right 
foot,  and  who  peremptorily  refused  to  return  to 
the  line,  although  he  was  urged  to  do  so,  if  need 
be,  in  an  ambulance  or  on  a  stretcher,  in  order  that 
his  corps  might  be  rallied  around  him,  and  pos 
sibly  avert  a  great  disaster,  if  it  did  not  win  a  great 
victory.  Few  men  have  had  such  an  opportunity 
for  fame.  Had  it  fallen  to  Upton's  lot,  can  any 
one  doubt  that  he  would  have  availed  himself  of 
it,  even  if  his  foot  had  been  taken  off,  instead  of 
being  so  slightly  wounded  that  he  could  have 
walked  upon  it,  as  did  the  corps  commander  in 
less  than  six  days  ?  Fortitude  on  the  part  of  a  gen 
eral  upon  such  occasions  is  the  greatest  of  mili 
tary  virtues.  It  inflames  the  soldiers  with  enthu 
siasm,  and  inspires  them  with  courage  as  nothing 
else  can. 

This  battle,  which  had  won  for  Upton  the  com 
mand  of  a  division,  closed  his  career  as  a  leader  of 
infantry  in  the  Union  army.  His  wound  was  so  se 
vere  that  he  was  entirely  disabled  by  it  till  the  mid 
dle  of  December  following.  Meanwhile  I  had  been 
assigned  to  the  task  of  reorganizing  and  command 
ing  the  Western  cavalry,  and  had  been  promised 
the  assistance  of  a  few  good  officers  from  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  I  had  asked  for  Upton  at  the  head 
of  the  list,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  travel 
he  joined  me  in  midwinter  at  Gravelly  Springs, 
Alabama,  after  the  close  of  the  Hood  campaign. 
His  wound  was  not  yet  entirely  healed,  but  he 
at  once  assembled  his  division  and  set  about 
its  instruction  with  all  his  accustomed  industry 
and  enthusiasm.  I  have  alluded  to  the  misgiv- 


Introduction.  xxv 

ings  which  troubled  him  at  the  beginning  of  his 
career  as  a  cavalry -commander,  and  have  re 
lated  how  he  gained  the  confidence  of  his  division 
by  his  untiring  devotion  to  their  wants  in  camp 
and  on  the  march,  no  less  than  by  his  conspicuous 
gallantry  and  generalship  in  action.  The  skill  dis 
played  by  him  in  the  capture  of  the  fortifications 
covering  Columbus  by  a  night  attack,  which  also 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  nearly  all  the  rebel  troops 
defending  them,  as  well  as  the  bridges  across  the 
Chattahoochee  River,  thus  securing  for  the  cavalry 
corps  a  safe  passage  of  that  river  into  the  city,  and 
opening  the  way  for  the  speedy  conquest  of  the  en 
tire  State  of  Georgia,  has  already  been  adverted  to. 
This  occurred  on  the  i6th  of  April,  1865,  and  was 
the  last  considerable  action  of  the  war.  It  has  been 
described  by  competent  military  critics  as  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  exploits  in  the  history  of  mod 
ern  cavalry.  Although  Upton  participated  in  all 
the  after-operations  consequent  upon  the  collapse 
of  the  Confederacy,  including  those  for  the  capture 
of  Jefferson  Davis  and  the  lesser  rebel  chiefs,  as 
well  as  in  the  dispositions  for  disbanding  the  na 
tional  army,  and  acquitted  himself  with  his  usual 
skill  and  ability,  it  may  be  said  that  the  capture  of 
Columbus  closed  his  brilliant  career  as  a  cavalry- 
officer.  His  service  in  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  and 
upon  the  Plains  followed  soon  after,  and  was  in  turn 
followed  by  his  marriage,  the  preparation  of  the  in 
fantry  tactics,  and  the  assimilation  of  the  cavalry 
and  artillery  tactics  thereto.  This  was  the  begin 
ning  of  his  life  as  a  student  of  the  art  of  war  in  its 
higher  branches.  His  instruction  at  West  Point, 


xxvi  Introduction. 

and  his  practical  experience  in  all  the  arms  of  ser 
vice  for  the  four  years  of  the  great  rebellion,  had 
taught  him  all  that  any  one  could  learn  of  a  soldier's 
practical  duties  in  the  field.  After  completing  his 
tour  as  commandant  of  cadets  at  West  Point,  and  as 
instructor  of  artillery,  infantry,  and  cavalry  tactics, 
he  was,  as  before  indicated,  sent  by  the  Government 
through  Asia  and  Europe  to  study  the  organization, 
equipment,  and  administration  of  armies.  Upon  his 
return  from  this  tour  he  was  assigned  to  duty  at 
the  Artillery  School  of  Practice  as  instructor  of  the 
art  of  war,  and,  while  thus  engaged,  prepared  and 
published  the  report  of  his  observations  in  Europe, 
and  began  his  work  on  the  "  Military  Policy  of  the 
United  States."  During  the  preparation  of  this 
work  he  analyzed  critically  all  the  records  of  the 
Government  in  relation  to  the  wars  in  which  it  had 
been  engaged,  from  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution 
to  the  end  of  the  rebellion  of  the  slave  States.  The 
story  of  all  this  is  clearly  and  fully  set  forth  in  the 
following  pages,  made  up  principally  of  Upton's 
own  letters,  written  with  the  utmost  freedom  and 
unconsciousness,  and,  as  their  context  shows,  with 
out  the  slightest  expectation  on  his  part  that  they 
would  ever  be  collected  or  printed.  They  exhibit 
his  character  in  all  the  stages  of  its  moral  and  intel 
lectual  evolution  more  completely  than  it  would  be 
possible  for  any  amount  of  description  on  the  part 
of  others  to  delineate  it.  And  so  it  only  remains  for 
me  to  say,  in  conclusion,  as  I  have  constantly  main 
tained  since  the  close  of  the  war,  that  at  that  time 
Upton  was  as  good  an  artillery-officer  as  could  be 
found  in  any  country,  the  equal  of  any  cavalry-corn- 


Introduction.  xxvii 

mander  of  his  day,  and,  all  things  considered,  was 
the  best  commander  of  a  division  of  infantry  in 
either  the  Union  or  the  rebel  army.  He  was  the 
equal  of  Custer  or  Kilpatrick  in  dash  and  enter 
prise,  and  vastly  the  superior  of  either  in  discipline 
and  administration,  whether  on  the  march  or  in  the 
camp.  He  was  incontestably  the  best  tactician  of 
either  army,  and  this  is  true  whether  tested  by  bat 
tle  or  by  the  evolutions  of  the  drill-field  and  pa 
rade.  In  view  of  his  success  in  all  arms  of  the  serv 
ice,  it  is  not  too  much  to  add  that  he  could  scarce 
ly  have  failed  as  a  corps  or  an  army  commander  had 
it  been  his  good  fortune  to  be  called  to  such  rank. 
And  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  he  would 
have  had  a  corps  of  cavalry  had  the  war  lasted 
sixty  days  longer,  or  that,  with  the  continuation  of 
the  struggle,  he  would  have  been  in  due  time  put 
at  the  head  of  an  army.  No  one  can  read  the  story 
of  his  brilliant  career  without  concluding  that  he 
had  a  real  genius  for  war,  together  with  all  the  the 
oretical  and  practical  knowledge  which  any  one 
could  acquire  in  regard  to  it.  He  was  the  equal,  if 
not  the  superior,  of  Hoche,  Desaix,  or  Skobeleff,  in 
all  the  military  accomplishments  and  virtues,  and 
up  to  the  time  when  he  was  disabled  by  the  disease 
which  caused  his  death  he  was,  all  things  consid 
ered,  the  most  accomplished  soldier  in  our  service. 
His  life  was  pure  and  upright,  his  bearing  chiv- 
alric  and  commanding,  his  conduct  modest  and 
unassuming,  and  his  character  absolutely  without 
blemish.  History  can  not  furnish  a  brighter  ex 
ample  of  unselfish  patriotism,  or  of  ambition  un 
sullied  by  an  ignoble  thought  or  an  unworthy  deed. 


xxviii  Introduction. 

He  was  a  credit  to  the  State  and  family,  which 
gave  him  his  birth,  to  the  Military  Academy  which 
educated  him,  and  to  the  army  in  which  he  served. 
So  long  as  the  Union  has  such  soldiers  as  he  to 
defend  it,  it  will  be  perpetual. 

JAMES  HARRISON  WILSON. 
WILMINGTON,  DEL.,  May  2, 1885. 


EMORY    UPTON. 


CHAPTER   I. 

BOYHOOD. 

EMORY  UPTON  was  the  tenth  child  and  sixth  son 
of  Daniel  and  Electa  Upton,  and  was  born  on  the 
27th  of  August,  1839,  in  Batavia,  Genesee  County, 
New  York.  He  was  a  direct  descendant  of  John 
Upton,  a  Scotchman,  the  founder  of  the  families  of 
that  name  in  this  country. 

John  Upton  came  to  America  about  the  year 
1650,  and  settled  in  Danvers,  Massachusetts,  then 
called  Salem  village,  where  his  son  William  was 
born  in  1663,  and  his  grandson  William  in  1703. 
The  son  and  grandson  of  the  latter,  both  also  bear 
ing  the  name  of  William,  were  born  in  North  Read 
ing,  in  1729  and  1759  respectively.  The  latter,  re 
moving  to  Dublin,  New  Hampshire,  married  Mary 
Morse,  and  the  second  son  by  this  marriage  was 
born  in  Dublin  in  1796,  and  is  the  father  of  Emory, 
the  subject  of  this  sketch. 

On  his  mother's  side,  he  was  descended  from 
Stephen  Randall,  a  native  of  New  Hampshire. 
Born  in  Nottingham  in  1782,  he  married  Rachel 
Fifield,  in  Danville,  Vermont,  in  1799.  On  the  2<^ 


011. 


of  February,  1815,  after  a  severe  wintry  journey  of 
three  weeks,  Mr.  Randall,  with  his  family,  consist 
ing  of  his  wife  and  nine  children,  reached  the  site  of 
a  farm  which  he  had  selected  in  the  then  unbroken 
wilderness,  near  Stafford,  Genesee  County,  New 
York,  and,  within  twenty-four  hours  after  their  ar 
rival,  they  were  under  their  own  shelter.  With 
characteristic  industry  and  prudence  they  not  only 
reared  a  family  of  fourteen  children,  but  acquired 
a  competency,  which  was  ever  dispensed  with  such 
generosity  as  to  make  this  home  known  far  and 
wide  as  a  center  of  hospitality. 

Daniel  Upton,  the  father  of  Emory,  removing  to 
New  York,  purchased  a  farm  in  Batavia,  Genesee 
County,  then  a  tract  of  native  woods,  and  felled 
the  first  tree  for  the  improvement  of  his  homestead. 
On  September  30,  1821,  he  married  Electa  Ran 
dall,  and  the  young  couple  immediately  began  their 
married  life  in  a  log-cabin. 

Members  of  the  Methodist  Protestant  Church, 
the  parents  of  Upton  have  been  zealous  Christians, 
whose  lives  have  been  consistent  with  their  public 
professions  of  faith.  Earnest  believers  in  temper 
ance,  and  stanch  advocates  of  unfettered  freedom, 
holding  slavery  to  be  a  moral  wrong,  Mr.  Upton 
never  hesitated,  either  by  word  or  vote,  to  plant 
himself  squarely  and  unmistakably  on  the  side  of 
what  he  held  to  be  right  on  these  questions.  He 
perceived  the  great  value  of  education,  and  gave 
his  children  every  advantage  that  was  possible  in 
his  circumstances. 

Mrs.  Upton  inherited  a  rare  executive  ability, 
sweetened  by  a  cheerful  disposition  and  sustained 


Boyhood.  3 

by  a  hopeful  perseverance.  A  loving  wife,  she  be 
came  the  honored  mother  of  thirteen  children.  Her 
life,  necessarily  a  continual  sacrifice,  has  been  to  her, 
nevertheless,  full  of  recompense  and  of  peace  and 
joy.  To  his  mother,  with  her  abnegation  of  self, 
her  untiring  industry,  her  hopeful  encouragement 
in  the  face  of  trials  and  disappointments,  her  tender 
hearted  solicitude  and  watchful  care  in  the  gradual 
unfolding  of  physical  and  mental  characteristics, 
Emory  Upton  early  gave  testimony  as  the  true 
source  of  all  his  success  and  honor  in  life.  The 
name  of  mother  was  ever  the  tenderest  and  gentlest 
of  words  to  him,  for  it  awakened  the  memory  of  a 
pure  and  boundless  love  which  had  never  failed  him. 

Emory  Upton  spent  his  early  years  upon  a  farm, 
acquiring  health  and  strength  in  bodily  develop 
ment  and  the  Christian  influences  of  a  pious  home 
for  the  support  and  direction  of  his  intellectual  life. 

The  educational  advantages  enjoyed  by  him 
were  such  as  were  common  to  the  neighborhood, 
supplemented  by  the  instruction  received  from  his 
elder  brothers  and  sisters.  As  he  approached  his 
fifteenth  year,  however,  his  growing  ambition  urged 
him  to  seek  the  advantage  of  a  term  in  college,  and, 
with  the  assistance  and  assent  of  his  parents,  he 
spent  the  winter  of  1854-' 5  5  at  Oberlin  College,  in 
Ohio. 

It  appears,  from  the  recollections  of  an  intimate 
friend  and  schoolmate,  that  he  had,  at  even  that 
early  day,  a  strong  wish  to  enter  the  Military 
Academy  at  West  Point,  which  colored  his  youthful 
life,  and  in  some  measure  controlled  his  thoughts 
and  actions.  He  was  indebted  to  his  brother 


4  Emory  Upton. 

James  for  this  idea,  which  was  speedily  developed 
into  an  ardent  desire  for  a  military  career  by  read 
ing  the  life  of  Napoleon. 

Young  as  he  was  at  his  first  separation  from 
home,  he  possessed  a  strong  character  and  an  inde 
pendent  spirit,  as  is  clearly  shown  in  the  following 
narrative  of  a  friend  *  who  was  his  close  compan 
ion  while  a  student  at  Oberlin  : 

" .  .  .  Whatever  means  he  might  be  able  to  se 
cure  from  home  at  this  time,  toward  paying  his 
board  and  tuition  bills,  he  took  a  pride  in  not  de 
pending  on  it,  or  in  calling  upon  home  for  money. 
He  worked  as  many  hours  each  day  as  I  did.  Our 
work  was  chiefly  about  the  planing-mill  and  sash- 
factory  of  Mr.  S.  Ellis.  We  were  paid  eight  cents 
an  hour,  and  our  work  consisted  for  the  most  part 
in  attending  to  the  drying-kiln,  filling  it  and  empty 
ing  it,  in  which  the  poplar  lumber  was  prepared  for 
use  in  the  factory.  Besides  this,  we  did  any  work 
that  we  could  do  within  the  hours  we  had  allowed 
for  that  purpose.  We  fully  agreed  that  no  one 
should  be  ashamed  of  doing  what  ought  to  be 
done.  The  hours  that  other  boys  of  our  age  spent 
in  recreation,  we  spent  in  hard  work.  We  scarcely 
took  an  hour's  recreation  in  the  week  excepting  on 
Sundays,  when  we  went  into  the  deep  woods,  at 
that  time  quite  plenty  about  Oberlin,  and  even 
then  we  combined  business  with  pleasure,  for  in 
the  depths  of  the  forest  we  read  our  essays  to  each 
other,  or  declaimed  the  pieces  for  the  coming  rhe 
torical  exercises  of  the  week.  At  that  time,  even, 
Emory  could  write  well  (not  chirographically  by 

*  Now  Rev.  Father  O'Reilly. 


Boyhood.  5 

any  means),  but  his  oratorical  powers  were  defect 
ive.  However,  he  used  to  console  himself  by  say 
ing  that  a  soldier  did  not  need  to  be  an  orator,  for 
that,  if  he  ever  had  to  speak,  it  would  be  to  his  men 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  on  such  occasions  an 
oration  must  be  necessarily  short,  and  he  thought 
he  would  be  able  for  that. 

"  He  had  no  taste  for  useless  ornament  in  his 
writings,  and  never  allowed  himself  to  seek  for  fre 
quent  adjectives  and  high-sounding  words,  as  young 
writers  are  wont  to  do ;  for  if  he  were  told,  *  That 
sentence  sounds  poetical,'  he  would  quietly  change 
it  to  a  more  prosy  form. 

"  He  had  no  love  for  poets  or  musicians  in  those 
days.  His  ambition  was  to  secure  the  solid  basis 
of  a  practical  education. 

"  His  personal  appearance  at  that  time  was  very 
different  from  his  appearance  the  last  time  I  saw 
him.  He  was  thin  and  wiry,  quite  freckled,  his 
hair  standing  nearly  straight ;  always  in  a  hurry ; 
spoke  like  lightning ;  very  quick  of  perception,  for 
he  often  cut  a  person  off  in  the  middle  of  a  remark 
with  his  own  reply,  which  was  always  to  the  point. 
.  .  .  After  our  work,  which  was  over  at  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  we  went  to  study.  We  never  stud 
ied  the  same  lesson  together,  unless  we  were  pushed 
for  time,  but,  whenever  we  could,  we  always  re 
viewed  our  lessons  together  just  before  going  to 
class. 

"  He  never  slept  on  a  pillow ;  he  made  his  side 
of  the  bed  perfectly  level,  and  used  it  in  this  way. 
He  was  afraid  of  becoming  round-shouldered.  He 
would  not  crack  a  nut  with  his  teeth,  or  use  any- 


6  Emory  Upton. 

thing  that  he  thought  might  injure  them,  as,  he 
said,  to  have  good  teeth  was  a  condition  to  enter 
West  Point.  We  never  took  any  part  in  the  foolish 
freaks  of  the  boys,  and  yet  we  had  plenty  of  com 
pany  in  our  room,  and  always  stood  good  friends 
with  our  comrades. 

"  The  great  abolition  movement,  the  under 
ground  railroad,  bleeding  Kansas,  and  all  the 
*  isms'  of  that  nature,  were  alive  about  this  time. 
Emory  never  took  any  part  in  these  demonstra 
tions,  nor  spent  time  to  hear  the  lectures  and 
speeches  on  these  subjects  except,  perhaps,  '  Old 
John  Brown/  and  of  him  he  did  not  think  much. 
He  was  strongly  opposed  to  slavery,  yet  he  never 
engaged  in  talking  about  it  as  other  young  men 
did.  More  than  once,  on  returning  from  rhetorical 
exercises,  he  would  say :  '  I  am  sick  of  such  stuff. 
Let  those  fellows  learn  their  lessons  now  while  at 
school,  and  by-and-by,  if  they  have  any  brains,  they 
may  be  able  to  do  some  good.' 

"  We  joined  a  literary  society,  but,  on  becoming 
members,  we  found  it  inclined  to  be  an  infidel  affair, 
and  at  once  left  it.  I  never  knew  Emory  Upton  to 
use  profane  language,  or  speak  with  the  least  disre- 
pect  of  religion,  its  ministers,  or  members  as  such. 
The  only  useless  phrase  he  used  was  '  confound  it.' 
This  served  all  occasions.  I  never  knew  him  to 
speak  with  the  least  levity  of  a  woman,  nor  take 
any  pleasure  in  jests  or  stories  that  inclined  to  any 
thing  disrespectful  of  the  sex. 

"  Very  naturally  we  often  talked  about  what  we 
should  each  try  to  be.  To  me  it  seemed  almost 
impossible  to  reach  my  object.  He  had  strong 


Boyhood.  7 

hopes  of  entering  West  Point,  and  kept  that  in 
view  all  the  time.  He  frequently  built  large  castles 
in  the  air,  and,  strange  to  say,  the  reality  of  his  suc 
cess  as  a  military  man  surpassed  in  brilliancy  the 
imagination  of  his  youth. 

"  I  have  said  that  he  was  strongly  opposed  to 
Southern  slavery.  No  one  could  be  more  so.  At 
this  time  no  one  could  anticipate  the  terrible  war 
of  the  rebellion  but  as  a  possibility.  He  again  and 
again  felt  sure  that  war  would  come.  He  said  that 
he  would  be  just  ready  for  it.  While  I  had  no  sym 
pathy  with  slavery,  I  was  not  as  decided  an  aboli 
tionist  as  he  was.  So,  on  one  occasion  of  a  talk  of  the 
above  nature,  we  agreed  that,  if  he  should  be  a  gen 
eral  before  he  was  forty-five  years  of  age,  and  slavery 
abolished,  I  should  present  him  with  a  splendid  re 
volver,  with  something  engraved  on  it  to  indicate 
the  occasion  and  the  reason  why  it  was  given.  If 
he  were  not  a  general  at  that  age,  he  should  give  me 
books  to  suit  me,  of  a  corresponding  value.  This  was 
to  be  the  mark  or  test,  should  we  live,  that  as  boys 
we  could  see  something  of  the  great  coming  events." 

It  so  happened  that  at  this  time  Judge  Benjamin 
Pringle  represented  in  Congress  the  New  York  dis 
trict  in  which  young  Upton  resided,  and  to  him 
the  youth  owed  the  possession  of  what  he  so  much 
coveted.  In  transmitting  the  letter  of  appointment 
from  the  Secretary  of  War  to  Upton,  Judge  Pringle 
thus  advised  him : 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  12,  1856. 

DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  the  pleasure  of  indorsing  a 
notice  signed  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  informing 


8  Emory  Upton. 

you  that  the  President  has  conditionally  appointed 
you  a  cadet  in  the  military  service  of  the  United 
States.  I  selected  you  for  the  place  because,  from 
representations  made  by  your  friends  concerning 
you,  and  from  my  slight  acquaintance  with  you,  I 
believed  that  you  possessed  sufficient  talent  and 
ability,  honesty  and  integrity,  industry,  energy,  and 
perseverance  to  enable  you  to  pass  the  ordeal  at 
West  Point  creditably.  Should  you  fail,  it  will  be 
mortifying  to  me  and  to  your  other  friends,  but  I 
trust  there  will  be  no  failure.  You  will  enter  the 
academy  under  favorable  circumstances,  and  you 
must  make  every  reasonable  effort  to  attain  and 
maintain  a  high  standing  in  your  class,  and  if  pos 
sible  carry  off  the  first  honors.  You  can  hardly 
imagine  the  interest  that  I  feel  and  shall  continue  to 
feel  for  your  success.  By  doing  well  for  yourself, 
you  will  honor  me.  The  place  to  which  you  are 
appointed  has  been  sought  by  many  and  supported 
by  influential  friends,  but  I  thought  best  to  choose 
you,  and  you  must  prove  to  the  world  that  I  have 
made  a  good  choice. 

The  first  step  toward  the  realization  of  his  am 
bition  had  been  taken,  and,  intermingled  with  the 
great  happiness  that  almost  overwhelmed  the  young 
appointee,  there  was  an  ever-present  determination, 
stronger  even  than  his  joy,  that  nothing  should  be 
left  undone  on  his  part  to  show  to  Judge  Pringle 
that  he  would  prove  worthy  of  his  favor.  Never 
in  his  after  honorable  career  did  he  forget  the  debt 
he  owed  the  judge,  and  in  his  times  of  marked  suc 
cess  he  constantly  reiterated,  "  I  owe  all  to  Judge 


Boyhood.  9 

Pringle."  Loyalty  and  gratitude  were  henceforth 
prominent  among  his  other  good  qualities.  Every 
spare  hour  (and  he  ordinarily  rose  those  wintry 
mornings  before  five  o'clock),  after  the  reception  of 
the  above  letter,  was  devoted  to  his  studies,  that  he 
might  not  fail  on  his  entrance  examination,  and  with 
such  success  that,  on  the  ist  of  July,  1856,  he  was 
admitted  a  conditional  cadet  into  the  Military  Acad 
emy  at  West  Point. 

In  considering  the  influences  that  so  far  had 
molded  this  as  yet  uneventful  life,  there  are  some 
traits  that  may  be  specially  designated.  As  a  boy 
he  was  conscientious,  for  he  did  his  duty  willingly, 
cheerfully,  and  thoroughly  before  he  sought  the 
pleasures  of  play  and  recreation ;  he  was  pure  in 
heart,  clean  of  speech,  and  took  no  delight  in  coarse 
jests  or  idle  words ;  and,  above  all,  he  was  greatly 
in  earnest  in  whatever  he  undertook,  and  thus  he 
accomplished  more  than  he  had  hoped. 


CHAPTER  II. 

CADET-LIFE  AT  WEST   POINT. 

UPTON  reported  at  West  Point  on  the  3d  of 
June,  1856,  and  it  was  soon  evident  that  he  came 
with  a  firm  determination  to  meet  manfully  all  dif 
ficulties,  and  to  "  become  a  general  before  he  was 
forty-five  years  of  age." 

By  the  2oth  of  June  there  were  gathered  to 
gether  from  all  sections  of  the  country  about  one 
hundred  young  men  on  the  same  errand,  selected, 
for  one  reason  or  another,  by  their  respective  Con 
gressmen  as  fit  to  enter  upon  military  life.  It  is  an 
instructive  sight,  and  one  calculated  to  give  rise  to 
many  emotions,  to  look  upon  the  earnest  counte 
nances  of  these  youths.  For  the  time  being  they 
may  be  taken  as  the  truest  outcome  of  our  people, 
representing,  in  their  undeveloped  powers,  the  im 
mediate  future  generation  of  our  country,  as  the 
members  of  Congress  represent  the  present.  The 
dress,  appearance,  stature,  dialect,  culture,  and  ma 
terial  condition  of  the  various  sections  of  the  coun 
try,  are  here  well  exhibited,  not  as  the  best  but 
rather  as  the  average.  But,  after  the  young  men 
have  passed  through  their  elementary  drill,  and  are 
uniformed,  the  barriers  due  to  differences  of  pre 
vious  condition  are  soon  broken  down,  and  those 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  n 

elements  of  humanity  that  unite  us  to  our  friends 
and  associates  prove  stronger  than  the  accidents  of 
birth,  or  the  influences  of  wealth  or  station.  Like 
seek  like  :  the  manly  and  generous  join  in  comrade 
ship  ;  the  weak  and  trifling  are  mingled  but  not 
united ;  the  vicious  seek  strength  in  union,  and  so 
the  several  strata  are  arranged.  The  strongest  as 
sociations  are  at  first  those  of  classmates,  but  in  later 
years  these  include  members  of  other  classes.  The 
deprivations,  hardships,  and  sacrifices  of  the  mili 
tary  service  cement  these  friendly  associations  in 
after-life  into  the  love  and  affection  of  a  great  broth 
erhood. 

Upton  was  exceptionally  well-equipped  for  the 
new  life  upon  which  he  was  now  about  to  enter. 
With  high  principles,  and  the  courage  to  defend 
them  when  the  occasion  was  pressing,  he  possessed 
the  modest  demeanor  of  true  worth.  At  first,  he 
suffered  under  the  imputation  of  a  lack  of  courage 
from  his  quiet  and  unassuming  behavior ;  in  the 
end,  his  comrades  discovered  that  they  had  mis 
taken  his  character.  None  suspected,  underneath 
the  modest  bearing,  the  existence  of  the  high  pur 
pose  to  which  he  had  devoted  his  whole  heart. 
He  perfectly  understood  that  before  he  could  re 
ceive  the  diploma  of  the  institution,  and  his  com 
mission  as  an  officer  of  the  army,  work  would  have 
to  be  done,  so  great  in  its  importance  to  him  that, 
to  accomplish  it  well,  he  would  need  the  steadiest 
application  of  his  time,  the  severest  study,  and  the 
concentration  of  all  his  physical  and  mental  powers. 
It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  he — a  youth  of  sixteen 
— clearly  foresaw  the  danger  which  threatened  the 


12  Emory  Upton. 

Union,  and  actively  sought  to  fit  himself  most  thor 
oughly  to  aid  in  its  preservation. 

Making  due  allowances  for  the  impetuosity  of 
youth,  the  following  extracts  from  his  letters  to  his 
sister  Maria  give  a  reasonably  true  exhibit  of  the 
influence  of  West  Point  training  in  the  formation  of 
our  embryo  soldier ;  and,  in  passing,  we  must  not 
fail  to  estimate  at  its  true  value  the  effect  of  this 
sister's  love,  which,  alive  to  his  needs,  cultivated 
with  its  womanly  power  the  nobler  qualities  of  her 
brother,  and  with  its  clear  intuition  guided  and 
directed  him  in  his  new  career.  Let  these  letters, 
then,  written  in  the  freshness  of  youth  and  with  the 
generous  confidence  of  boyhood,  tell  the  story  of 
his  cadet-life : 

February  25,  1857. 

DEAR  SISTER  :  .  .  .  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  your 
good  health  and  assiduity  to  study,  and  that  you 
are  exerting  every  faculty  in  the  laudable  pursuit 
of  education.  I  am  striving  equally  hard  for  the 
same.  I  am  sure  that  few  have  the  facilities  offered 
for  getting  an  education  which  I  have,  and  not  to 
take  advantage  of  these  privileges  is  inconsistent. 
I  study  from  6  to  7  A.  M.,  and  from  8  A.  M.  to  i  P.  M., 
including  recitations  ;  then  from  2  to  4  P.  M.  I  read 
newspapers  and  write  letters ;  from  4  p.  M.  till  sun 
down  is  release  from  quarters,  which  I  usually  spend 
in  the  library  reading,  and  then  study  from  7  to  9.30 
p.  M. ;  so  that  you  see  my  time  is  pretty  well  occu 
pied.  Perhaps  a  few  of  my  daily  marks  would  give 
you  an  idea  of  my  progress.  ...  So  long  as  I  can 
keep  up  to  these  marks  I  am  not  in  danger  of  being 
found  deficient.  ...  I  am  passionately  attached  to 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  13 

West  Point,  and  would  not  give  up  my  appoint 
ment  here  for  a  million  dollars.  I  want  you  to 
come  here  next  encampment  and  see  the  beautiful 
scenery  that  I  have  often  tried  to  describe. 

WEST  POINT,  April  12,  1857. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  ...  In  your  last  letter  you 
asked  if  I  sincerely  believed  in  a  God.  I  can  say 
yes.  I  also  believe  in  the  religion  inculcated  by  the 
ministers  of  God.  .  .  .  Few  men  now  disbelieve  re 
ligion,  and  those  are  mostly  ignorant  men.  Vol 
taire,  the  greatest  modern  infidel,  shrank  from 
death  ;  and  why  ?  Because  of  his  unbelief.  He 
was  afraid  to  enter  eternity.  I  hope  that  you  will 
never  desert  the  good  cause  you  have  espoused, 
and  that  you  will  do  much  good  in  your  life.  As 
for  myself,  I  take  the  Bible  as  the  standard  of  mo 
rality,  and  try  to  read  two  chapters  in  it  daily. 

WEST  POINT,  September  7,  1857. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  ...  In  your  letter  you  al 
lude  to  my  demerit.  I  must  say  that  it  gave  me  the 
bluest  kind  of  blues  ;  not  because  it  made  me  have 
any  apprehension  of  being  "  found,"  but  because 
you  look  upon  them  in  a  wrong  light.  Now,  I'll 
disabuse  you  of  this  error.  You  use  the  term  "  bad 
marks."  Bad  signifies  to  you,  evil,  wrong,  immoral, 
and  wicked,  which  placed  before  marks  signifies 
that  I  have  been  doing  something  wrong  or  im 
moral — something  which  conscience  disapproves. 
That  is  wrong,  not  only  in  the  sight  of  a  military 
man,  but  of  God.  Now,  what  moral  wrong  is  there 
in  "  laughing  in  ranks,"  in  being  "  late  at  roll-call," 


14  Emory  Upton. 

"  not  stepping  off  at  command,"  "  not  having  coat 
buttoned  throughout,"  and  kindred  reports  ?  Now, 
is  that  wrong  in  the  sight  of  God  ?  I  say,  no  !  But 
it  is  wrong  only  in  the  sight  of  a  military  man,  and 
it  is  from  such  reports  that  I  get  my  demerits  or 
"  bad  marks."  I  can  say  I  have  never  received  an 
immoral  report,  such  as  "  using  profane  language." 
I  thank  you  for  the  kind  admonition,  and  to  please 
you  I  will  try  to  get  as  few  as  possible.  I  have  only 
one  so  far  this  month,  and  if  I  get  no  more  that  will 
come  off.  I  certainly  shall  be  careful  enough  to 
prevent  being  cut  a  single  day  on  furlough. 

WEST  POINT,  February  13,  1858. 

DEAR  SISTER  :  .  .  .  I  received  a  letter  from  Sis 
ter  L ,  in  which  she  says  that  she  and  S — 

have  experienced  religion.  I  hope  they  may  have 
the  strength  to  defend  and  exemplify  it  throughout 
their  whole  lives,  I  also  hope  they  have  attained  it 
through  a  firm  conviction  of  its  being  right,  and 
that  the  irresistible  current  of  a  protracted  meeting 
did  not  hasten  them  to  take  such  an  important  step. 
Do  not  infer  from  this  that  I  am  opposed  to  such 
meetings,  for  I  am  not ;  on  the  contrary,  I  think  they 
cause  two  thirds  of  the  true  conversions,  but  you 
know  that  young  and  inconsiderate  persons  often 
catch  the  enthusiasm  of  an  excited  minister,  and  be 
lieve  they  have  found  religion ;  but,  as  soon  as  the 
meetings  cease,  their  enthusiasm  subsides,  from  the 
want  of  thorough  conviction,  and  they  necessarily 
revert  to  their  primitive  state.  My  reason  for  not 
seeking  religion  can  only  be  ascribed  to  a  queer 
kind  of  apathy. 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  15 

WEST  POINT,  February  9,  1859. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  .  .  .  The  perusal  of  your 
last  letter  gave  me  great  pain,  yet  I  am  glad  you 
gave  me  so  clear  an  insight  into  brother  Le  Roy's 
disease.  I  have  but  little  hope  of  his  recovery,  and 
I  only  ask  that  he  may  be  prepared  for  his  last  great 
change.  Oh,  that  I  could  by  look,  word,  or  deed, 
ease  his  condition,  but  I  can  only  think  of  and  pity 
him  !  My  last  thoughts  at  night  and  my  first  wak 
ing  thoughts  are  of  him.  How  I  wish  I  was  at 
home,  to  watch  by  him  and  contribute  my  mite  to 
ward  comforting  him  !  May  he  not  delay  in  mak 
ing  his  peace  with  God !  How  thankful  I  am  for 
such  parents  as  we  have  !  Their  sacred  influence  is 
ever  about  us,  shielding  us  from  temptation,  and 
teaching  us  the  true  object  of  life.  If  Le  Roy  can 
not  get  well,  I  wish  to  be  sent  for ;  I  can  not  part 
with  him  forever  without  a  last  farewell. 

WEST  POINT,  March  26,  1859. 

DEAR  SISTER:  .  .  .  Dear  Le  Roy's  request  to 
me  shall  not  be  unheeded.  I  have  resolved,  yes, 
begun  to  seek  the  Lord,  and  shall  continue  till  I  find 
him.  "  He  is  slow  to  anger  and  of  great  kindness." 
Relying  on  the  promise  that  "  whosoever  will  seek 
mercy  shall  obtain  it,"  I  will  leave  no  effort  untried, 
but  will  work  diligently  to  the  end.  .  .  . 

WEST  POINT,  Aptil  23,  1859. 

DEAR  SISTER:  .  .  .  You  have  doubtless  heard 
that  I  have  put  my  trust  in  the  "  Friend  that  sticketh 
closer  than  a  brother."  Such  is  my  hope.  Life  is 
but  an  instant  as  compared  with  eternity,  and,  when 


1 6  Emory  Upton. 

we  reflect  that  our  future  condition  depends  upon 
our  actions  here  in  this  world,  it  is  but  reasonable 
that  we  should  bow  before  the  Creator,  to  acknowl 
edge  his  supremacy  and  ask  his  forgiveness  for 
our  manifold  violations  of  his  law.  I  feel  that  I 
could  resign  everything  to  do  his  will  and  to  gain 
his  approbation.  To-day  being  Easter,  the  Lord's 
Supper  will  be  celebrated.  I  intend  to  partake  of  it 
willingly,  and  hope  that  I  may  be  strengthened  in 
my  resolutions  to  serve  him  faithfully  to  the  end. 
The  army  is  a  hard  place  to  practice  religion ; 
though  few  scoff  at  it,  yet  a  great  majority  totally 
disregard  it.  Still,  through  the  prayers  of  others  I 
hope  to  lead  a  Christian  life,  and  to  do  as  much 
good  in  the  army  as  in  any  other  profession.  I  do 
not  think  that  Christians  have  ever  disgraced  the 
profession  of  arms  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  those 
who  have,  most  ennobled  it. 

WEST  POINT,  May  i,  1859. 

DEAR  COUSIN   E :    I  have  heard  that  you 

have  experienced  a  change  of  heart,  and  that  you 
propose  to  live  hereafter  a  Christian  life.  This  gives 
me  great  joy.  I,  too,  have  given  myself  up  to  God. 
Being,  therefore,  new  laborers  in  the  vineyard  of 
the  Lord,  I  thought  that  a  correspondence  might 
mutually  benefit  and  strengthen  us  in  the  determi 
nation  we  have  made.  I  do  sincerely  hope  that  you 
have  "  offered  yourself  as  a  sacrifice,  holy  and  ac 
ceptable  before  the  Lord,"  and  have  a  hope  of  im 
mortality.  What  a  blessed  thought!  Is  it  not  a 
sufficient  inducement  to  remain  faithful  to  the  end  ? 
Yes !  what  is  the  length  of  life,  compared  with  nev- 


Cadet- Life  at  West  Point.  17 

er-ending  eternity  ?  Infinitely  small.  Yet  our  ac 
tions  during  this  instant  are  to  determine  our  future 
condition  throughout  eternity.  Let  us  strive  to 
show  ourselves  worthy  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 
Let  us  be  true  to  the  trust  confided  in  us.  We 
must  necessarily  encounter  difficulties.  We  may 
have  to  bear  the  scoffs  of  the  world,  but  we  should 
recollect  that  the  Son  of  God  not  only  had  to  bear 
this,  but  he  was  crucified,  and  his  blood  was  shed 
for  us.  Doubts  may  arise  in  our  minds ;  but  we 
must  remember  that  we  are  finite  beings,  and  God 
is  infinite.  How,  therefore,  can  we  expect  to  com 
prehend  the  ways  of  an  Infinite  Being?  Let  us 
drop  these  doubts  whenever  they  arise,  and  hope 
and  trust  in  God,  "  who  is  just  and  merciful,  slow 
to  anger,  and  of  great  kindness."  The  more  diffi 
culties  we  triumph  over,  the  greater  will  be  our 
reward.  Let  us  not,  therefore,  be  discouraged  or 
disheartened,  but  may  we  grow  in  the  knowledge 
and  love  of  God,  that  we  may  finally  be  accounted 
worthy  of  a  seat  at  his  right  hand. 

WEST  POINT,  'January  6,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  Another  year  has  joined  the 
past,  and  1860,  bright  with  promises,  has  dawned 
upon  us.  "  We  know  not  what  a  day  may  bring 
forth."  1860  may  be  as  indelibly  stamped  upon  our 
memories  as  1859  or  ^56,  when  our  loved  ones 
were  summoned  from  earth.  As  we  look  over  our 
diminished  numbers,  we  ask  who  is  to  go  next.  The 
one  most  robust  in  health  may  be  the  first  to  suc 
cumb  to  disease.  Let  us  thank  God  for  his  good 
ness  and  mercy,  for  we  feel  that  he  has  called  them 


1 8  Emory  Upton. 

unto  his  glory.  We  should  be  more  watchful,  more 
diligent  in  our  services  to  God  than  we  have  been. 
Let  our  united  prayers  ascend  to  God  that  he  may 
hasten  the  conversion  of  those  of  our  family  who 
still  delay. 

WEST  POINT,  Januarys,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  .  .  .  The  nature  of  your  letter 
shows  conclusively  your  deep  interest  in  my  wel 
fare.  Your  letter  did  me  much  good.  In  order  to 
answer  its  questions,  I  had  to  examine  myself  to  as 
certain  what  motives  actuate  me.  I  can  not  be  too 
thankful  for  having  been  reared  under  Christian  in 
fluences,  for  especially  at  this  time  do  I  need  the 
assistance  of  God  to  keep  me  in  the  path  of  recti 
tude.  We  are  living  in  perilous  times.  Govern 
ment,  society,  everything  seem  to  be  on  the  verge 
of  revolution.  The  passions  of  the  people  are  be 
ing  waked  up,  and  they  must  have  vent.  God  is 
directing  the  storm,  and  all  is  for  the  best.  We 
may  ask,  How  have  we  incurred  his  displeasure? 
The  answer  is  easy.  Mormonism,  spiritualism,  in 
temperance,  slavery,  corruption  in  politics,  either 
of  which  is  almost  sufficient  to  curse  a  people. 
Few  there  are  who  have  not  bowed  the  knee  to 
Baal.  We  must  have  reform.  We  must  return 
to  reason  and  virtue.  Why  should  we  expect  tol 
erance  when  God  suffered  such  calamities  to  be 
fall  his  own  chosen  people?  He  scourged  them 
with  war,  and  he  will  punish  us  likewise.  If  we 
are  to  have  war,  I  shall  have  no  conscientious  scru 
ples  as  to  engaging  in  it,  for  I  believe  I  shall  be 
on  the  side  of  right.  I  am  ambitious ;  but  I  shall 
strive  to  limit  it  to  doing  good.  It  will  profit  a 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  19 

man  nothing  to  gain  the  whole  world  and  lose  his 
own  soul.  Since  I  first  began  to  call  upon  God,  I 
have  daily  asked  his  assistance  and  direction,  and  I 
feel  that  he  is  nearer  me  now  than  ever  before.  You 
know  not  to  what  temptations  we  are  exposed  here, 
yet  he  has  not  allowed  me  to  be  tempted  further 
than  I  could  bear.  Whenever  lethargy,  indiffer 
ence,  or  skepticism  has  crept  over  me,  the  remem 
brance  that  our  sister  and  brother  died  happy, 
trusting  in  God,  has  been  an  incentive  to  renewed 
effort  to  continue  faithful  to  the  end.  I  shall  trust 
in  God.  If  he  intends  me  to  occupy  a  high  position, 
he  will  raise  me  to  it ;  if  not,  I  shall  be  happy  in 
having  done  my  duty  and  in  meeting  his  approval. 
There  will  be  no  limit  to  the  opportunities  of  doing 
good  in  the  army.  There  will  be  wounded  soldiers 
to  minister  to,  and  the  dying  to  comfort.  Surely  I 
can  do  good.  These  remarks  may  be  premature ; 
but  the  conviction  strengthens  that  we  must  have 
war.  I  thank  God  that  none  of  my  relatives  will 
feel  its  horrors ;  but  I  pity  those  where  the  conflict 
must  occur. 

From  the  perusal  of  these  letters  we  see  that  the 
loss  of  a  beloved  younger  brother  directed  Upton's 
thoughts  toward  the  future  life.  And,  while  his 
sister's  letters  kept  him  fully  informed  of  the  inci 
dents  of  home-life,  they  also  encouraged  the  grow 
ing  interest  in  his  soul's  welfare. 

He  had  passed  through  the  troubles  of  his  first 
encampment,  had  learned  to  yield  unquestioned 
obedience  to  his  superior  officers,  had  mastered  all 
the  studies  preceding  those  of  the  professional  year, 


2O  Emory  Upton. 

and  had  measured  himself  with  his  comrades  in  the 
soldierly  and  intellectual  race.  As  he  had  risen 
gradually  in  class-standing  through  his  own  merits, 
there  became  established  in  his  mind  a  confidence 
in  his  own  powers  that  removed  from  him  any  fear 
of  ultimate  failure.  The  regular  habits  enforced 
by  the  discipline  of  the  academy  had  put  his  bodily 
.functions  in  systematic  working  order  and  given 
him  perfect  health.  His  religious  feelings  were 
not,  therefore,  tinctured  with  the  morbid  fancies 
arising  from  ill-health  in  body  or  mind,  but  were 
really  the  awakenings  of  his  moral  manhood  to  the 
necessity  of  a  dependence  upon  his  heavenly  Father. 
These  religious  seeds,  first  planted  by  his  parents, 
and  nurtured  by  his  sister,  took  firm  root  in  his 
nature,  and  afterward  developed  into  a  healthy 
growth,  commensurate  with  the  necessities  of  his 
after-life. 

He  had  escaped  the  dangers  of  that  period  of 
his  youth  when  the  rational  faculties  are  first 
strongly  developed  and  often  run  in  wanton  riot, 
their  whole  effect  being  too  often  to  submerge  the 
intellect  in  the  bogs  and  quicksands  of  material 
ism.  Ever  after,  Upton  was  a  deeply  religious 
man  in  principle,  in  thought,  and  in  action,  and  the 
evidences  of  this  fact  are  readily  traced  through 
out  his  subsequent  career  in  all  his  words  and 
deeds. 

His  cadet  comrades  knew  him  to  be  a  member 
of  the  church,  of  the  Bible-class,  and  prayer-meet 
ing,  and  they  gave  him  the  credit  of  being  con 
scientiously  consistent  in  profession  and  in  life. 
While  this  consistency  exacted  and  obtained  their 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  2 1 

respect  and  support,  it  also  diverted  from  him  the 
sneers  and  innuendoes  which  might  be  occasional 
ly  directed  against  less  worthy  and  less  consistent 
comrades. 

Up  to  this  time  Upton  had  secured  the  reputa 
tion  of  being-  a  reliable  but  not  a  brilliant  scholar. 
A  laborious  student,  faithfully  doing  his  day's  work 
in  the  day,  he  managed  to  exhibit  in  his  recitations 
always  a  good  knowledge  of  the  subject-matter,  but 
his  early  deficiency  of  expression  even  here  pre 
vented  his  ever  making  a  thoroughly  well-rounded 
and  elegant  recitation.  What  he  learned,  however, 
he  retained,  and  constantly  gave  practical  value  to 
his  knowledge  by  using  illustrative  facts  to  fix 
theoretical  principles  in  his  mind.  His  mathemat 
ical  training  caused  him  to  prove  all  things,  to 
take  nothing  for  granted,  and  pass,  by  consecutive 
logical  processes,  to  the  inevitable  result.  During 
this  last  year  at  the  academy  he  was  constantly 
looking  forward  to  the  time  of  his  emancipation, 
not  because  of  ennui  or  mental  fatigue,  but  rather 
because  the  practical  application  of  principles  was 
becoming  a  necessity  to  him.  Mixed  with  these 
longings  were  the  occasional  retrospective  glances 
in  which  the  young  frequently  indulge.  A  few  let 
ters  are  here  inserted  to  exhibit  this  phase  of  his 
student-life : 

WEST  POINT,  Febmary  5,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  ...  I  have  just  been  dis 
cussing  with  my  room-mate  our  prospects  as  army- 
officers.  My  life  really  begins  with  the  date  of  my 
commission.  What  will  time  disclose  ?  I  may  meet 
with  success,  and  I  may  have  been  educated  but  to 


22  Emory  Upton. 

become  the  mark  of  a  "  red-skin."  Our  profession 
differs  from  all  others.  It  is  a  profession  of  fate 
and  a  fatal  profession.  A  long  war  would  make 
many  of  us,  and  prove  the  grave  of  as  many ;  but 
you  know  it  matters  not  how  we  meet  death,  pro 
vided  we  are  prepared  for  it.  We  must  leave  all 
to  the  dispensation  of  an  all-wise  Providence. 

WEST  POINT,  June  3,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  .  .  .  This  is  the  anniversary 
of  my  arrival  at  West  Point.  Four  years  ago  to 
day,  in  the  pride  and  buoyant  spirits  of  a  young 
military  aspirant,  I  took  my  first  lessons  in  military 
life.  Tis  pleasant  to  look  back  upon  the  past  and 
compare  it  with  the  present.  Four  years  of  con 
stant  confinement  and  regular  duties  have  passed, 
and  we  now  stand  on  the  threshold  of  our  first 
class-year.  Hard  times  and  troubles  are  all  over, 
and  inviting  scenes  lie  before  us.  One  short  year 
more,  and  the  key  which  is  to  unlock  the  honors  and 
emoluments  of  our  profession  will  be  delivered 
into  our  hands.  I  hope  to  do  well,  since  my  general 
standing  in  a  great  degree  will  depend  on  my  ex- 
(  amination.  Chemistry,  infantry,  artillery,  and  cav- 
;  airy  tactics  will  follow  the  examination  in  ethics. 
Were  it  not  for  drawing,  I  should,  without  doubt, 
better  my  last  year's  standing.  I  shall  probably 
not  fall  below  it.  The  Secretary  of  War  has  de 
cided  not  to  grant  us  a  leave.  My  only  plea  is  a 
broken  shoulder,  got  in  the  riding-hall,  but,  as  I  am 
getting  "painfully  smart,"  my  hopes,  even  in  that 
direction,  are  diminutive.  You  may,  therefore,  re 
gard  my  leave  as  extremely  doubtful,  and  even  dis- 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  23 

miss  it  from  your  mind.     I  am  very  sorry  to  disap 
point  my  loved  ones. 

WEST  POINT,  October  21,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  The  Prince  of  Wales  created 
a  good  deal  of  excitement  here  on  Monday  last. 
The  plain  was  thronged  with  people  eager  to  get  a 
glimpse  of  the  future  King  of  England.  We  were 
drawn  up  in  line  in  front  of  barracks  to  receive  the 
prince.  He  and  his  suite  were  mounted  and  pre 
ceded  by  a  platoon  of  dragoons,  as  escort.  As  he 
came  galloping  along  the  line  we  came  to  "  present 
arms/'  I  never  experienced  such  queer  feelings 
before,  and,  had  I  not  been  under  military  discipline, 
I  believe  my  enthusiasm  would  have  given  vent  to 
itself  in  cheers.  The  crowd  was  wild,  but  was 
doubtless  somewhat  restrained  by  the  example  of 
the  corps.  After  the  review,  the  officers  of  my 
class  were  introduced  to  his  Royal  Highness.  I 
can  now  say  that  my  rustic  hand  has  grasped  the 
hand  of  royalty.  He  has  a  kind  and  very  pleasant 
countenance,  and  he  will  probably  make  a  good  if 
not  a  brilliant  sovereign.  The  members  of  his  suite 
are  perfect  gentlemen  (General  Bruce,  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  Dr.  Ackland,  and  others).  They  came 
into  the  engineering-rooms  and  I  had  quite  an  in 
teresting  conversation  with  them.  They  spoke  pure 
English.  We  rode  before  them  in  the  riding-hall 
with  saddles,  and  then  with  blankets.  One  cadet 
was  thrown  almost  off  his  horse,  but  he  regained 
his  seat  with  such  skill  and  address  as  to  make  the 
prince  clap  his  hands.  After  the  ride,  the  prince 
expressed  his  admiration  of  our  horsemanship  to 
the  officer  in  command. 


24  Emory  Upton. 

Bishop  Mcllvaine,  of  Ohio,  preached  us  a  ser 
mon  last  Sunday.  He  was  chaplain  here  thirty 
years  ago,  and  during  his  ministry  a  great  revival 
took  place.  He  attended  our  prayer-meeting  and 
commenced  to  relate  his  experience  here,  but,  un 
fortunately,  his  interesting  narrative  was  interrupted 
by  the  '  call  to  quarters.'  West  Point  was  then  a 
hot-bed  of  infidelity,  but  he  rooted  it  out,  and  his 
influence  is  felt  to  this  day.  I  was  introduced  to 
him,  and  he  gave  me  a  warm  invitation  to  visit  him 
at  Cincinnati  next  year.  Please  give  me  credit  for 
not  saying  anything  about  my  studies  in  this  letter. 

WEST  POINT,  October  28,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  LITTLE  SISTER:  Your  letter  was  duly 
received ;  and,  as  it  was  full  of  information,  it  was 
read  with  no  ordinary  degree  of  satisfaction.  You 
alone  of  the  thirteen  children  remain  at  home. 
What  a  change !  One  by  one  they  have  left  the 
paternal  roof,  until  you  only  are  left  "  to  honor  thy 
parents."  None  of  us  can  reproach  our  father  and 
mother  for  neglect  of  duty.  I  can  now  appreciate 
the  effect  of  the  discipline  under  which  we  were 
trained.  Rigid  though  it  was  at  times,  yet  the 
chastisement  was  always  given  in  love  rather  than 
in  anger.  Our  characters  were  formed  early  ;  and, 
hence,  none  of  us  when  thrown  upon  our  own  re 
sources  have  thus  far  disgraced  our  name.  You 
are  now  my  only  home  correspondent,  and  you 
must  write  all  that  transpires  at  home.  Every  letter 
you  write  has  two  values,  one  to  yourself  and  one 
to  the  recipient ;  therefore  think  not  that  your  let 
ters  are  worthless ;  they  help  to  develop  your  men- 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  25 

tal  faculties.  .  .  .  Education  is  not  wholly  acquired 
in  the  school-room.  Accomplishments  must  result 
from  mingling  in  society.  Education  and  polite 
ness  make  the  accomplished  lady.  You  will  soon 
be  sent  away  to  school,  but  bear  in  mind  that  you 
can  improve  out  of  school.  Every  day,  by  close 
observation,  you  can  discern  more  and  more  what 
is  your  duty.  Observe  the  actions  of  others,  but 
do  so  without  evincing  curiosity,  for  that  were 
rude. 

From  this  time  until  near  the  close  of  Upton's 
cadet-life,  the  great  questions  which  agitated  politi 
cal  parties  throughout  the  whole  land,  and  excited 
the  animosities  of  the  people,  had  their  influence 
among  the  cadets.  Intimately  associated  by  the 
ties  of  home  and  kindred  with  all  parts  of  our  coun 
try,  West  Point  exhibited  in  miniature  the  varying 
phases  of  sectional  differences  and  of  irreconcilable 
grievances.  Brother  cadets  who  had  endured  the 
same  hardships,  had  exchanged  the  warmest  and 
dearest  confidences,  had  studied  and  roomed  to 
gether,  began  now  to  have  wordy  warfare,  to  foster 
animosities,  and  to  look  askance  at  each  other.  A 
segregation  of  the  opposing  elements  took  place; 
and,  while  there  were  many  who,  animated  by  the 
fire  and  zeal  of  their  section,  were  ready  to  urge 
extreme  measures,  nearly  all  of  the  Southern  cadets 
felt  that  the  hour  of  separation,  which  was  to  tear 
them  away  from  dearly  loved  friends  and  their  be 
loved  West  Point,  was  steadily  but  surely  approach 
ing,  and  that  no  man's  hand  was  strong  enough  to 
prevent.  Many  left  with  great  sorrow  and  reluc- 


26  Emory  Upton. 

tance.  Some  that  hesitated,  torn  by  the  conflicting 
emotions  of  duty  and  love,  and  of  stern  necessity, 
were  hurried  by  a  fate  as  inexorable  as  history  re 
cords.  All  left  with  a  sorrow  so  great  that  manly 
tears  dropped  silently  as  they  bade  farewell  to  their 
comrades — now  friends,  but  soon  to  be  foes.  As  a 
type  of  the  influences  at  work  in  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  these  young  men  on  both  sides,  so  differ 
ently  reared  in  political  thought  and  belief,  and 
called  upon  to  make  choice,  when  apparently  the 
foundations  of  government  were  being  shaken  to 
their  center,  the  letters  of  Upton  will  exhibit  an  in 
teresting  picture.  At  this  time,  as  well  as  for  sev 
eral  years  previous,  the  cadets  had  by  some  gradual 
process  become  separated  into  two  parties,  hostile 
in  sentiment  and  even  divided  in  barracks.  This 
building  of  granite  was  separated  really  into  two 
parts  by  the  sally-port,  and  the  cadets  of  Northern 
or  Union  principles  lived  mainly  in  the  east  wing, 
while  the  Southerners  occupied  the  west  and  south 
wings.  On  Washington's  birthday  in  1861,  when 
the  band  played  the  national  airs  at  reveille,  the 
hisses  of  the  secessionists  called  forth  the  cheers  of 
the  Union  men  and  roused  them  into  a  condition  of 
active  personal  hostility.  From  that  moment  the 
lines  were  sharply  drawn,  and,  while  not  actually 
coming  to  open  breaches  of  the  peace,  the  segrega 
tion  became  complete.  The  Northern  spirit,  diffi 
cult  to  arouse,  was  tempered  like  steel,  and  the 
smallest  incident  served  to  bring  the  opposing  prin 
ciples  into  actual  conflict.  Little  by  little,  however, 
the  strength  of  the  Southern  wing  diminished  by 
resignation,  until  the  few  who  were  left  contented 


Cadet- Life  at  West  Point.  27 

themselves   with   silent    endurance  until  all  were 
finally  eliminated. 

WEST  POINT,  December  i,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  You  must  pardon  me,  but  I 
must  introduce  the  general  and  all-absorbing  topic 
of  conversation — secession.  What  do  people  at 
home  think  of  it?  I  believe  the  Union  is  virtually 
dissolved.  South  Carolina  can  not  retract.  Her 
honor  demands  that  she  secede,  else  she  would  be 
a  "  by-word."  But  secession  is  revolution.  She 
will  seize  Fort  Moultrie,  and  hence  a  collision  with 
the  General  Government  must  follow.  War  would 
alienate  all  the  other  Southern  States  from  the 
Union,  and  a  terrible  and  bloody  revolution  will 
result.  Every  one  in  South  Carolina  is  for  dis 
union,  at  least  none  dare  avow  themselves  for  the 
Union,  and  from  the  accounts  in  the  New  York 
daily  papers  I  sincerely  believe  she  will  secede  on 
the  1 8th  or  igth  of  this  month.  If  so,  the  North 
and  the  South  will  be  speedily  arrayed  against 
each  other,  and  the  result  will  be  that  the  North 
will  be  victorious.  The  South  Carolina  cadets 
published  a  manifesto  a  short  time  since  as  follows : 

"  WEST  POINT,  November  g,  1860. 
"T0  the  Editor  of  the  '  Columbia  (S.  C.)  Guardian' 

"  MR.  EDITOR — SIR  :  From  what  we  have  seen 
and  heard,  South  Carolina  will  undoubtedly,  at  an 
early  period,  redeem  her  assertions,  take  her  desti 
nies  in  her  own  hands,  arid  proceed  at  once  to  or 
ganize  for  herself  a  new  and  separate  government 
(a  government  of  which  our  beloved  Calhoun  would 


28  Emory  Upton. 

approve  were  he  with  us  at  this  time),  one  in  which 
the  benefits  are  equally  distributed  to  all. 

"  Now  we,  her  sons  and  representatives  at  the 
United  States  Military  Academy  at  West  Point, 
are  eager  to  manifest  our  devotion  and  affection  to 
her  and  her  present  cause  ;  so  will  we,  simultaneous 
ly  with  her  withdrawal,  be  found  under  the  folds  of 
her  banner,  fighting-  for  liberty  or  equality. 

"  Though  the  reception  of  a  diploma  here  at  the 
National  Academy  is  certainly  to  be  desired  by  all 
of  us,  yet  we  can  not  so  stifle  our  convictions  of 
duty  as  to  serve  the  remainder  of  our  time  here 
under  such  a  man  as  Mr.  Lincoln  as  commander-in- 
chief,  and  to  be  subjected  at  all  times  to  the  orders 
of  a  government  the  administration  of  which  must 
be  necessarily  unfriendly  to  the  Commonwealth 
which  has  so  far  preserved  a  spotless  record,  and 
of  which  we  are  justly  proud. 

"  We  hereby  swear  to  be  true  to  her  lone  star 
in  the  present  path  of  rectitude ;  and  if,  by  chance, 
she  goes  astray,  we  will  be  with  her  still.  All  we 
desire  is  a  field  for  making  ourselves  useful." 

A  Philadelphia  paper  exposed  their  class  stand 
ing  here.  "  Three  were  deficient  at  the  examina 
tion,  one  ranked  fifty-three  out  of  a  class  of  fifty- 
seven,  and  the  remaining  three  had  not  appeared 
in  the  Register  of  Cadets."  *  I  will  state  that  two 
of  the  latter  will  be  "  found  "  this  January  examina 
tion,  one  was  recently  placed  in  arrest  for  an  offense 
equivalent  to  forgery,  and  which  would  dismiss  him 

*  Being  new  cadets,  their  names  would  not  appear  during  their  first 
year.— (P.  S.  M.) 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  29 

if  brought  before  a  court-martial.  Three  have  re 
signed  (one  left  to-day),  and  the  others  will  proba 
bly  follow  soon. 

If  the  worst  is  to  come  and  war  follow,  /  am 
ready.  I  will  take  for  my  motto,  "  Dieu  et  mon 
droit"  I  will  strive  to  do  my  full  duty  to  God  and 
my  country,  and  willingly  abide  the  consequences. 
I  thank  Fortune  for  having  been  given  a  military 
education  here,  and  I  will  make  myself  useful. 
Always  remember  me  to  Judge  Pringle.  You 
know  not  under  what  obligations  I  feel  to  him. 
All  my  success  in  life  I  shall  owe  to  him.  I  forbear 
writing  more  at  present,  and  will  await  future  de 
velopments. 

WEST  FOINT,  December  21,  1860. 

DEAR  SISTER:  We  are  on  general  review  in 
mineralogy  and  geology  preparatory  to  our  last 
January  examination,  and,  possibly,  our  very  last. 
These  are  delightful  studies,  and  the  method  of  in 
struction  here  renders  us  very  familiar  with  miner 
als.  Each  rock  has  now  its  story  for  us.  ...  The 
political  horizon  is  very  black.  To-day's  papers  in 
form  us  that  South  Carolina  has  seceded.  The  veil 
behind  which  Webster  sought  not  to  penetrate  has 
been  "  rent  in  twain,"  and  secession,  with  its  evils, 
is  now  a  reality.  Let  her  go.  She  has  been  a  pest, 
an  eye-sore,  an  abomination  ever  since  she  entered 
the  Union.  Were  it  not  that  her  example  may  be 
come  contagious,  few  would  regret  her  course  ;  but, 
in  the  present  excited  state  of  feeling  at  the  South, 
there  is  imminent  danger  that  the  whole  South  will 
drift  into  the  terrible  gulf  which  secession  opens 
before  them.  I  believe  in  Union,  but  South  Caro- 


30  Emory  Upton. 

lina  has  taken  the  initiative,  and  she  is  responsible 
for  whatever  follows,  and  posterity  will  hold  her 
so.  Every  friend  of  freedom  will  execrate  her 
course.  War,  I  believe,  must  speedily  follow,  and 
by  her  act.  The  papers  say,  "  Buchanan  has  ordered 
the  commandant  of  Fort  Moultrie  to  surrender  if 
attacked  ";  if  true,  what  a  traitor!  Floyd  has  sent 
twenty-five  thousand  stand  of  arms  to  different 
Southern  posts  within  the  past  year,  and  for  what  ? 
Certainly  not  for  the  use  of  soldiers  garrisoning 
them.  What,  then,  is  the  inference?  That  they 
shall  be  convenient  for  secession.  The  Administra 
tion  must  be  deeply  implicated  in  this  plot  to  de 
stroy  the  government.  Its  conduct  can  not  be  ex 
plained  otherwise.  I  heartily  rejoice  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  is  elected,  and  that  we  have  such  a  noble 
set  of  Republicans  at  Washington  to  meet  this  criti 
cal  emergency.  As  for  myself,  I  am  ambitious,  and 
desire  fame,  but  I  will  stand  by  the  right ;  for  what 
is  the  worth  of  fame  when  purchased  by  dishonor  ? 
God  orders  or  suffers  all  things. 

WEST  POINT,  January  12,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  This  is  examination-week. 
My  reports  have  not  been  quite  so  good  as  you 
may  have  desired,  but  I  shall  be  quite  satisfied  with 
the  results  of  the  examinations.  .  .  .  Truly  troub 
lous  times  are  upon  us.  We  are  at  sea,  with  no 
chart  to  guide  us.  What  the  end  will  be,  our  wisest 
statesmen  can  not  foresee.  The  South  is  gone,  and 
the  question  is,  Will  the  Government  coerce  her 
back  ?  The  attempt,  I  think,  will  be  made,  but  we 
can  not  predict  the  result.  Southern  men  are  brave, 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  31 

and  will  fight  well,  but  their  means  for  prosecuting 
a  long  war  are  wanting.  Four  States  are  now  out 
of  the  Union,  and  South  Carolina  has  fired  the  first 
gun.  She  has  resisted  the  entrance  of  the  Star  of 
the  West  to  Fort  Sumter,  and,  no  doubt,  there 
will  be  bloodshed  before  you  receive  this,  since  the 
Brooklyn  (man-of-war)  is  on  the  way  to  Charleston, 
and  is  bound  to  re-enforce  that  fort.  .  .  .  Members 
of  my  class  continue  to  resign.  The  corps  is  al 
ready  sensibly  reduced  in  numbers,  and,  from  pres 
ent  prospects,  we  will  almost  be  reduced  to  a  moiety. 
Should  the  United  States  officers  from  the  seceding 
States  resign,  there  will  be  many  vacancies,  and, 
very  probably,  they  would  be  filled  by  graduating 
us  soon.  ...  In  my  next  letter  I  will  try  to  say 
nothing  upon  secession,  but  it  is  the  absorbing  topic 
of  thought  at  present. 

WEST  POINT,  February  2,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER  :  I  have  not  heard  from  you 
in  a  long  time.  I  want  to  ascertain  your  views  on 
the  subject  of  secession.  It  has  assumed  immense 
importance.  The  crisis  has  come.  How  is  it  to  be 
met  ?  The  Union  is  in  extreme  peril.  Must  it  be 
dissolved?  No!  I  say,  let  it  be  preserved,  if  it 
costs  years  of  civil  war.  What  do  you  think  of 
compromise  ?  I  am  opposed  to  it,  as  a  dangerous 
precedent.  If  the  Uniort  could  be  preserved  with 
out  compromise,  even  at  the  expense  of  a  war,  I 
think  it  would  be  preferable  to  a  compromise, 
since  it  would  demonstrate  that  a  republican  gov 
ernment  is  adequate  to  any  emergency.  But,  rather 
than  see  the  country  forever  disrupted,  I  \vould 
prefer  an  honorable  adjustment.  These  views  I 


32  Emory  Upton. 

take  on  the  supposition  that  the  South  feels  herself 
aggrieved,  and  that  she  desires  to  perpetuate  the 
Union,  if  possible.  Northern  aggression  is  the  al 
leged,  not  the  real,  cause  of  secession.  The  Legis 
lature  of  South  Carolina  declares  she  will  not  re- 
mam  in  the  Union  under  any  circumstances.  They 
are  wild  on  the  subject  of  a  Southern  confederacy, 
and  they  have  resolved  to  establish  it  at  the  price 
of  a  revolution.  If  this  is  the  real  cause  of  seces 
sion,  the  door  to  compromise  should  forever  be 
closed,  and  the  South  should  be  completely  subju 
gated.  In  the  Union,  their  property  is  and  ought 
to  be  protected  ;  out  of  the  Union,  slavery  is  over 
thrown.  I  hope  some  day  to  see  it  abolished  peace 
ably  ;  but,  if  they  go  out,  they  of  themselves  over 
throw  it  in  blood.  It  is  a  great  evil,  but  we  are  not 
responsible.  Let  them  answer  for  and  settle  it 
themselves.  I  believe  that  an  all-wise  Providence 
is  directing  the  storm,  and  that  he  will  overrule 
everything  for  good.  .  .  .  Several  Southern  cadets 
left  to-day,  and  many  more  will  follow  soon.  Pro 
motion  will  be  rapid  in  the  army  about  the  time  we 
graduate,  and  if  there  is  a  war  we  will  not  lack  em 
ployment.  Probably  an  assault  will  be  made  on 
Fort  Sumter ;  they  will  meet  with  a  warm  recep 
tion.  We  are  on  our  last  term.  Our  studies — mili 
tary  engineering,  law,  ordnance,  etc. — are  very  in 
teresting  and  we  look  forward  with  great  pleasure 
to  our  graduation. 

WEST  POINT,  March  27,  1861, 

DEAR  SISTER:  Your  remarks  upon  "Tories" 
were  very  appropriate.  There  is  a  large  class  at 
the  North,  and  they  will  seriously  affect  the  power 


Cadet- Life  at  West  Point.  33 

of  the  Government.  They  are  so  servile  that  they 
would  prefer  to  accept  the  terms  of  Jeff  Davis, 
rather  than  fight  for  the  honor  of  the  North.  I  am 
entirely  out  of  patience  with  them.  Let  slavery 
alone  where  it  is,  but  never  let  it  extend.  Think  of 
a  slave  republic  in  the  nineteenth  century !  The 
ignorant  people  of  Italy  are  now  fighting  for  liberty; 
the  chivalous  South  is  fighting  for  slavery.  What  a 
cause  to  fight  for ;  and  still  Northern  traitors  are 
taking  commissions  in  the  Southern  army !  It  is 
good  for  the  army  that  they  have  resigned ;  they 
are  now  in  their  proper  places.  It  is  no  compliment 
to  the  cause  to  say  that  traitors  are  eager  to  defend 
it.  I  am  impatient  with  the  apathy  of  the  North. 
The  South  is  making  ample  preparations  for  war, 
while  we  "are  lying  supinely  on  our  backs."  Why 
are  no  steps  taken  to  defend  the  Union  ?  If  we  have 
war  (mark  my  words),  Jeff  Davis  will  be  successful 
in  one  or  two  campaigns.  He  is  energetic,  and  he 
is  drawing  all  the  talent  he  can  from  our  army.  He 
will  enter  the  war  with  his  forces  well  organized, 
and  it  can  not  be  denied  that  Southern  men  will 
fight  well;  hence,  \vhat  is  to  prevent  his  success 
for  a  time  ?  Every  victory  for  him  at  the  outset 
will  require  three  defeats  to  offset. 

WEST  POINT,  April  8,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  ...  I  am  sincerely  glad  at 
the  turn  affairs  have  taken  within  the  last  few  days. 
The  Government  has  awakened  from  its  apparent 
lethargy,  and  seems  disposed  to  meet  the  difficul 
ties  w^ith  which  it  is  beset.  Unwonted  activity  is 
displayed  at  army  rendezvous  and  at  navy-yards. 


34  Emory  Upton. 

My  opinion  is  that  war  has  actually  begun.  There 
is  absence  of  news  from  Charleston.  The  tele 
graph  lines  are  down  south  of  Petersburg,  Virginia, 
which  is  a  very  suspicious  circumstance.  The  gal 
lant  band  at  Fort  Sumter  may  now  be  sacrificing 
their  lives  in  defense  of  our  flag  and  for  the  honor 
of  our  country.  This  sacrifice  will  not  be  in  vain. 
The  acts  of  the  Government  are  decidedly  warlike, 
but  not  aggressive.  Southern  troops  are  assembling 
at  Forts  Pickens  and  Sumter ;  this  all  means  war ; 
it  can  not  be  evaded.  Traitorous  army  officers  are 
resigning  daily.  Let  them  go ;  we  want  none  but 
faithful  men.  I  am  glad  to  say  that  almost  every 
Northern  cadet  is  anxious  and  ready  to  serve  the 
Government.  War  is  a  calamity,  but  an  inevitable 
necessity.  I  think  there  will  be  a  campaign  this 
summer,  else  secession  must  back  clean  down,  which 
is  improbable.  ...  A  letter  was  received  to-day 
from  Washington,  stating  that  the  Secretary  of  War 
and  General  Scott  are  in  favor  of  graduating  our 
class,  and  giving  us  commissions  to  fill  vacancies 
now  existing  in  the  army.  I  am  willing  to  be  or 
dered  away  immediately.  A  furlough  would  give 
little  satisfaction  when  such  exciting  scenes  are 
being  daily  enacted.  I  shall  be  glad  when  my  aca 
demic  duties  terminate. 

WEST  POINT,  April  8,  1861. 

MY  VERY  DEAR  SISTER  :  You  will,  before  the 
reception  of  this,  have  heard  the  war  news.  The 
daily  papers  teem  with  exciting  dispatches.  Troops 
are  moving  in  every  direction.  All,  however,  is 
speculation  as  to  their  destination  and  orders.  I 
rejoice  that  the  Government  has  taken  its  stand. 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  35 

Let  it  pursue  a  firm  policy,  and  I  am  sure  the  North 
will  support  it.  An  attack  on  Fort  Sumter  is 
highly  probable.  The  " Times"  and  " Herald"  to 
day  state  that  provisions  are  on  their  way  there, 
and  that  Anderson  has  orders  to  open  his  batteries 
if  the  vessel  is  fired  upon.  I  hope  Providence  is 
overruling  us,  and  that  all  will  turn  out  for  the  best. 
The  war  will  be  forced  upon  us.  We  will  be  in  the 
right,  and  let  us  maintain  it  as  becomes  freemen. 

I  mentioned  in  my  last  letter  that  we  might 
graduate  soon.  I  hope  we  may  if  war  begins.  I 
want  no  holier  cause  than  to  defend  the  flag  which 
Washington  honored.  Will  you  do  me  the  favor 
to  make  a  little  flag  (inclosed  size),  with  thirteen 
stripes  and  thirty-four  stars  ?  I  want  it  for  my  per 
sonal  colors,  to  have  always  with  me.  With  that,  a 
small  pocket  Testament,  and  a  just  cause,  I  am  ready 
for  action,  and  willing  to  leave  the  issue  in  the  hands 
of  God.  I  shall  hope  to  see  you  soon,  whatever 
transpires.  You  must  see  West  Point.  I  am  having 
a  very  easy  time — no  military  duty  to  perform,  no 
roll-calls  to  attend,  etc. — these  are  privileges  of  the 
office  I  now  hold,  Assistant  Instructor  of  Artillery. 

Remember  me  most  kindly  to  Judge  Pringle.  I 
owe  all  to  him.  His  motive  in  appointing  me  seldom 
actuates  other  Congressmen.  Most  appointments 
are  political  favors.  I  told  you  the  reason  he  as 
signed  for  appointing  me. 

WEST  POINT,  Apnl  17,  1861. 

MY  VERY  DEAR  SISTER:  Your  very  welcome 
letter  was  received  to-day.  I  admire  the  feelings 
which  dictated  it.  I  rejoice  that  you  are  all  willing 


36  Emory  Upton. 

that  I  should  serve  my  country.  That  I  should 
witness  the  worst  horrors  of  war  very  soon,  admits 
of  no  doubt,  but  I  do  not  shrink  from  it.  I  shall 
have  the  pleasing  and  grateful  knowledge  that, 
every  morning  and  evening,  prayers  will  ascend  for 
my  protection  and  spiritual  welfare.  ...  I  am  both 
surprised  and  delighted  at  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  in  support  of  the  Government.  Every 
breath  of  treason  in  the  North  seems  hushed.  How 
remarkable !  One  week  ago,  no  one  had  any  confi 
dence.  To-day,  the  voice  is,  "  The  Union  must  and 
shall  be  preserved  !  "  The  attack  on  Fort  Sumter 
has  sealed  the  traitors'  doom. 

Now  for  the  " petit"  flag.  It  is  suspended  over 
my  alcove,  where  I  can  look  at  it  by  turning  my 
eye.  I  shall  carry  it  with  me  during  the  war  in  my 
breast-pocket.  I  shall  look  at  it  whenever  neces 
sary  to  stimulate  my  sense  of  duty,  and  I  shall  look 
at  it  often  to  call  you  into  remembrance.  I  am 
much  pleased  with  the  letters  I  receive  from  every 
member  of  our  family.  All  tell  me  to  do  my  duty, 
and  none  would  dissuade  me.  Nothing  encourages 
me  more,  and  I  would  like  to  have  duty  inculcated 
in  every  letter.  I  shall  not  have  a  furlough,  and  it 
is  doubtful  even  if  I  return  home  for  an  hour.  For 
mother's  sake,  I  believe  it  is  better  that  I  should 
not.  Thirty  members  of  my  class  have  applied  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  be  graduated  at  once.  The 
remainder  (eighteen)  are  doubtful,  and  some  are 
traitors.  They  refused  to  sign  the  paper.  The  ap 
plication  has  been  laid  before  the  superintendent. 
.  .  .  The  Government  will  know  who  are  loyal 
and  who  are  traitors.  I  think  the  latter  will  not  get 


Cadet-Life  at  West  Point.  37 

diplomas ;  if  they  do  graduate,  I  believe  they  will 
immediately  join  the  C.  S.  A. ;  one  already  holds  a 
commission.  Union  meetings  are  held  here  almost 
every  night.  All  the  national  airs,  except  "  Hail 
Columbia,"  are  sung.  Cheers  for  the  Union  are 
loud  and  long.  We  are  strong  for  the  Union,  now 
and  forever. 

We  may  now  cast  a  retrospective  glance  over 
the  past  five  years,  and  determine  the  influences 
which  the  Academy  had  planted,  fostered,  and  de 
veloped  in  Upton's  mental,  moral,  and  physical  na 
ture.  We  find  him,  at  his  entrance  into  cadet-life,  a 
raw  country  lad,  with  few  of  the  graces  and  but 
little  of  the  polish  that  mark  the  youth  trained 
amid  the  elegancies  of  city  life.  But,  deeply  in 
grained  in  his  moral  nature,  there  were  fixed  prin 
ciples  of  integrity,  devotion  to  duty,  and  filial  and 
fraternal  love,  cemented  by  the  powerful,  ever-incit 
ing  activities  of  a  religious  mind.  Thrown  into 
a  community  where  unquestioned  obedience  was 
at  once  required,  discontent  and  active  resistance 
would  have  unquestionably  followed,  had  not  the 
logic  of  its  necessity  soon  found  a  lodgment  and  a 
hearty  acceptance  in  his  mind.  A  unit  in  an  or 
ganization  governed  by  a  system  of  regulations, 
whose  direct  results  confirmed  its  wisdom,  he  soon 
gave  his  adhesion  and  support  to  the  constituted 
authorities  ;  for,  just  as  soon  as  he  began  to  appre 
ciate  the  fallacy  of  his  reasoning  as  to  the  moral 
wrong  of  "  bad  marks,"  these  decreased  in  due  pro 
portion. 

For  a  proper  understanding  of  the  value  of  the 


38  Emory  Upton. 

institution  as  a  training-school  for  the  military  pro 
fession,  it  may  be  well  here  to  indicate  briefly  its 
essential  characteristics,  as  devised  by  General 
Sylvanus  Thayer,  and  which  have  for  the  past 
sixty  years  been  practically  unchanged.  Previous 
to  1819  it  hardly  deserved  the  name  of  a  military 
school,  there  being  nothing  coherent  or  self-sustain 
ing  in  its  structure.  Since  that  time,  thanks  to 
General  Thayer's  wonderful  sagacity  and  able  ad 
ministration,  and  that  of  his  able  successors,  it  has 
been  enabled  to  overcome  all  the  difficulties  which 
threatened  its  early  existence,  and  to  enter  into  a 
vigorous  life,  which  as  yet  displays  no  sign  of  de 
crepitude. 

It  is  governed  immediately  by  the  War  Depart 
ment,  having  the  General  of  the  Army  as  its  inspect 
or.  Its  superintendent  is  a  distinguished  officer  of 
the  army,  appointed  by  the  President  for  his  es 
pecial  fitness  for  the  responsible  duties  to  which  he 
is  assigned. 

The   functions   of  the   Academy  are    twofold : 

1.  To  train  the   intellectual  faculties  by  a  course 
of  instruction  arranged  in  a  settled  curriculum,  in 
which  all  graduates   must  be  adjudged  proficient 
before  they  can  be  recommended  as  fit  for  promo 
tion  into  the  several  corps  and  line  of  the  army. 

2.  To  utilize  the  drill  and  discipline  of  the  vari 
ous  military  evolutions  as  enforced  physical  exer 
cise,  at  the  same  time  aiming  at  a  high  degree  of 
proficiency  through  the  esprit  de  corps  of   the  ca 
dets.     To  accomplish  these  two  objects  the  super 
intendent  has  under  him  an  academic  board  of  pro 
fessors,  permanently  attached  to  the  Academy,  and 


Cadet- Life  at  West  Point.  39 

a  much  more  numerous  body  of  officers  of  the 
army  in  active  service,  temporarily  detached  from 
their  regiments,  and  returnable  to  them  at  the  ex 
piration  of  their  detail.  These  two  bodies  are,  in 
some  degree,  antagonistic.  The  former  are,  from 
the  nature  of  their  duties,  conservative ;  the  latter, 
by  the  varied  service  experienced  in  a  small  army 
scattered  over  a  widely-extended  country,  are  radi 
cal  and  highly  critical,  if  not  iconoclastic.  The 
healthy  attack  and  defense  of  a  system  in  which 
both  are  mutually  interested  results  in  slow,  grad 
ual,  but  permanently  beneficial  changes  acquiesced 
in  by  both  parties.  The  constant  current  of  able 
officers  coming  from  all  parts  of  the  army,  imbued 
with  its  notions,  and  returning  to  it,  carrying  the 
knowledge  of  the  work  of  the  Academy,  prevents 
stagnation,  keeps  its  interest  alive  in  the  army,  and 
insures  a  healthy  and  vigorous  life.  If  the  Academy 
were  governed  alone  by  its  academic  board,  there 
would  be  danger  of  a  too  great  extension  toward 
merely  theoretical  excellence;  while,  if  controlled  by 
officers  on  the  active  list  of  the  army,  the  practical 
art  would  be  unduly  developed  at  -the  expense  of 
the  solidly  theoretical.  This  happy  adjustment  of 
differences  has  no  counterpart  in  any  foreign  serv 
ice,  and  has  received  the  unqualified  admiration  of 
professional  soldiers  of  all  countries  who  have  had 
the  opportunity  of  studying  its  system,  and  observ 
ing  its  practical  benefits. 

The  regulations  established  for  the  government 
of  the  cadets  are  explicit,  and  are  devised  to  train 
them  into  systematic  and  regular  habits.  Viola 
tions  of  regulations  are  followed  by  restrictions, 


4O  Emory  Upton. 

which  arc  wisely  corrective  in  their  nature  and  not 
punitive.  The  immediate  administration  in  quar 
ters,  at  drill,  and  in  military  evolutions  of  all  kinds, 
while  supervised  by  army  officers,  is  mainly  con 
fided  to  cadets  who  are  judged  by  their  comrades 
according  to  the  impartial  standards  of  equity  and 
right  in  the  performance  of  their  duty.  This  instills 
a  respect  for  authority,  independent  of  the  individ 
ual  exercising  it  for  the  time  being,  leads  to  an  hon 
orable  rivalry  for  the  coveted  honors,  and  confers 
on  the  governors  and  governed  the  sense  of  person 
al  responsibility,  which  is  essentially  the  pride  and 
glory  of  the  Academy.  The  daily  exaction  of  many 
hours  of  hard  study,  cheerfully  yielded  by  the  cadet 
because  of  the  impartial  benefits  received,  results  in 
a  continuous  growth  of  mental  fiber  and  develops  a 
self-reliance  which  finds  its  highest  value  in  times  of 
necessity,  responsibility,  or  peril. 

And,  finally,  of  higher  value  than  all  else,  is  the 
true  soldierly  honor  which,  ever  jealously  guarding 
the  priceless  jewel  of  truth,  requires  the  sacrifice  of 
life  itself  before  the  trust  shall  be  betrayed  or  the 
flag  dishonored.  This  devotion  to  truth  guarantees 
to  each  member  of  the  Academy  a  reliance  on  his 
word  as  an  officer  and  a  gentleman,  and  demands  of 
him  such  conduct  as  shall  be  the  manly  outcome  of 
noble  and  patriotic  thoughts. 

Such  was  the  atmosphere  which  had  surrounded 
Upton  during  his  cadetship  at  West  Point.  It  was 
one  well  calculated  to  nourish  and  invigorate  his 
moral  growth,  and  to  destroy  the  very  germs  of 
selfish  actions.  The  system  of  responsibility  toward 
his  superiors,  and  the  exercise  of  his  power  in  his 


Cadet-Lift  at  West  Print. 

relation  to  his  subordinates,  happily  balanced  in 
t.v;ir  influence,  led  him  to  acquire  a  proper  respect 
for  authority,  and  a  just  discretion  in  its  exercise. 
HK  inV;;.i/;ct,  quickened  by  the  daily  study,  grew  in 
c1  ue  proportion  with  the  manly  vigor  acquired  from 
:.;s  p.cysioai  exercise,  and  thus  we  find  him  well 
equ.ppec  at  aii  points  for  the  important  duties 
wr.icra  his  chosen  profession  of  necessity  called  him 
to  perform  amid  the  stern  realities  of  war. 

His  class  graduated  on  the  6th  of  May,  i&6"i. 
If  is  academic  rank  was  eight  in  a  class  of  forty-five 
members.  The  Academic  I>oard  considered  him 
f.t  to  :>e  honored  by  recommendation  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  for  promotion  into  the  Engineers  and 
aii  other  corps  and  line  of  the  army.  He  had.  there 
fore,  justified  the  high  expectations  of  his  friend 
j  udge  Pringie,  for  he  had  reached  the  highest  honor 
tr.e  Academy  had  to  bestow.  Notwithstanding  this 
rccorrainendation,  he  chose  the  artillery.  With  his 
comrades  he  was  ordered  to  report  without  delay 
at  Washington,  where  their  services  were  sorely 
needed  to  drill  and  discipline  the  various  regi- 
rnents  of  volunteer  troops  gathered  there  in  obe 
dience  to  the  call  of  the  Government,  preparatory 
to  tne  arduous  campaign  then  in  contemplation. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ACTIVE  SERVICE  AS  A  SUBALTERN. 

THE  great  body  of  volunteers  assembled  at 
Washington  in  the  spring  of  1861,  in  obedience  to 
the  call  of  the  President,  although  inspired  by  pa 
triotic  enthusiasm,  was  without  discipline  or  mili 
tary  knowledge,  save  the  little  they  had  individually 
acquired  by  their  service  in  the  militia.  To  rem 
edy  these  defects  became,  then,  a  matter  of  pressing 
necessity  before  the  troops  could  with  confidence 
be  sent  into  the  field.  The  War  Department,  doubt 
less  with  this  end  in  view,  ordered  the  graduation 
of  the  two  upper  classes  of  the  Military  Academy, 
in  order  to  utilize  the  services  of  these  carefully 
trained  and  thoroughly  disciplined  young  men  in 
drilling  the  various  regiments  of  volunteers.  Up 
ton's  class  was  graduated  on  the  6th  of  May,  and 
had  completed  all  but  a  month  of  their  five  years' 
cadet  service.  They  were  in  every  way  qualified 
for  the  responsible  duties  to  which  they  were  at 
once  assigned.  Imperative  orders  directed  their 
immediate  presence  in  Washington.  Delaying  but 
a  few  hours  in  New  York  to  procure  their  arms 
and  equipments  for  active  service,  many  of  them 
still  in  their  cadet  uniform,  they  hurried  on  to 
Washington,  and  were  at  once  absorbed  in  the  per 
formance  of  the  duty  assigned  them. 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  43 

Coming  as  they  did  fresh  from  the  Military 
Academy,  accustomed  to  strict  disciplinary  prin 
ciples,  having  a  practical  as  well  as  a  theoretical 
knowledge  of  military  science,  and  with  a  high  sense 
of  honor,  they  were  peculiarly  fortunate  in  being 
at  once  associated  with  those  patriotic  men  who 
formed  the  first  levy  of  our  volunteer  army. 

They  could  not  help  being  ennobled  by  intimate 
association  with  the  men  who,  in  the  highest  spirit 
of  self-sacrifice,  had  given  up  every  worldly  interest, 
as  well  as  family  and  home,  and  who  stood  ready 
to  yield  life  itself  in  order  that  the  Union  might  be 
preserved. 

The  influence  of  such  men  upon  these  active  and 
high-spirited  young  regulars  can  never  be  wholly 
understood,  except  in  the  light  of  the  remarkable 
success  that  the  latter  attained  by  the  hearty  co 
operation  of  the  former ;  and  the  regular  army  of 
to-day  shows  that  the  patriotic  and  devoted  sacrifice 
of  our  volunteer  soldiery  has  had  an  absorbing  in 
fluence  upon  its  present  temper  and  discipline. 

The  complete  story  of  the  great  civil  war  can 
never  be  fully  written  until  the  faithful  historian 
has,  by  careful  study  and  patient  effort,  constructed 
the  mosaic  from  the  tiny  bits  of  personal  and  official 
experience  scattered  here  and  there  in  almost  inex 
tricable  confusion.  Each  individual  actor  in  the 
great  conflict  has  his  part  to  play,  and  his  story  has 
its  place  in  the  completed  picture. 

Upton  was  a  faithful  correspondent,  and  the  let 
ters  to  his  relatives  kept  them  well  informed  of  his 
movements,  and  of  the  events  which  came  under 
his  immediate  notice. 


44  Emory  Upton. 

In  the  delineation  of  his  character,  it  is  sufficient 
for  our  purpose  to  give  copious  extracts  from  his 
letters,  believing  that  these  were  the  true  expression 
of  his  thoughts,  motives,  and  actions,  at  the  time  of 
writing,  and  this  is  our  excuse  for  using  his  own 
words  in  telling  the  story  of  his  life. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  8,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  From  New  York  we  took  the 
6  P.  M.  train  for  Philadelphia.  Everything  passed 
off  quietly  until  we  arrived  in  the  City  of  Brotherly 
Love.  There  we  were  met  by  a  strong  police  force, 
and  all  were  arrested  for  secessionists.  We  were 
utterly  unprepared  for  the  descent,  and  a  fight  was 
imminent ;  but  the  police  explained  the  matter,  and 
we  followed  them  to  the  station-house  (Independence 
Hall).  We  were  taken  into  the  Rogues'  Gallery, 
and  there  deposited  our  swords  and  revolvers,  and 
awaited  the  arrival  of  Mayor  Henry.  We  showred 
him  our  orders  from  the  War  Department,  which, 
of  course,  was  sufficient  evidence  of  our  character. 
Our  arms  were  returned,  and,  on  the  supposition 
that  the  train  had  left,  we  went  to  the  Continental 
to  put  up  for  the  night  at  the  city's  expense.  The 
cause  of  our  arrest  was  a  telegram  from  the  Mayor 
of  Jersey  City,  stating  that  forty  Southern  cadets 
were  on  the  train,  and  that  their  baggage  contained 
small-arms  for  the  South.  Under  the  circumstances 
the  arrest  was  justifiable.  On  our  arrival  in  Wash 
ington  we  reported  to  Colonel  Lorenzo  Thomas. 
We  have  not  been  assigned  to  corps  yet,  but  may 
be  to-morrow.  I  can  go  into  the  Engineers  by  sim 
ply  saying  the  word,  but  I  think  strongly  of  the 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.          45 

Third  Infantry,  which  is  now  on  its  way  here.  To 
morrow  we  commence  drilling  volunteers,  our  first 
duty  as  officers  of  the  army. 

WASHINGTON,  May  20,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  I  have  now  really  commenced 
life.  No  longer  a  cadet,  I  am  now  my  own  master. 
How  different  the  circumstances !  West  Point  is 
in  the  past.  What  lies  in  the  future,  God  only 
knows !  I  trust  it  may  be  a  prosperous  and  useful 
career.  The  time  here  passes  very  fast.  I  worked 
really  hard  last  week,  but  do  not  complain,  when  I 
think  how  much  harder  the  poor  privates  have  to 
work. 

Upton  having  reported  to  the  Adjutant-General 
of  the  Army,  was  assigned  as  second-lieutenant  to 
the  Fourth  Regiment  of  Artillery,  and  directed  to 
report  to  Brigadier-General  Mansfield,  command 
ing  the  troops  around  Washington.  General  Mans 
field  directed  him  to  drill  the  Twelfth  New  York 
Regiment,  Colonel  Daniel  Butterfield  commanding, 
and  he  was  continued  on  this  duty  until  May  27th, 
when  he  was  selected  as  aide-de-camp  by  Brigadier- 
General  Daniel  Tyler,  commanding  the  First  Divis 
ion  of  the  Department  of  Northeastern  Virginia. 
This  officer  had  graduated  from  West  Point  in  1819, 
and  had  remained  in  service  until  1834,  after  which 
he  had  been  actively  employed  in  constructing  and 
managing  railroads  in  various  parts  of  the  United 
States.  But  at  the  first  call  to  arms,  and  at  the 
sacrifice  of  his  personal  interests,  he  promptly  of 
fered  his  services  to  the  Government,  and  appeared 


46  Emory  Upton. 

in  Washington  at  the  head  of  a  Connecticut  bri 
gade.  Although  then  over  sixty-two  years  of  age, 
he  still  possessed  an  active  and  vigorous  mind,  a 
quick  and  clear  perception,  and  was  thoroughly 
alive  to  the  importance  of  the  vast  undertaking  of 
the  new  Administration.  Personally  a  brave  man, 
and  controlled  by  the  most  patriotic  motives,  he 
was,  without  doubt,  one  of  the  best  commanders 
under  whom  Upton  could  at  that  time  have  found 
service.  He  very  readily  and  properly  estimated 
the  undeveloped  military  qualities  of  his  young  aide, 
and,  after  a  short  acquaintance,  predicted  the  great 
est  success  for  him  in  his  military  career. 

The  letters  which  follow  exhibit  the  first  im 
pressions  of  our  young  soldier  upon  his  entrance 
into  actual  service : 

WASHINGTON,  May  24,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  The  excitement  here  con 
tinues  unabated — in  fact,  has  increased  yesterday 
and  to-day.  Last  night  about  eight  thousand  troops 
crossed  Long  Bridge  and  encamped  on  the  soil  of 
Virginia.  This  move  is  the  initiative  of  the  war. 
How  soon  a  pitched  battle  will  be  fought  I  know 
not,  but  one  must  come  soon.  I  am  trying  my  best 
to  be  present,  but  fear  I  shall  be  unsuccessful.  To 
day  I  made  application  to  be  assigned  to  a  battery 
of  light  artillery,  and  to-night  was  told  that  as 
soon  as  an  officer  was  wanted  I  would  be  detailed. 
The  Twelfth  New  York,  to  which  I  was  assigned, 
is  now  on  Arlington  Heights.  I  am  now  on  duty 
with  the  Second  Connecticut,  and  shall  commence 
drilling  them  to-morrow. 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  47 

WASHINGTON,  June  i,  1861. 

DEAR  SISTER  :  I  leave  for  Virginia  to-night  at 
twelve  o'clock,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Tyler.  I 
will  have  a  horse  to  ride,  and  good  quarters.  My 
position  is  admirable.  I  take  your  flag  with  me. 

CAMP  OPPOSITE  WASHINGTON,  June  6fti. 
MY  DEAR  SISTER:  I  had  quite  an  incident  on  the 
night  of  the  march  here.  We  were  under  orders 
to  march  at  midnight,  to  relieve  the  Twelfth  New 
York  at  Roach's  Mills.  I  told  General  Tyler  that 
there  were  some  officers  of  the  Twelfth  in  Wash 
ington,  and  that  they  could  tell  me  the  route  to 
travel.  I  mounted  my  horse  and  set  off  for  their 
quarters,  with  permission  to  cross  the  river  and  re 
connoitre  the  roads  leading  to  the  camp  of  the 
Twelfth.  I  got  on  very  well  until  I  reached  the 
center  of  Long  Bridge.  There  I  found  that  I  had 
the  wrong  countersign.  I  showed  that  I  was  the 
bearer  of  dispatches,  and  they  let  me  pass  on.  I 
had  not  proceeded  far  before  I  was  halted  by  a 
Jersey  sentinel,  and,  not  having  the  countersign,  he 
would  not  let  me  pass.  I  was  referred  to  the  officer 
of  the  guard.  He  sent  me  to  the  colonel,  but,  not 
satisfying  him  of  my  character  and  mission,  he  sent 
me  to  General  Runyon,  who  forwarded  my  orders  (I 
was  in  uniform),  but  would  not  release  me.  He  sent 
his  aide  to  General  McDowell,  at  Arlington,  to  as 
certain  my  character,  and,  the  general  being  absent, 
his  adjutant-general,  Captain  Fry,  wrote  a  note 
stating  that  I  was  all  right.  I  was  consequently  re 
leased,  and  he  gave  me  the  countersign,  and  instruc 
tion  to  the  sergeant  of  the  guard  to  pass  me  over 


48  Emory  Upton. 

the  lines.  Before  passing  the  lines,  I  asked  the  ser 
geant  what  the  countersign  was,  so  as  to  be  sure. 
Immediately  he  halted  me  and  would  not  let  me 
proceed,  until  he  had  sent  back  to  the  general  to 
know  whether  I  had  it  or  not.  Finally,  after  a  de 
tention  of  two  hours,  I  was  released.  While  in  the 
general's  tent  I  was  guarded  by  three  officers,  who 
took  up  strategic  positions — two  slightly  in  front, 
the  other  in  rear  of  me — all  armed  with  revolvers. 
I  had  just  cleared  the  lines,  when  I  met  General 
McDowell,  who  had  heard  of  my  arrest  in  Wash 
ington,  which  had  been  telegraphed  to  the  War  De 
partment,  and  was  on  his  way  to  General  Runyon 
to  release  me.  I  saw  him  at  Arlington  a  few  days 
ago,  and  he  told  me  I  would  have  to  pardon  the 
volunteers,  for,  in  their  zeal,  they  often  stopped 
army  officers,  not  excepting  himself. 

We  arrived  at  Roach's  Mills  at  5  A.  M.  Sunday 
morning.  I  was  then  sent  out  to  survey  a  camp 
ground,  which  took  till  about  noon.  I  then  man 
aged  to  get  about  an  hour's  sleep,  the  first  I  had 
had  since  the  night  previous.  Yesterday  General 
Tyler  sent  me  out  to  find  the  shortest  distance  from 
Suter's  or  Shorter's  Hill  to  Roach's  Mills.  I  started 
about  9  A.  M.,  and,  while  the  distance  is  about  three 
miles,  after  following  the  various  roads  to  their 
termini,  I  finally  reached  this  hill  at  about  one 
o'clock.  I  dined  with  Colonel  Farnham,  of  the  Fire 
Zouaves,  and  then  returned.  I  found  that  Major 
Speidel  had  posted  his  sentinels  in  an  open  field,  and 
partly  in  rear  of  the  line  of  sentinels  belonging  to  a 
Michigan  regiment.  I  assumed  the  responsibility 
of  throwing  Speidel's  sentinels  farther  to  the  front, 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  49 

and  posted  them  along  a  road  leading  from  our 
camp  through  a  large  wood  to  an  open  field, 
thence  along  a  wood-path  leading  around  the  field 
to  a  small  corn-field,  where  I  posted  one  sentinel, 
another  on  the  other  side  of  the  field,  and  three 
more  made  our  line  connect  with  the  Michigan  line, 
which  extends  to  Suter's  Hill. 

After  doing  this,  I  reported  to  the  colonel  what 
I  had  done,  and  requested  Major  Speidel  to  return 
with  me.  The  major  did  not  like  my  interference, 
but  he  said  but  little.  We  took  a  picket  of  forty 
men  and  set  out  again.  I  rode  with  him  up  to  the 
first  Michigan  sentinel,  and  showed  him  the  route 
our  regiment  would  have  to  follow  in  case  we  were 
to  re-enforce  Suter's  Hill,  should  it  be  attacked.  He 
immediately  fell  in  with  the  idea,  and  called  in  all 
his  useless  sentinels  and  threw  them  on  the  line  that 
I  had  first  designated.  1  returned  then  to  head 
quarters  and  told  General  Tyler  what  I  had  done, 
accompanying  my  explanation  with  a  map.  When 
he  understood  it,  he  said  emphatically  two  or  three 
times :  "  That  is  right ;  you  will  do  hereafter  to  go 
out  on  your  own  hook."  This  was  my  first  compli 
ment  from  him.  I  know  not  why  it  is,  but  I  stand 
very  well  here  in  the  estimation  of  general  officers. 

When  at  Suter's  Hill,  Lieutenant  Snyder  [who 
had  been  at  Fort  Sumter]  told  me  that  they  would 
like  to  have  me  for  an  aide-de-camp  to  Colonel 
Heintzelman.  General  Tyler  last  night  told  me  that 
he  should  try  to  keep  me  as  long  as  he  was  in  serv 
ice,  and  that  it  was  very  probable  that  I  would  be 
put  on  McDowell's  staff,  who  commands  all  the 
forces  on  this  side. 
3 


50  Emory  Upton. 


ERASER'S,  VA.,  June  17,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  We  are  comfortably  settled 
here,  but  to-day  or  to-morrow  we  shall  move  to 
Roach's  Mills.  You  need  not  worry  about  me,  for 
I  have  all  that  I  want  to  eat.  I  mess  with  the  gen 
eral,  and,  as  he  likes  good  things  and  has  plenty  of 
money,  we  lack  no  comforts  when  they  can  be  ob 
tained.  We  now  have  the  First  and  Second  Con 
necticut  Volunteers  on  this  side  of  the  river,  and 
the  Eighth  and  Twenty-fifth  New  York  are  also 
brigaded  with  us. 

Virginia  does  not  compare  very  well  with  Gene- 
see  County.  Once  in  a  while  we  find  a  good  farm, 
but  generally  the  fences  are  down  and  the  buildings 
are  old  and  rickety.  Yesterday  the  general  and 
myself  went  on  the  cars  with  four  hundred  men  of 
the  First  Connecticut  Volunteers  to  Vienna,  on  the 
Loudon  and  Hampshire  Railroad.  Our  object  was 
to  ascertain  whether  the  road  had  been  disturbed 
by  the  rebels.  At  Vienna  the  ladies  welcomed  us 
by  waving  handkerchiefs ;  they  were  truly  glad  to 
see  us.  The  rebels  had  been  there  two  days  before 
us,  and  had  taken  up  the  lead  pipes  for  bullets.  On 
our  return  a  shot  was  fired  at  our  men,  and  took 
effect  in  the  left  shoulder  of  a  soldier  standing  next 
to  General  Tyler.  The  train  was  stopped,  and  the 
men  were  thrown  into  the  woods  as  skirmishers. 
When  I  got  out  of  the  cars  they  were  firing  very 
rapidly,  and  I  thought  then  we  were  going  to  have 
a  good  fight,  as  we  knew  there  were  secesh  troops 
within  six  miles  when  we  passed  up. 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  5 1 

FALL'S  CHURCH,  VA.,  July  i,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  Is  mother  as  brave  as  she 
ought  to  be  ?  Does  she  prefer  to  have  me  here 
rather  than  at  home  ?  If  she  does  not,  hereafter  I 
will  say  nothing  of  projects.  Patriotism  now  should 
rule  affection.  I  hope  she  looks  at  it  in  this  light. 
We  hope  to  celebrate  the  4th  of  July  at  Fairfax 
Court-House.  Whether  the  move  will  involve  a 
battle  I  know  not,  but  I  hope  it  will.  Our  army  has 
insults  to  avenge  and  a  flag  to  defend.  Would  it 
not  be  a  glorious  celebration  of  that  day  to  meet 
and  defeat  the  enemies  of  our  country  ?  Yesterday 
two  companies  of  the  Third  Connecticut  captured 
two  prisoners  and  four  horses.  An  ambush  was 
placed  within  two  and  a  half  miles  of  the  chivalrous 
First  South  Carolina.  The  force  was  the  advanced 
guard  of  about  thirty  or  forty  of  Radford's  rangers. 
A  little  more  coolness  and  discretion  would  have 
enabled  them  to  capture  the  whole  squad.  They 
were  very  athletic,  vigorous  men,  and  one  was 
very  courageous  and  would  not  give  up  for  some 
time.  They  were  exceedingly  mortified,  and  I  really 
pitied  them.  I  will  fight  before  I  will  deliver  my 
sword. 

I  can  remain  with  General  Tyler  as  long  as  I 
please.  I  know  he  does  not  want  me  to  leave,  for  he 
has  taken  the  trouble  to  write  to  the  Assistant  Adju 
tant-General  to  have  me  detached,  and  I  think  he 
saw  the  Secretary  of  War  on  the  subject.  The  Fifth 
United  States  Artillery  is  now  organizing  at  Harris- 
burg,  and  will  not  be  in  the  field  within  two  months. 
Before  the  expiration  of  that  period  there  will  be 
hard  fighting,  and  were  I  to  join  my  company  I 


52  Emory  Upton. 

should  lose  it  all.  When  it  gets  into  the  field  I 
think  I  shall  join  it,  as  I  wish  to  win  the  reputation 
of  being  a  good  artillery-officer.  I  have  been  where 
I  expected  a  fight,  but  have  not  been  gratified  as 
yet. 

FALL'S  CHURCH,.  VA.,  July  9,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  Your  good  letter  found  me 
houseless  and  homeless.  General  Tyler  has  turned 
over  the  command  of  the  Connecticut  brigade  to 
Colonel  Keyes,  and  with  it  our  tents,  of  course.  He 
has  not  yet  located  his  headquarters,  and  until  then 
we  must  trust  to  our  friends  for  protection.  Lieu 
tenant  Hascall  occupies  the  same  position  on  Colo 
nel  Keyes's  staff  which  I  did  on  General  Tyler's, 
before  he  was  relieved.  I  meet  many  of  rny  old 
West  Point  instructors  daily.  Captain  Baird  (mathe 
matics)  is  on  our  staff ;  Captain  Vincent  (chemistry) 
is  on  General  Schenck's  staff ;  Colonel  McCook,  of 
tactics,  who  had  my  company ;  Colonel  Howard, 
Captain  Williams,  and  many  others.  Professor 
Mahan  was  out  to  see  us  to-day.  He  has  a  very 
hearty  shake  of  the  hand,  which  I  regard  as  a  good 
index  to  any  man's  character.  It  seems  quite 
strange  to  associate  with  these  men  on  terms  of 
equality.  I  should  like  to  accompany  you  in  your 
visit  at  any  other  time  than  this ;  but  you  know 
an  opportunity  will  soon  present  itself  for  me  to 
be  under  fire,  and  I  would  not  miss  it  for  ail  the 
world. 

During  the  next  nine  days,  the  preliminary  move 
ments  had  all  taken  place  by  which  McDowell's 
army  had  been  placed  face  to  face  with  the  enemy. 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  53 

Oar  young  soldier  had  been  active  and  zealous  in 
his  duty,  and  had  gained  the  confidence  of  his  gen 
eral.  The  latter,  in  command  of  the  First  Division, 
had,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  i6th  and  iSth 
of  July,  moved  against  Centreville,  and  had  ad 
vanced  as  far  as  Blackburn's  Ford  on  Bull  Run.  In 
the  action  which  this  advanced  movement  had 
brought  about,  Upton  had  aimed  the  first  gun  and 
was  in  the  successful  charge  made  by  the  First 
Massachusetts  and  Second  and  Third  Michigan 
Regiments  against  the  enemy's  position.  In  this 
charge  he  displayed  great  coolness  and  dash,  and, 
although  he  was  wounded  in  the  left  side  and  arm 

o 

by  a  musket-ball,  he  did  not  quit  the  field,  but  re 
mained  at  his  post  of  duty,  receiving  the  commen 
dation  of  his  general  for  his  gallantry.  His  high 
anticipations  of  success  against  the  armed  enemies 
of  the  country  were  not  realized;  and,  while  the 
result  of  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  dampened  his  hopes, 
it  did  not  weaken  his  faith  in  the  ultimate  success 
of  the  cause. 

His  great  disappointment  at  the  result  of  this 
promising  movement  is  feelingly  portrayed  in  this 
short  but  pithy  note  to  his  sister : 

July  22,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  I  regret  to  say  we  are  de 
feated.  Our  troops  fought  well,  but  were  badly 
managed. 

The  only  other  letter  referring  to  the  battle  was 
written  several  months  after,  and  refers  to  a  chance 
meeting  with  Mr.  Lovejoy : 


54  Emory  Upton. 

ALEXANDRIA,  November  25,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  You  spoke  of  the  Hon.  Owen 
Lovejoy.  Did  I  tell  you  about  meeting  him  at  Bull 
Run?  If  not,  I'll  tell  you  now.  General  Tyler's 
division  crossed  Bull  Run  about  forty  rods  above 
Stone  Bridge.  I  crossed  with  the  Sixty-ninth  New 
York,  and  passed  up  the  opposite  bank  through  a 
ravine.  We  had  marched  but  a  few  rods  when  we 
came  upon  a  regiment  of  secessionists.  We  were 
about  eight  rods  from  them,  and  not  knowing  them 
to  be  secessionists  we  asked  them.  I  was  between 
them  and  the  leading  company,  and  of  course  rode 
around  the  company  so  that  they  might  open  fire. 
I  had  but  got  behind  it  when  my  horse  was  shot  and 
mortally  wounded.  I  dismounted,  and  remained 
until  the  enemy  ran,  when  we  ceased  firing  and  re 
sumed  the  march.  I  saw  my  horse  a  short  distance 
back,  and  went  to  him  and  took  off  his  saddle.  I 
then  went  forward  to  a  small  house  where  the 
wounded  were  being  carried.  I  saw  there  an  old 
horse,  and,  as  I  was  an  aide-de-camp,  I  mounted 
him.  I  asked  for  his  owner,  and  Mr.  Lovejoy  made 
his  appearance.  He  was  assisting  in  taking  care  of 
the  wounded,  and  had  exposed  his  life  freely.  I 
told  him  I  was  an  aide  and  my  horse  had  been  shot, 
and  asked  for  his.  He  gave  him  to  me  immediate 
ly,  and  I  consigned  to  his  care  a  valuable  field-glass. 
I  rejoined  the  staff,  and  changed  the  horse  with  an 
orderly.  On  the  retreat  my  arm  pained  me,  and  I 
procured  a  steady  horse  belonging  to  the  quarter 
master's  department.  Mr.  Lovejoy 's  horse  was 
ridden  by  a  member  of  our  staff,  and  was  returned 
to  him  in  Washington.  I  have  a  high  respect  for 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  55 

Mr.  Lovejoy,  because  he  fights  for  his  principles 
and  is  a  brave  man. 

Upon  recovering  from  his  wound,  Upton,  having 
been  assigned  to  the  artillery,  was  ordered,  August 
14,  1861,  to  duty  in  Battery  D,  Second  United  States 
Artillery,  which  was  located  in  the  defenses  of 
Washington,  south  of  the  Potomac.  During  the  in 
terval  of  rest  and  reorganization  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  he  remained  at  Alexandria  with  his  bat 
tery,  which  was  commanded  by  Captain  Richard 
Arnold  until  the  latter  part  of  October,  then  by 
Captain  Platt,  and,  before  leaving  again  for  active 
service,  by  Upton  himself.  In  the  daily  routine  of 
camp-life  there  was  much  to  be  done  to  make  the 
battery  efficient  for  field-service,  and  that  this  was 
thoroughly  well  done,  both  by  officers  and  men,  was 
shown  in  its  subsequent  record.  The  few  incidents 
well  to  note  before  the  beginning  of  the  Peninsular 
campaign,  as  well  as  the  impressions  that  occupied 
his  mind,  are  given  in  the  following  letters : 

ARNOLD'S  BATTERY,  ALEXANDRIA,  August  31,  1861. 
MY  DEAR  SISTER:  Since  I  last  wrote  you  we 
have  again  changed  camp.  Captain  Arnold  sent 
me  forward  to  locate  our  ground,  and  has  honored 
me  by  naming  the  camp  after  me.  We  are  on  high 
ground,  and  not  so  far  from  the  enemy  as  before. 
Our  brigade  is  now  commanded  by  General  Mitch 
ell  (the  renowned  astronomer).  I  hope  he  may  be 
as  proficient  in  the  science  of  war  as  in  astronomy. 
Everything  is  quiet  in  front ;  occasionally  there  is 
picket-firing.  Yesterday  I  visited  our  pickets  at 


56  Emory  Upton. 

Bailey's  Cross-roads,  and  saw  again  the  secession 
flag,  and  heard  the  discharge  of  musketry.  Our 
pickets  were  then  having  a  brush  with  theirs.  One 
of  their  officers  was  shot.  His  rank  is  not  known, 
but  he  was  probably  a  valuable  officer,  for  the  flag 
was  lowered  to  half-mast,  and  remained  so  'during 
the  da  .  They  have  a  field-work  one  and  a  quarter 
miles  from  Bailey's,  on  Munson's  Hill,  I  have  been 
on  the  hill,  but  it  was  when  at  Fall's  Church.  They 
could  easily  be  dislodged  by  planting  two  batteries 
—one  at  Bailey's,  the  other  near  Willie  Throckmor- 
ton's  house — and  attacking  them  with  infantry  be 
tween  the  batteries.  ...  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  officers 
of  the  Second  Maine,  and  they  gave  me  a  hearty 
welcome.  You  will  remember  that  we  charged  up 
the  hill  together.  I  saw  the  color-bearer  who  be 
haved  so  nobly,  carrying  forward  our  flag,  planting 
it  until  the  men  came  up,  and  then  carrying  it  for 
ward  again.  If  I  ever  attain  a  position  to  reward 
anybody,  he  shall  be  remembered. 

ALEXANDRIA,  September  30,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  Yesterday  we  had  a  regular 
field-day.  We  marched  at  5  A.  M.  for  Bailey's 
Cross-roads,  and  on  arriving  there  found  Munson's 
Hill  in  possession  of  our  troops.  We  then  marched 
for  Mason's  Hill,  where  the  rebels  also  had  fortifica 
tions,  but  they  had  deserted  them.  My  section  was 
brought  into  battery  commanding  the  Fairfax  road, 
but  as  only  a  few  cavalry  showed  themselves  at 
times  we  did  not  fire.  We  returned  to  Bailey's  at 
3  P.  M.,  and  encamped,  expecting  to  remain  there 
all  night,  but  at  supper  orders  were  received  to 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  57 

return  to  our  old  camp.  In  twenty  minutes  we 
were  ready  to  move,  and  at  half-past  seven  were  at 
our  old  home.  The  works  at  Munson's  and  Mason's 
Hills  were  mere  scarecrows — nothing  but  shells 
which  I  could  and  did  ride  my  horse  right  over. 
At  Munson's  they  had  a  wooden  Columbiad  pointed 
over  the  parapet,  which  gave  rise  to  the  report  that 
they  had  heavy  guns. 

The  conduct  of  our  troops  was  disgraceful  be-  : 
yond  expression.  They  burned  buildings,  destroyed 
furniture,  stole  dishes,  chairs,  etc.,  killed  chickens, 
pigs,  calves,  and  everything  they  could  eat.  They 
would  take  nice  sofa-chairs,  which  they  had  not  the 
slightest  use  for,  and  ten  minutes  after  throw  them 
away.  Talk  about  the  barbarity  of  the  rebels !  I 
believe  them  to  be  Christians  compared  to  our 
thieves.  The  houses  entered  yesterday  belonged 
mostly  to  Union  people,  yet  they  were  unmolested 
by  the  rebels.  One  of  our  volunteer  majors  walked 
up  to  a  looking-glass,  wrorth  about  twenty  dollars, 
and  deliberately  put  his  foot  through  it.  I  wish  I 
had  witnessed  it.  He  would  have  had  the  benefit 
of  a  court-martial. 

ALEXANDRIA,  October  4,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  I  want  you  to  cease  worrying 
about  me.  It  does  no  good  either  to  yourself  or 
me,  and  it  gives  me  no  comfort  whatever.  You 
have  the  New  York  papers  daily,  and  undoubtedly, 
were  accident  to  befall  me,  you  would  hear  of  it 
through  them  first.  If  I  am  to  be  killed  in  battle, 
no  earthly  power  can  avert  it.  My  fate  I  know  not. 
Whatever  it  may  be  I  am  ready  and  willing  to  meet 


58  Emory  Upton. 

it.  I  am  fighting-  for  right,  and  trust  in  God  to  de 
fend  me.  If  it  be  his  will  I  desire  no  more  happy 
or  glorious  death  than  on  the  battle-field  in  the 
defense  of  our  flag.  I  owe  all  to  the  Government, 
and,  in  return,  the  Government  shall  have  all.  Per 
haps  I  shall  have  a  great  mission  to  perform  ;  if  so, 
I  shall  not  fail  to  ask  wisdom  from  "  Him  who 
giveth  liberally  and  upbraideth  not."  You  spoke 
of  mother's  prayers — they  are  offered  in  faith.  I 
wish  I  had  her  steadfastness. 

It  is  now  quite  probable  that  we  shall  remain 
here  for  some  time.  I  hope  not,  but  if  not  ready  it 
is  expedient  to  remain  on  the  defensive.  The  great 
points  of  interest  are  now  Missouri  and  Kentucky. 
Two  big  battles  may  be  expected  very  soon,  one  in 
each  State  ;  but  the  grand  one  will  take  place  when 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  takes  the  offensive. 

ALEXANDRIA,  November  13,  1861. 

DEAR  SISTER  :  My  views  are  not  changed  ;  I  am 
opposed  to  Southern  slavery  in  every  form,  viewed 
in  any  light — political,  social,  or  moral.  I  have 
taken  an  oath  "  to  bear  true  allegiance  to  the  United 
States,"  and  I  hope  to  observe  that  oath.  Slavery 
is  the  cause  of  the  rebellion,  and  I  believe  it  is  God's 
providence  that  it  shall  be  overthrown.  It  will  be 
the  consequence,  not  the  effect,  of  the  war.  After 
the  war  is  ended  there  will  be  a  great  influx  of 
Northern  men  into  the  Southern  States  ;  their  views 
will  gradually  triumph  and  slavery  must  yield.  The 
rebels  wish  to  establish  a  monarchy,  and  are  fighting 
for  that  object.  We  are  fighting  for  the  Govern 
ment,  and  against  that  object. 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  59 

ALEXANDRIA,  November  23,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  Time  passes  so  rapidly  now 
that  it  is  hard  to  take  cognizance  of  it.  This  is  a 
cold,  bleak  night,  and  the  poor  soldiers  at  the  out 
posts  must  suffer  from  cold  ;  our  men  even  suffer  in 
their  tents.  I  can  hardly  look  forward  to  winter 
without  a  shudder — not  that  I  have  any  anxiety  for 
myself,  but  for  the  private  soldier,  whose  covering 
for  the  night  is  but  one  thin  blanket. 

ALEXANDRIA,  March  26,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  We  are  still  at  Alexandria, 
expecting  to  embark,  but  not  knowing  exactly  when, 
possibly  on  Sunday.  We  bide  our  time  patiently, 
knowing  that  hard  fighting  awaits  us.  We  are 
promised  the  first  blow,  and  hope  to  give  it  soon. 
Yesterday  the  ladies  at  Commodore  Wilkes's  pre 
sented  the  company  with  an  elegant  American  flag 
for  a  guidon.  I  told  them  I  would  never  return 
unless  the  flag  did,  and  the  promise  shall  be  kept. 

General  McDowell  reviewed  his  corps  yester 
day.  It  is  forty  thousand  strong,  and  has  sixty- 
eight  pieces  of  artillery.  As  he  was  riding  along  he 
asked,  "  Which  is  Upton's  battery?"  which  shows 
I  am  known  to  him.  Give  me  one  chance,  and  I 
shall  be  quite  contented  ;  and,  if  I  don't  acquit  myself 
with  honor,  you  will  never  see  me  again. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  memoir 
to  analyze  or  to  discuss  the  great  campaigns  of  the 
war,  and  it  is  sufficient  for  our  purpose,  in  describ 
ing  the  fortunes  of  a  junior  officer,  to  give  a  mere 
outline  of  the  important  movements,  dwelling  alone 


60  Emory  Upton. 

on  those  events  which  had  their  influence  in  his 
military  development,  and  in  which  he  was  an 
actor. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  after  the  battle  of 
Bull  Run  was  without  organization  and  discipline. 
Although  its  elements  were  as  good  as  this  country 
could  then  furnish,  it  could  not  be  made  an  efficient 
instrument  for  the  defense  of  the  country,  or  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion,  without  organization 
and  enforced  discipline.  Neither  men  nor  officers 
knew  how  to  take  care  of  their  own  health,  how  to 
cook  their  rations,  or  to  shelter  themselves  from  in 
clement  weather.  These  things  are  learned  only 
by  bitter  experience.  The  reports  of  the  regiment 
al  and  other  commanders  of  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  of  the  chief  medical  officer,  the  quartermaster- 
general,  the  commissary-general,  and  other  staff- 
officers,  if  attentively  read,  will  be  found  full  of  in 
struction  on  these  points.  They  clearly  show  that 
an  army  is  something  more  than  a  body  of  armed 
and  uniformed  citizens  gathered  in  haste  from  their 
civil  pursuits. 

From  the  time  when  McClellan  took  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  until  it  moved  to  the 
Peninsula  the  improvement  in  its  efficiency  was 
marked  and  permanent.  Without  this  improvement 
it  never  could  have  so  well  performed  its  allotted 
task,  nor  become  the  great  dependence  upon  which 
the  Government  could  with  security  rely. 

McDowell's  corps,  originally  intended  to  form 
part  of  the  army  by  which  McClellan  was  to  ad 
vance  on  Richmond  by  way  of  the  James  River 
Peninsula,  was,  at  the  last  moment,  retained  as  a 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  61 

cover  to  Washington.  Upton's  battery  belonged 
to  Franklin's  division  of  this  corps,  and  it  was  not 
until  April  22d  that  this  division  reported  to  Mc- 
Clellan  at  Yorktown.  On  May  /th  it  effected  a 
landing  at  West  Point,  Va.,  overcoming  at  that 
place  a  spirited  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 
In  this  engagement  Upton  handled  his  battery  with 
coolness,  and  it  was  commended  for  its  excellent 
firing  by  General  Franklin  in  his  report.  Upton  was 
now  where  he  had  all  along  desired  to  be — in  actual 
service,  in  the  command  of  a  battery  of  artillery. 
The  reputation  of  a  battery  is  that  of  its  captain. 
The  latter  must  be  cool  yet  resolute,  quick  of  eye, 
decided  in  character,  incapable  of  demoralization, 
and  daring  enough  to  gather  all  the  fruits  w^hich  his 
position  and  opportunities  offer.  These  traits  Up 
ton  possessed  thoroughly.  He  had  that  coup  d'ceil 
militaire  which  enabled  him  at  a  glance  to  gather 
in  all  the  peculiarities  of  the  military  position,  and 
which  were  at  once  indelibly  printed  in  his  mind, 
ready  for  utilization  at  the  critical  moment.  The 
uproar  of  battle  steadied  him  and  gave  him  the 
full  and  active  possession  of  his  faculties.  It  is  to 
these  qualities  we  must  attribute  the  high  praise 
which  his  conduct  evoked  on  the  part  of  every 
commander  with  whom  he  served. 

From  West  Point  he  moved  with  Franklin's 
division  to  the  Chickahominy ;  and  at  the  battle  of 
Gaines  Mills,  June  27th,  we  find  his  battery  assigned 
to  the  brigade  of  General  John  Newton,  and  with 
it  participating  in  the  action,  doing  excellent  serv 
ice  in  this  stubborn  contest. 

During  the  seven  days'  battle  on  the  retreat  to 


62  Emory  Upton. 

the  James  River,  Upton's  battery  performed  a  dis 
tinguished  part,  especially  at  the  battle  of  Glendale 
or  Charles  City  Cross-roads.  In  this  action  Upton 
was  in  Slocum's  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  who 
says  in  his  report  of  the  battle  that  "  the  artillery 
commanded  by  Upton  and  Porter  was  exceedingly 
well  served,"  and  that  "  the  position  was  mainly  de 
fended  by  the  artillery,  which  on  this,  as  on  all 
other  occasions,  was  most  admirably  served.  Of 
Upton's  battery  (D),  Second  Artillery,  and  Porter's 
battery  (A),  First  Massachusetts  Artillery,  I  can 
not  speak  too  highly.  The  officers  and  men  of  both 
these  batteries  have  on  all  occasions  manifested  that 
coolness  and  bravery  so  necessary  to  this  branch  of 
the  service." 

We  next  hear  of  Upton  through  the  official  re 
ports  at  Crampton's  Gap,  Md.  In  the  mean  time 
McClellan's  army  had  been  withdrawn  from  the 
James ;  Pope  had  fought  unsuccessfully  the  second 
battle  of  Bull  Run ;  and  McClellan  had  again  been 
put  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
was  following  after  Lee,  to  cut  him  off  or  bring  him 
to  battle,  during  his  invasion  of  Maryland.  The 
affair  at  Crampton's  Gap,  September  14,  1862,  was 
one  of  the  minor  actions  preliminary  to  Antietam, 
September  17,  1862.  Upton  was  at  that  time  in 
command  of  the  Artillery  Brigade  of  four  batteries, 
twenty-six  guns,  of  the  First  Division  of  the  Sixth 
Army  Corps.  He  had  obtained  this  position  as  a 
just  reward  for  his  success  in  the  previous  cam 
paign,  and  the  promotion  being  within  the  prov 
ince  of  his  immediate  commanders  to  bestow,  was 
a  marked  evidence  of  his  own  merit.  His  letters 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  63 

and  the  extracts  from  official  reports  show  clearly 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  Antietam  campaign. 

CAMP  NEAR  BAKERSVILLE,  MD.,  September  27,  1862. 
MY  DEAR  SISTER:  The  pleasant  campaign  of 
Maryland  has  closed  with  the  expulsion  of  the  rebel 
invaders.  From  the  time  we  left  Alexandria  (the 
second  day  after  my  return)  till  the  close  of  the 
battle  of  Antietam,  I  never  spent  any  hours  more 
agreeably  or  enjoyed  myself  better.  We  lived  well, 
marched  through  a  lovely  country,  had  beautiful 
weather,  magnificent  scenery,  and  above  all  two 
glorious  battles.  At  the  battle  of  Crampton's  Gap, 
although  not  actively  engaged,  I  was  under  fire.  It 
was,  however,  at  the  battle  of  Antietam  that  I  had 
full  swing.  The  artillery  is  a  pretty  arm,  and  makes 
a  great  deal  of  noise.  From  2  p.  M.  till  dark  we  fed 
the  rebels  on  shells,  spherical  case,  and  solid  shot. 
They  did  not  appreciate  our  kindness,  and  enter 
tained  us  in  like  manner.  Shells  and  case-shot  I 
don't  care  anything  about,  but  round  shot  are  great 
demoralizers.  The  sharp-shooters  were  very  busy 
all  the  time,  and  annoyed  us  very  much.  I  took 
my  field-glass  and  stepped  behind  a  gate-post  to 
rest  it,  so  that  I  could  get  a  steady  view.  The  in 
stant  I  got  behind  it,  the  post  was  struck  by  a 
Minie-ball.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  I  was 
fired  at  a  dozen  times  during  the  day.  The  infantry 
fighting  was  terrible.  I  do  not  believe  there  has 
been  harder  fighting  this  century  than  that  between 
Hooker  and  the  rebels  in  the  morning.  I  have 
heard  of  the  "  dead  lying  in  heaps,"  but  never  saw 
it  till  at  this  battle.  Whole  ranks  fell  together. 


64  Emory  Upton. 

The  trials  of  some  of  the  wounded  were  horrible. 
I  did  not  know  it  at  the  time,  but,  during  all  our  fir 
ing,  a  wounded  rebel  lay  under  a  fence  about  forty 
feet  in  front  of  the  muzzles  of  our  guns.  Between 
their  roar  and  the  bursting  shells  from  his  own 
friends,  the  poor  fellow  must  have  suffered  beyond 
conception.  One  of  our  captains  lay  wounded  in  a 
brick  school-house,  through  which  several  of  our 
shells  and  solid  shot  passed,  hurling  the  bricks  in 
every  direction,  but,  strange  to  say,  not  injuring  him. 
He  died  of  his  wound  the  next  day.  His  dying 
message  was  to  tell  his  friends  that  "  he  had  been 
in  nine  battles,  and  that  he  died  a  brave  man."  A 
good  soldier. 

In  regard  to  the  part  played  by  Upton  at  Antie- 
tam,  Colonel  Irving,  one  of  the  brigade  command 
ers  of  the  Second  Division  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  re 
ports  : 

"About  half-past  four  o'clock,  Captain  Upton, 
Chief  of  Artillery  of  Slocum's  division,  rode  to  my 
line,  and,  after  we  had  examined  the  ground  in  front 
of  the  left  attentively,  I  decided  to  accept  the  bat 
tery  which  he  earnestly  advised  me  to  have  placed 
there.  Not  a  minute  could  be  lost;  the  enemy  were 
massing  in  front  with  the  evident  design  of  throw 
ing  a  powerful  column  against  my  left,  and  they 
could  not  be  seen  except  from  that  part  of  the  line. 
I  instantly  sent  word  to  Major-General  [Wm.  F.] 
Baldy  Smith,  who  approved  the  movement,  and  I 
requested  Captain  Upton  to  order  up  the  battery, 
which  came  into  action  very  promptly  and  opened 
with  three  rifled  guns,  which,  after  playing  on  the 


Active  Service  as  a  Subaltern.  65 

masses  of  the  enemy  with  great  effect  for  half  an 
hour,  were  withdrawn,  and  their  places  supplied  by 
a  battery  of  Napoleon  guns,  the  fire  of  which  was 
very  destructive ;  these  guns  were  of  inestimable 
value  to  us,  and  the  coolness  and  the  precision  with 
which  they  were  served  deserve  the  highest  com 
mendation,  and  it  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  ac 
knowledge  how  much  I  was  indebted  to  Captain 
Upton,  and  to  the  officers  and  men  under  his  com 
mand." 


CHAPTER   IV. 

SERVICE    AS    A    REGIMENTAL    AND     BRIGADE     COM 
MANDER. 

UPTON'S  peculiar  fitness  for  the  profession  of 
arms  was  evident  to  all  who  came  in  contact  with 
him,  and  the  impression  made  by  his  intrepidity  in 
battle  was  not  easy  to  forget.  The  attention  of 
the  authorities  of  the  State  of  New  York  was 
early  directed  toward  those  officers  of  the  regular 
army  who  were  fit  to  command  its  regiments,  and 
likely  to  reflect  honor  upon  the  State ;  and  the 
choice  fell  upon  Upton  for  the  command  of  the 
One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  Regiment,  New 
York  Volunteers.  This  regiment  had  been  raised 
in  Herkimer  and  Otsego  Counties,  in  obedience  to 
the  call  of  the  President  in  August,  1862,  for  three 
hundred  thousand  volunteers.  By  August  3Oth  the 
regiment  was  ready  to  leave  for  the  front,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Richard  Franchot.  On  the 
3d  of  September  it  reached  Washington ;  on  the 
I4th  and  i/th  it  participated  in  the  battles  of  Cramp- 
,  ton's  Gap  and  Antietam,  and  on  the  23d  of  October 
I  it  received  its  new  colonel,  Emory  Upton,  who  had 
been  so  commissioned  by  Governor  Fenton  on  the 
9th  of  October.  One  of  the  first  to  congratulate  the 
young  colonel  and  to  commend  the  regiment  to  his 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     6j 

best  devotion  was  its  first  commander,  Colonel 
Franchot,  who,  having  been  elected  to  Congress, 
relinquished  the  command  to  take  his  seat  as  a  Rep 
resentative.  Upton  had,  however,  been  ordered, 
August  I4th,  to  duty  at  the  Military  Academy, 
which  order  was,  to  his  great  gratification,  revoked 
to  enable  him  to  take  command  of  his  regiment. 
From  this  time,  therefore,  his  connection  with  the 
regular  army  was  merely  that  of  his  regimental 
rank  as  an  artillery-officer,  and  his  subsequent  career 
was  identified  with  the  volunteers. 

The  rank  and  file  of  his  regiment  were  made 
up  of  the  best  men  the  country  then  produced— 
men  of  brawn  and  muscle,  urged  by  the  highest 
patriotism  to  enlist  for  a  service  that  promised 
hard  fighting  and  the  severest  trials.  They  de 
serve  the  highest  commendation,  and  they  made 
for  themselves  a  glorious  record.  Engaged  in 
every  battle  fought  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
from  Antietam  to  the  close  of  the  war,  their  de 
votion  was  attested  by  their  constantly  thinned 
ranks  and  the  honorable  scars  of  the  survivors. 
They  were  readily  amenable  to  the  strict  discipline 
needed  for  success,  and  heartily  gave  unques 
tioned  obedience  to  the  gallant  soldier  who  was 
their  animating  spirit  and  led  their  advance  in  the 
assault. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  reunion  of  the  survivors 
of  the  regiment  in  1878,  Major  Douglas  Campbell 
gave  fitting  testimony  as  to  the  causes  which  con 
tributed  to  the  gratifying  record  attained  by  the 
regiment  while  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Up 
ton.  He  says : 


68  Emory  Upton. 

"  This  record  was  not  the  result  of  chance ;  it 
was  due  mainly  to  two  causes  :  The  first  Avas  the 
material  of  which  the  regiment  was  composed  ;  men 
who  went  out  to  fight  for  principle  must  make  good 
soldiers.  The  second  was  the  influence  of  the  man 
that  we  were  fortunate  enough  to  secure  as  our 
leader.  Earnestness  is  the  chief  secret  of  success  in 
life  ;  of  all  the  men  that  I  have  ever  met,  no  one  was 
more  thoroughly  in  earnest  than  Colonel  Upton. 
Bred  at  West  Point,  he  was  but  twenty-two  years 
of  age  when  he  donned  the  eagles  and  the  badge  of 
the  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first.  The  first  day 
he  made  to  the  officers  a  little  speech  about  what  he 
expected  of  the  regiment.  I  went  away  feeling  that 
we  had  indeed  found  a  man.  How  the  regiment 
was  affected  is  shown  by  its  subsequent  record.  At 
first  some  of  the  boys  thought  he  was  severe  in  dis 
cipline  and  drill ;  but  when  people  began  flocking 
from  distant  encampments  to  witness  our  dress  pa 
rades,  and  when  in  battle  they  saw  the  regiment 
standing  like  a  solid  wall,  these  very  men  thanked 
the  colonel.  In  discipline  he  was  stern,  but  it  was 
only  the  sternness  of  a  soldier;  below  it  was  as 
warm  a  heart  as  ever  beat.  When  we  lay  for  that 
fearful  night  at  Belle  Plain  Landing,  without  tents, 
fire,  or  food,  in  sleet  and  mud,  which  froze  before 
morning  to  a  solid  mass,  the  field-officers  alone  had 
a  tent.  Upton  gave  up  his  couch  to  a  sick  lieuten 
ant,  and,  rolled  in  a  blanket,  lay  upon  the  ground. 
A  day  or  so  afterward  I  heard  a  conversation  be 
tween  the  officers  who  occupied  the  tent.  The 
others,  it  seems,  rested  comfortably,  but  Upton 
said  he  could  not  sleep,  thinking  of  the  poor  fellows 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     69 

outside  who  had  no  shelter.  You  remember  that 
when  he  joined  us  we  had  a  very  large  sick  list. 
Upton  came  to  us  from  a  battery  of  regular  artil 
lery,  and  for  some  days  was  absent  a  large  portion 
of  the  time.  We  supposed  he  was  visiting  his  old 
associates.  A  few  weeks  afterward  I  met  a  friend 
who  belonged  to  a  regular  regiment.  He  said  to 
me :  '  What  is  the  colonel  of  your  regiment  doing  ?  Is 
he  studying  medicine?'  I  asked  what  he  meant, 
and  he  replied,  '  Why,  for  a  long  time  he  came  over 
here  almost  every  day,  and  passed  his  whole  time  in 
our  hospitals,  talking  to  our  surgeons,  and  studying 
our  medical  system.'  That  explained  why  the 
health  of  the  regiment  improved  so  rapidly  after 
he  took  command.  In  those  early  days  I  remember 
seeing  a  sentinel,  who  for  some  fault  had  been  sent 
ior  to  his  tent,  coming  out  crying  as  if  his  heart 
would  break.  When  he  could  speak,  I  asked  him 
what  was  the  matter,  and  through  his  tears  he  an 
swered  :  '  The  colonel  has  been  talking  to  me  about 
allowing  my  gun  to  be  taken  away  on  post.  He 
spoke  of  the  danger  which  might  come  to  the  army 
from  neglect  of  duty  like  that,  and  spoke  in  such  a 
way  that  I  felt  as  if  I  were  unworthy  to  be  a  soldier. 
He  said  he  would  not  punish  me,  but  I  would  rather 
spend  a  month  in  the  guard-house  than  have  him 
look  and  talk  so.'  That  soldier  never  failed  in  his 
duty  afterward.  Such  was  our  colonel  in  camp- 
watchful  of  his  men,  studious  of  their  health  and 
comfort,  kind-hearted  as  a  woman ;  but  in  battle  he 
was  terrible.  You  all  know  that,  however,  as  well 
as  or  better  than  I  do.  The  regiment  went  every 
where,  but  he  was  always  in  advance.  Were  he 


7o  Emory  Upton. 

here,  I  should  have  said  nothing  of  all  this,  for  he  is 
as  modest  as  he  is  brave ;  but,  as  he  is  absent,  I 
could  not  refrain  from  rendering  to  his  services  my 
little  tribute  of  praise.  Certainly  in  this,  the  first 
address  at  our  reunion,  it  is  not  out  of  place  to  ex 
press  our  gratitude  to  the  man  who  helped  so  large 
ly  to  make  this  regiment  what  it  was." 

The  testimony  given  by  Major  Campbell  is  in 
keeping  with  Upton's  well-known  traits  of  charac 
ter.  He  was  ever  alive  to  the  wants  and  necessities 
of  his  men.  He  jealously  guarded  their  interests, 
and  never  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of  anything  that 
would  conduce  to  their  health  and  comfort;  but  he 
likewise  exacted  of  them  that  prompt  and  unhesi 
tating  obedience  without  which  proper  discipline 
can  not  be  maintained.  The  following  letter  shows 
how  well  Major  Campbell  had  estimated  the  char- 
acter  of  his  new  colonel : 

BELLE  PLAIN,  VA.,  December  7,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  We  marched  from  Stafford 
Court-House  to  White  Oak  Church  three  days  ago. 
Day  before  yesterday  our  brigade  marched  to  this 
point,  the  confluence  of  the  Potomac  River  and  Poto 
mac  Creek.  When  we  arrived  it  was  snowing  and 
quite  cold,  and  we  had  to  encamp  on  the  plain. 
There  were  no  woods  to  break  the  wind,  no  wood  to 
build  fires,  and  the  men  were  wet  to  the  skin ;  the 
ground  was  covered  with  snow  and  water,  and  with 
but  a  thin  shelter-tent  over  their  heads,  and  nothing 
but  the  cold  ground  to  lie  on  and  one  blanket  for  a 
covering,  you  can  imagine  how  the  poor  soldiers 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     71 

fared  that  night.  Yesterday  it  was  clear  and  cold, 
and  last  night  colder  than  any  night  last  winter 
The  ice  froze  thick  enough  to  bear  a  horse.  To 
day  I  took  the  regiment  from  the  plain  to  the 
woods — dense  cedar  and  a  high  ridge — to  protect 
them  from  the  wind,  and  to-night  they  are  very 
comfortable,  although  it  is  still  very  cold.  I  like 
the  regiment  very  much.  The  men  know  that  they 
will  be  taken  care  of,  and  they  are  quite  contented. 

His  new  regiment  formed  a  part  of  the  brigade 
in  which  he  had  \von  distinction,  and  this  more 
prominent  command  called  out  all  the  energy  of 
his  mind  and  body.  In  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg, 
December  13,  1862,  he  had  an  opportunity  of  test 
ing  the  soldierly  qualities  of  his  men.  Here  his  gal 
lant  bearing  and  coolness  under  fire  were  so  strik 
ing  that  he  won  the  affection  of  his  men,  and  they 
behaved  so  like  veterans  that  mutual  confidence 
was  from  that  time  well  established. 

The  first  time  that  his  regiment  engaged  the 
enemy  seriously  was  in  the  battle  of  Salem  Heights, 
May  3,  1863.  His  official  report  to  the  brigade 
commander  says : 

"  The  regiment  was  deployed  to  the  left  of  the 
plank  road,  about  three  miles  from  Fredericksburg, 
and  had  advanced  in  line  of  battle  nearly  a  mile 
when  it  came  upon  our  skirmishers  in  the  edge  of  a 
belt  of  timber,  about  three  hundred  yards  through, 
beyond  which  was  Salem  Chapel.  The  skirmish 
ers  reported  the  enemy  in  line  of  battle  in  the 
opposite  edge  of  the  woods. 


72  Emory  Upton. 

"About  5.30  P.  M.  I  received  an  order  to  push 
rapidly  through  the  woods  and  engage  the  enemy, 
who  were  supposed  to  be  hastily  withdrawing.  I 
sent  the  report  of  the  enemy's  position  to  the  gen 
eral  commanding  the  brigade,  and  immediately  ad 
vanced  the  line.  The  regiment  advanced  steadily 
to  within  fifty  yards  of  the  opening,  when  it  was 
assailed  by  a  heavy  fire  of  musketry  from  the  en 
emy  concealed  behind  a  ditch.  The  fire  was  re 
ceived  without  creating  the  slightest  confusion. 
The  regiment  moved  forward  with  a  cheer  about 
twenty  yards  farther.  The  enemy  opposite  the 
center  and  left  wing  broke,  but  rallied  again  about 
twenty  or  thirty  yards  to  his  rear.  The  Ninety- 
sixth  Pennsylvania  now  came  up  to  our  left  and  the 
Twenty-third  New  Jersey  to  our  right,  but  opened 
fire  before  coming  on  our  line.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Olcott  endeavored  to  have  the  Twenty-third  New 
Jersey  charge,  but  without  success.  The  firing 
became  very  heavy  on  both  sides,  and  was  main 
tained  about  five  minutes.  It  was  impossible  to 
remain  longer. 

"  Having  lost  nearly  two  hundred  in  killed  and 
wounded,  the  regiment  fell  back  to  a  crest  four  hun 
dred  and  fifty  yards  this  side  of  the  woods,  where 
the  colors  were  planted.  ...  It  was  the  first  time 
the  regiment  had  ever  been  in  action.  It  went  into 
the  engagement  with  four  hundred  and  fifty-three, 
and  suffered  a  loss  of  forty-four  killed,  one  hundred 
and  fifteen  wounded,  and  one  hundred  and  ten  miss 
ing,  making  a  total  of  two  hundred  and  sixty-nine. 
Notwithstanding  the  severe  loss  inflicted,  it  came 
out  of  the  action  without  any  demoralization,  and  is 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     73 

again  ready  for  any  service  that  may  be  imposed 
upon  it." 

General  Bartlett  says: 

"  Colonel  E.  Upton,  commanding  the  One  Hun 
dred  and  Twenty-first  New  York,  in  the  battle  of 
Salem  Heights,  led  his  regiment  into  action  in  a 
masterly  and  fearless  manner,  and  maintained  the 
unequal  contest  to  the  last  with  unflinching  nerve 
and  marked  ability,  and  the  men  of  his  regiment,  in 
this,  their  first  battle,  won  for  themselves  the  proud 
title  of  soldiers." 

Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  Lee 
undertook  the  second  invasion  of  Maryland,  and 
pushed  forward  into  Pennsylvania.  The  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  fallen  to  General 
Meade,  and  the  sequence  of  events  brought  the 
opposing  forces  into  conflict  in  the  decisive  battle 
of  Gettysburg.  Colonel  Upton's  regiment,  forming 
a  part  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  reached  the  battle-field 
on.  the  afternoon  of  the  2d  of  July,  after  a  forced 
march,  but  yet  in  time  to  render  important  service 
to  the  hard-pressed  Union  left  flank. 

The  following  letter  shows  how  fully  he  appre 
ciated  the  importance  of  the  events  in  which  he 
participated : 

GETTYSBURG,  PA.,  July  4,  1863. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  Yesterday  was  a  glorious  day 
for  the  country  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Lee 
attacked  our  army  in  position  about  2  P.  M.,  and  was 
completely  repulsed,  with  a  loss  of  three  brigadier- 
generals,  thirty  stands  of  colors,  three  thousand 
4 


74  Emory  Upton. 

prisoners,  and  a  heavy  loss  in  killed  and  wounded. 
The  blow  fell  on  the  Second  Corps,  which  has 
greatly  distinguished  itself.  The  battle  began  on 
the  ist;  Major-General  Reynolds  was  killed  that 
day,  and  his  corps  badly  cut  up.  On  the  2d,  Lee 
attacked,  and  was  repulsed  all  around.  The  Sixth 
Corps,  on  the  night  of  the  ist,  lay  at  Manchester. 
It  commenced  its  march  for  Gettysburg  about  10 
p.  M.,  and  arrived  here  about  4  P.  M.  on  the  2d,  a 
distance  of  thirty-two  miles.  We  arrived  just  in 
time  to  re-enforce  our  left,  which  was  hard  pressed 
by  Longstreet,  and  slowly  giving  way.  Ten  min 
utes  later,  and  the  battle  had  been  lost. 

Lee's  attack  yesterday  was  imposing  and  sub 
lime.  For  about  ten  minutes  I  watched  the  con 
test,  when  it  seemed  that  the  weight  of  a  hair  would 
have  turned  the  scales.  Our  men  fought  most  gal 
lantly.  The  rebels  began  to  give  way,  and  soon  re 
treated  in  utter  confusion.  Shortly  after,  the  enemy 
on  our  left  also  retreated.  I  think  Lee  will  evacu 
ate  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  at  once.  He  sought 
this  battle,  and  was  badly  whipped.  If  we  are  re- 
enforced,  he  will  suffer  terribly  before  recrossing 
the  Potomac.  Generals  Hancock  and  Gibbon  were 
wounded  yesterday.  Generals  Paul*  and  Weed 
were  killed  on  the  2d.  Our  entire  loss  is  about 
twelve  thousand  killed  and  wounded ;  the  rebel  loss 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  will  be  between 
fifteen  and  twenty  thousand.  Kilpatrick  lost  some 
prisoners  yesterday,  but  he  won  a  splendid  reputa 
tion.  General  Bartlett  has  taken  command  of  New- 

*  A  pardonable  error  ;  General  Paul  being  so  severely  wounded  as 
to  give  at  the  time  no  hope  of  his  recovery. 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     75 

ton's  old  division,  and  to-day  I  was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  his  brigade  by  order  of  General  Wright. 
The  command  of  a  brigade  is  a  half-way  step  between 
colonel  and  brigadier-general,  and  I  shall  try  to 
take  the  full  step  in  the  next  battle.  Our  division 
has  been  considerably  under  fire  during  the  battle, 
but  was  not  actively  engaged.  Some  were  struck, 
but  none  killed. 

If  possible,  we  ought  to  fight  Lee  not  far  from 
Hagerstown,  and  also  immediately  after  he  crosses 
the  Potomac.  By  judicious  management,  he  must 
go  back  to  Virginia.  Yesterday's  contest  seems  the 
decisive  battle  of  the  war.  Our  men  are  in  good 
spirits  over  the  success.  The  Sixth  Corps  marched 
from  Fairfax  Court-House  to  this  place  in  six  days, 
a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  nine  miles,  eighteen 
miles  per  day. 

How  is  brother  Henry's  shoulder?  Have  him 
keep  perfectly  quiet,  and  not  think  of  returning  un 
til  able  to  do  duty. 

After  the  decisive  struggle  at  Gettysburg,  the 
enemy  succeeded  in  recrossing  the  Potomac,  and  in 
taking  up  again  a  defensive  position.  They  were 
closely  pressed  by  the  Union  troops  in  their  retreat, 
and,  for  a  while,  both  armies  waited  each  other's 
movements  without  showing  any  disposition  to  take 
the  initiative.  Upton's  letters  give  clearly  the 
sequence  of  events  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and 
the  active  thoughts  which  occupied  his  mind  are 
happily  expressed  in  terse  and  vigorous  language. 
It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  criticisms  in  which 
he  indulges  in  the  private  letters  to  his  home  are 


76  Emory  Upton. 

not  the  results  of  subsequent  digested  study  when 
the  whole  field  was  clearly  presented  to  his  view, 
but  the  rapid  conclusions  which  his  active  and 
brilliant  military  mind  abstracted  from  passing-  oc 
currences  based  on  the  fragmentary  knowledge  he 
possessed  of  what  was  going  on  throughout  the 

theatre  of  war. 

NEW  BALTIMORE,  VA.,  August  6,  1863. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  I  have  seldom  seen,  even  in 
Virginia,  so  hot  a  day  as  this.  The  heat  penetrates 
everywhere,  and  in  the  shade  one  tosses  about  in 
vain  to  seek  comfort.  Once  in  a  while  a  cool  cur 
rent  of  air  passes  over  us,  but  very  rarely.  It  was 
the  same  kind  of  weather  we  had  at  Harrison's 
Landing,  only  in  a  greater  degree.  Our  locality  is 
much  healthier,  on  account  of  its  elevation.  We 
are  about  twenty  miles  from  the  Blue  Ridge,  and 
exactly  at  the  southern  terminus  of  Bull  Run,  or 
Pignut  Mountains.  The  rest  of  the  division  is  at 
Warrenton.  My  brigade  and  a  battery  of  artillery 
hold  this  point,  and  you  see,  therefore,  that  it  is 
quite  a  responsible  command.  Mosby,  with  his 
guerrillas,  infests  this  locality,  and  if  he  becomes  im 
pertinent  he  may  get  chastised,  but  I  do  not  think 
there  will  be  much  trouble.  Both  armies  seem  to 
have  taken  a  defensive  position,  and  are  gathering 
themselves  for  the  storm  that  will  burst  upon  them 
probably  in  November.  I  think  it  decidedly  good 
policy  on  our  part  to  wait.  Our  armies  at  all  points 
should  be  re-enforced  so  as  to  far  outnumber  the 
enemy.  In  the  next  struggle  there  ought  not  to  be 
the  possibility  of  defeat.  We  have  got  men  enough, 
and  we  have  only  to  bring  them  out.  In  future,  the 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     77 

hardest  fighting  will  be  in  the  East.  This  is  neces 
sarily  so,  from  the  fact  that  in  the  West  our  lines  of 
communication  are  so  long  that  the  various  armies 
have  to  pay  the  utmost  attention  to  guarding  them. 
Grant  can  scarcely  move  from  Vicksburg ;  his  first 
objective  would  be  Meridian,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles.  The  enemy  might  not  fight  there,  but  fall 
back  behind  the  Tombigbee,  and  dispute  its  passage. 
If  Grant  goes  to  Mobile,  his  operations  would  have 
to  cease  with  its  capture,  for  the  next  point  to  be 
taken  would  be  Montgomery,  as  far  distant  as  Me 
ridian.  This  could  be  accomplished  with  adequate 
force,  but  can't  we  better  employ  what  we  have? 
I'll  answer  that,  after  looking  to  Rosecrans.  Rose- 
crans  has  from  the  first  been  paralyzed  by  his  long 
line  of  communications.  I  do  not  see  how  he  can 
advance,  except  by  accumulating  supplies  sufficient 
to  last  six  months,  independent  of  communications. 
These  would  have  to  be  collected  at  Tullahoma, 
which  would  have  to  be  intrenched  and  guarded  by 
a  large  and  brave  garrison.  Nashville  would  be 
too  far  in  his  rear  for  this  depot.  These  supplies 
accumulated  at  Tullahoma  would  form  a  new  base 
of  operations.  His  army  could  push  on  to  Chatta 
nooga,  and,  sooner  or  later,  to  Atlanta,  surely  as  far 
as  Dalton.  I  do  not  think  it  would  pay  to  move 
even  farther  south  than  Dalton,  Georgia. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  is  in  Virginia.  You 
now  have  the  present  position  of  affairs.  Now 
where  shall  we  strike?  Grant  has  about  ninety 
thousand  men,  Banks  say  forty  thousand.  Detach 
twenty-five  thousand  from  Grant  to  Banks.  The 
latter,  with  the  gunboats,  should  be  able  to  keep  the 


78  Emory  Upton. 

Mississippi  River  clear.  Now  assemble  all  the  water 
transportation  (impress  it,  of  course)  the  Govern 
ment  can  find  at  Vicksburg,  sufficient  for  the  re 
maining  sixty-five  thousand  of  Grant's  force.  The 
enemy  will  expect,  of  course,  that  he  will  attack 
Mobile.  Let  him  effect  a  landing  thereabout ;  let 
the  gunboats  attack  the  forts  at  the  entrance  of  the 
harbor,  but  let  his  main  fleet  continue  on  its  course 
to  Port  Royal,  South  Carolina,  and  then  let  him 
come  down  upon  the  rear  of  Charleston.  His  feint 
at  Mobile,  if  well  played,  would  deceive  the  enemy 
so  long  that  he  could  not  transfer  his  troops  by  rail 
in  time  to  avert  the  disaster  at  Charleston.  You 
may  not  see  what  is  to  be  gained  by  possessing 
Charleston.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  their  principal 
harbor  for  blockade-runners.  Secessionists  admit 
that  prices  of  all  foreign  articles  would  be  doubled. 
The  moral  effect  would  be  great  on  both  sides,  but 
all  this  would  be  insignificant  compared  with  its 
strategical  importance.  Once  ours,  the  army  would 
move  rapidly  upon  Augusta,  which,  if  accomplished, 
would,  like  Vicksburg,  again  divide  the  Confeder 
acy.  Lee's  army  would  be  completely  isolated  from 
Bragg  and  Johnston.  The  conclusion  of  the  rebel 
lion  would  speedily  follow.  The  rebels  are  in  a  bad 
plight.  In  their  place,  I  think  I  would  now  re-en 
force  Lee  to  such  an  extent  from  Bragg  and  John 
ston  that  he  could  take  the  offensive  against  this 
army  and  drive  it  back  to  Washington.  They  could 
then  be  again  returned  south,  and  might  arrive  in 
time  to  save  Charleston,  should  it  be  our  plan  to 
attack  it.  They  can  safely  withdraw  troops  from 
the  West,  just  on  account  of  the  difficulty  we  expe- 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     79 

rience  in  feeding  our  armies.  That  the  rebellion 
will  be  crushed  does  not  admit  of  a  doubt.  The 
action  of  the  Government  in  reference  to  drafting 
is  manly,  and  inspires  us  with  confidence  in  its  ulti 
mate  success.  I  have  branched  off  a  little  in  this 
letter  because  you  have  often  requested  it.  I  do 
not  expect  that  the  plan  proposed  will  be  adopted, 
but  it  will  do  no  harm  to  speculate — perhaps  I  may 
be  right ;  if  so,  of  course  it  would  strengthen  my 
confidence  in  my  judgment. 

WARRENTON,  VA.,  November  6,  1863. 
DEAR  BROTHER  :  We  are  again  around  this  "  se- 
cesh  "  town,  which  we  left  about  September  I2th. 
We  then  marched  to  the  Rapidan.  The  rebel  forti 
fications  appearing  too  formidable,  Meade  did  not 
attack.  Lee  then  began  a  series  of  manoeuvres 
\vhich  (I  can,  but  ought  not  to  criticise)  threw  us 
back  behind  Bull  Run.  Lee  fell  back  immediately 
without  trying  to  force  battle.  We  followed  up 
leisurely  to  this  point,  where  we  arrived  October 

20th. 

I  sometimes  get  discouraged  because  of  our  not 
accomplishing  decided  results,  but  patience  is  a 
military  as  well  as  a  social  virtue,  and  therefore  I 
continue  to  hope.  I  am  reading  "  Plutarch's  Lives," 
and  I  can  not  fail  to  see  the  charm  success  lends  to 
military  life.  Victorious  in  every  battle,  courage 
rewarded  in  every  struggle,  who  could  not  follow 
a  Caesar  or  a  Napoleon  ?  Success  begets  confidence 
and  resolution,  which  is  a  battle  half  won.  No  sol 
dier  in  the  world  can  equal  the  American,  if  prop 
erly  commanded.  He  possesses  all  the  enthusiasm 


8o  Emory  Upton, 

of  the  French,  and  the  bull-dog  tenacity  which  has 
always  characterized  the  English.  He  only  wants 
a  general  who  can  call  out  his  good  qualities,  or 
one  who  comprehends  his  nature.  I  think  our 
generals  betray  in  some  instances  total  ignorance 
of  human  nature.  They  fail  to  appeal  to  the  emo 
tions  or  passions  of  their  men.  You  know  not 
the  good  a  single  word  does  a  soldier  when  he 
is  under  fire.  He  feels  that  his  commanding  offi 
cer  is  directing  him  and  looking  at  his  actions.  I 
have  never  heard  our  generals  utter  a  word  of  en 
couragement,  either  before  or  after  entering  a  bat 
tle.  I  have  never  seen  them  ride  along  the  lines 
and  tell  each  regiment  that  it  held  an  important 
position,  and  that  it  was  expected  to  hold  it  to  the 
last.  I  have  never  heard  them  appeal  to  the  love 
every  soldier  has  for  his  colors  or  to  his  patriot 
ism.  Neither  have  I  ever  seen  a  general  thank  his 
troops  after  the  action  for  the  gallantry  they  have 
displayed. 

My  brief  experience  has  taught  me  the  value  of 
a  few  words.  At  Blackburn's  Ford,  July  18,  1861, 
I  appealed  to  the  patriotism  of  the  Twelfth  New 
York.  The  way  they  fought  after  it  assured  me 
that  they  appreciated  the  remarks.  But  the  most 
striking  instance  occurred  at  Gettysburg.  We 
came  on  to  the  field  about  4  P.  M.,  and  were  held  in 
reserve  until  about  6  p.  M.  We  were  then  moved 
up  to  the  left  to  support  the  Third  and  Fifth  Corps, 
which  had  been  repulsed.  The  men  were  tired, 
weary,  and  foot-sore.  They  had  marched,  since  10 
P.  M.  the  preceding  night,  thirty-two  miles.  Stray 
bullets  were  passing  over  our  heads  when  I  turned 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     81 

to  address  them.  You  know  I  am  but  poorly  gifted 
with  speech,  but  I  felt  the  fate  of  the  nation  de 
pended  upon  the  issue  of  that  battle.  A  feeling  of 
enthusiasm  possessed  me  so  electrifying  that,  for 
the  first  time  in  my  life,  words  and  actions  came  to 
me  spontaneously.  In  a  few  words,  I  told  them 
how  momentous  was  the  issue,  how  much  the  coun 
try  expected  of  us.  I  appealed  to  their  pride  and 
patriotism  ;  I  promised  to  lead,  and  asked  them  to 
follow.  Their  eyes  kindled,  order  replaced  de 
spondency,  and  the  noble  fellows  burst  out  into  a 
cheer  that  would  have  raised  the  hair  of  a  con 
fronting  rebel.  From  that  instant  I  had  as  much 
confidence  in  them  as  in  myself.  How  well  they 
fought  is  attested  by  the  battle  of  Salem  Chapel. 
Of  four  hundred  and  fifty-three  taken  into  action, 
two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  were  killed  and 
wounded,  and  this  in  their  first  fight.  The  killed 
amounted  to  eighty.  Of  these,  sixty-two  were  left 
dead  on  the  field  ;  seventeen  were  from  one  com 
pany.  How  short  the  range,  is  shown  by  the  ratio 
of  killed  to  wounded  (eighty  to  one  hundred  and 
forty-seven,  or  less  than  one  to  two),  whereas  the 
usual  ratio  is  one  to  four  or  five.  Nearly  the  whole 
loss  was  inflicted  at  a  range  varying  between  four 
and  eight  rods,  and  in  the  space  of  about  five  min 
utes.  The  conduct  of  the  regiment  challenged  the 
admiration  of  the  enemy,  but  it  was  not  mentioned 
by  our  commanders,  where  others  with  a  loss  little 
more  than  half  as  large  were  mentioned  in  the  high 
est  terms. 

I  had  expected  brother  Henry  to  return  to-day, 
but  he  has  not  yet  arrived.     He  had  a  most  severe 


82  Emory  Upton. 

wound,  and  has  borne  it  like  a  hero.     His  courage 
in  battle  is  of  the  highest  order. 

Upton,  although  now  in  command  of  a  brigade, 
had  not  yet  attained  the  actual  rank  of  a  brigadier- 
general.  He  could  not  be  blind  to  his  own  fitness 
for  the  desired  promotion,  and,  although  he  shows 
in  his  letters  of  this  period  a  restiveness  because  of 
the  delay  in  the  only  recognition  which  the  Gov 
ernment  could  bestow,  he  never  failed  to  do  his 
whole  duty  in  whatever  service  he  was  called  upon 
to  perform.  In  the  assault  of  the  rebel  intrench- 
ments,  or  tcte  de  pout,  at  Rappahannock  Station,  he 
led  his  Second  Brigade  of  the  First  Division  of  the 
Sixth  Corps  again  to  victory.  In  this  action,  his 
clear  perception,  ready  courage,  the  rare  skill  with 
which  he  led  his  brigade,  gained  for  it  a  brilliant 
victory  over  a  much  superior  enemy,  both  in  num 
bers  and  strength  of  position.  His  own  story,  told 
with  the  modesty  of  a  hero,  and  with  a  due  appre 
ciation  of  the  great  soldierly  qualities  of  his  immedi 
ate  commander,  General  David  A.  Russell,  is  thus 
graphically  related : 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  November  15,  1863. 
MY  DEAR  SISTER:  Doubtless  you  have  seen 
through  the  papers  that  this  brigade  has  been  en 
gaged  with  the  enemy,  and  that  it  met  with  aston 
ishing  success.  There  are  many  accounts  of  the 
battle  extant,  but  I  will  give  you  the  true  version, 
believing  it  will  interest  you  all.  Our  division  left 
Warrenton  at  daylight  on  the  ;th.  General  Bart- 
lett  being  ordered  to  the  Fifth  Corps,  I  fell  in  com- 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     83 

mand  of  the  brigade.  We  marched  to  the  railroad 
near  Rappahannock  Station,  halted  there  till  dusk, 
when  the  fight  began.  From  one  o'clock  till  sun 
set  there  was  considerable  artillery-firing  and  skir 
mishing,  but  no  serious  loss  was  inflicted  on  either 
side.  At  dusk,  General  Russell,  who  commanded 
the  division,  conceived  the  idea  of  capturing  the 
enemy's  works  by  a  coup-de-main.  To  this  end  he 
brought  forward  one  regiment  apparently  to  relieve 
the  skirmishers,  who  had  been  in  the  front  all  day, 
and  another  to  act  as  a  support.  The  enemy  saw 
the  \vhole  operation,  but  supposing  it  simply  a  re 
lief,  paid  but  little  attention  to  the  matter.  The 
first  or  old  line  of  skirmishers  were  notified  of  the 
intention,  the  second  line  came  up  to  where  the  first 
lay,  when  both  rushed  upon  the  enemy's  redoubts, 
and  were  almost  inside  before  the  enemy  recovered 
from  his  astonishment.  This  gallant  attack  was 
made  by  the  Sixth  Maine,  which  suffered  very 
heavily,  the  Filth  Wisconsin,  and  two  companies  of 
the  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New  York. 
Four  guns,  one  color,  and  two  hundred  prisoners 
were  captured  upon  the  spot.  The  bridge,  by  which 
the  enemy  maintained  communication  with  the 
south  bank  of  the  river,  was  now  commanded  by 
our  men,  who  held  the  redoubts.  Seeing  his  re 
treat  thus  intercepted,  the  enemy  made  desperate 
efforts  to  recapture  the  works,  and  had  well-nigh 
succeeded,  when  General  Russell  sent  me  an  order 
to  bring  forward  two  of  my  regiments  to  his  assist 
ance.  The  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New 
York  and  Fifth  Maine  were  in  the  first  line ;  I  im 
mediately  ordered  them  forward,  and,  to  avoid  any 


84  Emory  Upton. 

delay,  directed  them  to  load  while  marching;  this 
done,  telling  them  we  were  wanted  to  help  hold  the 
works  captured,  they  took  the  double-quick  and 
soon  arrived  to  the  support  of  our  hard-pressed 
comrades.  Upon  arriving,  General  Russell  pointed 
out  a  rifle-pit  from  which  the  enemy  maintained  an 
enfilading  fire,  and  he  ordered  me  to  charge  the 
rifle-pit  and  hold  it.  The  work  was  on  the  summit 
of  a  gently  rising  knoll.  Their  banners  could  be 
plainly  seen  outstanding  against  the  sky,  while  their 
saucy  heads  appearing  everywhere  above  the  para 
pets  forewarned  us  how  deadly  might  be  our  task. 
My  orders  were  distinct:  it  remained  to  execute 
them  in  the  safest,  surest,  and  most  satisfactory 
manner.  Under  cover  of  darkness  we  formed  within 
a  hundred  yards  of  their  works.  I  told  the  Fifth 
Maine  that  the  troops  from  Maine  had  won  laurels 
on  every  field,  and  that  the  gallant  Fifth  must  not 
be  behind  them.  A  few  words  to  the  One  Hun 
dred  and  Twenty-first  New  York  sufficed  to  rouse 
their  determination  to  the  highest  pitch.  I  directed 
them  to  unsling  knapsacks  and  fix  bayonets.  Then 
giving  the  strictest  orders  not  to  fire,  we  advanced 
at  quick  time  to  within  thirty  yards  of  the  rifle-pit, 
when  the  order  to  charge  was  given.  The  work 
was  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The 
enemy  fought  stubbornly  over  their  colors,  but 
were  overpowered.  To  execute  my  orders  we  had 
only  to  remain  where  we  were,  but  a  more  brilliant 
success  was  in  store.  The  celebrated  Louisiana 
brigade  of  Stonewall  Jackson's  old  division  lay  be 
hind  the  rifle-pits  to  our  right.  On  their  banners 
were  inscribed  "  Cedar  Run,"  "  Manassas  second," 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     85 

"  Winchester,"  "  Harper's  Ferry,"  "  Sharpsburg," 
"  Fredericksburg,"  "  Chancellorsville,"  and  "  Gettys 
burg."  Word  was  brought  me  that  the  enemy 
on  our  right  was  in  confusion ;  he  could  also  be 
seen  apparently  moving  to  his  rear.  Without  wait 
ing  for  further  orders,  I  sent  Captain  Hall  of  the 
staff  to  report  to  General  Russell  that  we  had  per. 
formed  the  task  assigned  to  us  and  made  immedi 
ate  dispositions  to  attack.  Major  Mather,  of  the 
One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New  York,  with  a 
portion  of  his  regiment,  was  ordered  to  seize  the 
bridge  and  to  arrest  those  who  might  attempt  to 
swim  the  river.  Colonel  Edwards,  of  the  Fifth 
Maine,  with  a  part  of  his  own  and  the  One  Hun 
dred  and  Twenty-first  Regiments,  was  ordered  to 
charge  at  double-quick  and  not  to  fire.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  two  regiments  was  held  in  reserve, 
should  the  enemy  offer  resistance.  I  told  our  men 
not  to  fire,  and  stated  in  a  loud  tone  that  four  lines 
of  battle  were  supporting  us.  The  enemy  being 
deceived,  supposed  a  vastly  superior  force  was  ad 
vancing,  and  the  entire  brigade  of  the  enemy  laid 
down  their  arms.  The  colonel  commanding  sur 
rendered  personally  to  me.  These  movements  re 
sulted  in  capturing  seven  colors,  one  hundred  and 
three  commissioned  officers,  thirteen  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  enlisted  men,  and  twelve  hundred  and 
twenty-five  stand  of  arms.  It  was  all  done  after 
dark,  when  one  could  not  distinguish  friend  from 
foe,  and  with  a  force  numbering  five  hundred  and 
sixty-eight,  officers  and  men  included.  Our  total 
loss  in  the  two  regiments  amounted  to  sixty-three 
killed  and  wounded.  I  think  the  slight  loss,  in  a 


86  Emory  Upton. 

great  degree,  may  be  attributed  to  our  not  firing. 
The  enemy  hearing  the  orders  given  distinctly,  con 
cluded  that  it  probably  was  not  best  to  provoke 
us,  and  therefore  quietly  surrendered.  To  General 
Russell,  who  is  one  of  the  best  and  bravest  officers  in 
our  service,  belongs  the  credit  of  this  brilliant  suc 
cess.  He  displayed  one  of  the  finest  traits  of  gen 
eralship  in  selecting  the  time  and  mode  of  attack. 
The  position  in  the  daytime  could  only  have  been 
carried  at  a  loss  of  at  least  fifteen  hundred  men.  As 
it  was,  our  loss  did  not  exceed  three  hundred,  and 
with  a  total  result  of  four  cannon,  eight  colors,  six 
teen  hundred  prisoners,  and  sixteen  hundred  stand 
of  arms. 

It  is  believed  that  a  great  battle  is  soon  to  be 
fought.  Our  army  is  in  excellent  condition,  and  will 
give  a  good  account  of  itself. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  November  21,  1863. 
MY  DEAR  SISTER:  We  are  now  encamped  on 
John  Minor  Botts's  estate,  not  far  from  Brandy 
Station,  where,  perhaps,  you  will  remember  the 
severe  cavalry-fight  took  place  last  spring,  before 
the  opening  of  the  Pennsylvania  campaign.  Hazel 
River,  a  beautiful  stream,  runs  close  to  our  camp, 
and  forms  quite  an  obstacle  should  the  enemy  desire 
to  turn  our  right.  The  troops  have  made  them 
selves  comfortable,  but  not  with  the  conviction  that 
they  were  to  remain  here  very  long.  It  is  now 
storming,  so  whatever  move  may  have  been  deter 
mined  on  will  have  to  be  delayed  till  the  weather 
and  the  roads  permit  its  execution.  The  general 
impression  is,  that  a  terrible  battle  is  in  store  for  us, 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     87 

but,  far  from  wishing  it  deferred,  the  troops  are,  on 
the  contrary,  anxious  for  it.  The  army  is  in  splen 
did  spirits,  well  equipped,  and  confident.  The  suc 
cess  at  the  Rappahannock  had  a  most  electrifying 
effect  throughout  the  army,  and  I  am  sure,  should 
we  be  manoeuvred  with  skill,  the  enemy  will  meet 
with  a  crushing  defeat. 

The  gallant  conduct  displayed  by  Upton  at 
Rappahannock  Station  could  not  well  be  passed  by 
unrewarded,  and  he  was  therefore  selected  to  de 
liver  to  General  Meade,  commanding  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  the  battle-flags  captured  by  the  Second 
and  Third  Brigades.  It  is  true  that  this  appears  but 
an  empty  honor  compared  with  the  gallant  deeds 
which  our  hero  had  performed,  but  even  such  hon 
ors  as  these  had  their  great  value  in  the  increased 
respect  and  admiration  that  were  engendered  in  the 
breasts  of  his  comrades.  It  is,  perhaps,  well  here 
to  comment  upon  the  influences  which  the  lack  of 
just  and  fitting  rewards  to  successful  soldiers  have 
upon  the  esprit  de  corps  of  the  army. 

Promotion  on  the  field  of  battle  is  the  only  ex 
ternal  reward  that  properly  goes  hand-in-hand  with 
distinguished  valor;  and  when  true  merit  is  for  the 
time  being  overlooked,  and  the  rewards  are  given  to 
political  favorites,  zeal  in  the  service,  exposure  in 
battle,  and  active  interest,  so  essential  for  success, 
are  not  unfrequently  replaced  by  lukewarmness  and 
indifference.  It  reflects  the  highest  credit  upon  Up 
ton's  personal  and  soldierly  character  when  we  find, 
in  his  private  and  personal  letters  to  his  relatives, 
no  other  than  a  just  shade  of  discontent,  without  the 


88  Emory  Upton. 

slightest  inclination  to  do  other  than  his  whole  duty 
to  the  country,  whether  the  reward  to  which  he  was 
clearly  entitled  came  or  not.  To  the  true  soldier 
higher  position  in  rank  brings  higher  responsibili 
ties  ;  and  it  can  not  be  doubted  that  in  this  gallant 
hero  the  animating  spirit  was  far  removed  from  self 
ish  ambition,  but  he  felt,  rather,  the  power  within 
him  to  do  greater  deeds  of  valor,  with  less  sacrifice 
to  the  men  confided  to  his  care,  than  many  others 
who  were  preferred  before  him  on  personal  or  politi 
cal  considerations.  It  is,  therefore,  eminently  proper 
to  insert  these  letters,  written  in  confidence  to  his 
sister,  and  to  substantiate  their  statements  by  the 
commendatory  letters  freely  offered  him  by  his  com 
manders,  who  were  gallant  soldiers  themselves,  and 
fully  acquainted  with  his  conspicuous  services : 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  April  10,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  My  long-expected  promotion 
is  not  forthcoming.  General  Meade  has  informed 
me  that  without  "  political "  influence  I  will  never 
be  promoted.  This  consolation,  however,  remains, 
if  justice  has  not  been  done,  I  have  ever  performed 
my  duty  faithfully  and  without  regard  to  personal 
safety.  The  recommendation  of  those  officers  whose 
lives  have  been  periled  in  every  battle  of  the  war 
have  been  overweighted  by  the  baneful  influence  of 
the  paltry  politicians.  .  .  .  General  Sedgwick  has 
urged  my  claims,  and  stated  that  they  were  supe 
rior  to  those  of  any  other  in  his  corps,  yet  two  colo 
nels  have  been  appointed  over  me. 

Although  the  rank  of  a  general  may  never  be 
conferred  on  me,  yet  I  hope  to  leave  my  friends 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     89 

abundant  proof  that  I  earned  the  honor,  but  that  it 
was  unjustly  withheld.  The  spring  campaign  will 
soon  be  inaugurated.  I  trust  General  Grant  will 
sustain  his  former  reputation,  and  administer  to 
General  Lee  such  heavy  blows  that  he  may  never 
recover.  I  confess  I  am  ready  for  action,  and  I 
trust,  in  the  coming  struggle,  we  shall  bear  ourselves 
like  men.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac  deserves  a 
better  name  than  it  has,  as  we  will  soon  prove. 
May  God  bless  our  arms,  and  grant  us  victory  and 

peace ! 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  April  18,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  There  are  considerable  activ 
ity  and  preparation  in  the  army  for  the  coming 
campaign,  and  I  think  that  officers  and  soldiers  are 
anxious  for  marching  orders.  Camp-life  has  be 
come  very  irksome,  and  we  welcome  any  change 
that  will  break  up  its  monotony.  Excitement  is 
the  spice  of  a  soldier's  life,  and  all  old  troops  hun 
ger  for  it  after  having  rested  for  a  long  time.  I 
do  not  expect  a  battle  before  the  first  of  May, 
perhaps  the  middle,  but  we  all  are  convinced  that 
either  a  most  glorious  or  a  most  disastrous  one 
awaits  us. 

I  trust  Grant  may  prove  himself  the  general 
his  reputation  proclaims  him,  and  that  the  fall  of 
Richmond  may  prove  the  fall  of  the  Confederacy. 
I  have  not  fully  despaired  of  receiving  promotion, 
but  I  have  despaired  of  receiving  it  in  the  manner 
honorable  to  a  soldier.  It  is  now  solely  the  re 
ward  of  political  influence,  and  not  of  merit,  and 
this  when  a  government  is  fighting  for  its  own 
existence. 


90  Emory  Upton. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  April  25,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  .  .  .  Your  views  as  to  my 
promotion  reflect  strongly  your  sisterly  affection 
for  me,  and  they  in  no  little  degree  enable  me  to 
preserve  my  equanimity  and  peace  of  mind  under 
the  treatment  I  have  received. 

You  must  remember  that  to  expose  one's  self 
simply  to  get  promotion  would  be  an  unworthy  act, 
and  therefore,  in  the  future  as  in  the  past,  I  must  do 
my  full  duty  with  equal  fearlessness.  I  have  re 
ceived  of  late  many  gratifying  proofs  of  the  confi 
dence  and  esteem  of  both  officers  and  men  under 
my  command,  and  not  only  in  my  command,  but 
outside  of  it.  The  officers  of  the  First  Brigade  of 
this  division  were  nearly  unanimous  in  recommend 
ing  me  for  promotion,  in  the  hope  I  might  be  as 
signed  to  that  command.  Considering  that  their 
lives  to  a  great  degree  would  be  in  my  hands,  espe 
cially  in  battle,  and  that  no  motive  other  than  their 
safety  and  welfare  could  prompt  such  action,  is  it 
not  the  highest  tribute  men  can  pay  me,  that  they 
should  select  me  as  their  chosen  leader  in  the  hour 
of  battle?  The  compliment  is  the  more  gratifying 
as  coming  from  the  New  Jersey  brigade,  preferring 
me  over  every  colonel  from  their  State.  The  rec 
ommendation  will  not  be  forwarded,  but  it  will 
serve  to  show  the  opinion  of  the  officers  of  this 
division.  Would  the  President  consult  the  views 
of  my  superior  officers,  whose  reputation  depends 
upon  my  conduct  to  a  certain  degree,  or  those  offi 
cers  whose  lives  are  in  my  hands  in  action,  my  pro 
motion  would  not  be  withheld.  I  ought  to  have 
had  it  a  year  ago.  Should  anything  befall  me  in  the 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     91 

struggle  about  to  ensue,  my  friends  will  not  be  per 
mitted  the  slight  satisfaction  that  I  had  risen  to  the 
rank  of  a  general  officer.  But  you  shall  never  blush 
at  my  conduct.  I  shall  do  my  duty  faithfully,  and  I 
shall  leave  behind  a  record  to  which  you  can  always 
refer  with  pride  and  satisfaction.  .  .  .  We  are  expect 
ing  to  move  soon.  Our  army  is  in  fine  condition, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  bloodiest  battle  of  the 
war  will  be  fought  in  a  few  days.  General  Grant  is 
well  liked,  and,  as  he  is  taking  time  to  prepare  his 
campaign,  there  is  strong  probability  of  his  success. 

General  Upton  remained  in  command  of  the 
Second  Brigade  in  all  the  operations  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  from  Mine  Run,  November  26, 
1863,  to  December  3,  1863,  and  participated  in  all 
of  the  preliminary  movements  and  skirmishes  pre 
vious  to  the  inauguration  of  General  Grant's  over 
land  campaign  from  the  Rapidan  in  May,  1864. 
This  campaign,  the  bloodiest  of  the  whole  war,  was 
prosecuted  with  the  utmost  vigor,  and  will  be  ever 
memorable  for  the  many  stubborn  contests,  the 
great  losses,  the  fatiguing  marches,  and  the  perti 
nacity  with  which  Grant  endeavored  to  outflank 
Lee,  as  well  as  the  success  of  Lee  in  keeping  his 
stubborn  antagonist  from  accomplishing  his  pur 
pose.  Historic  battles  and  heroic  incidents  crowd 
each  other  in  a  campaign  during  which  the  "  troops 
literally  fought  all  day  and  marched  all  night." 
Upton's  brief  and  soldierly  official  report  of  the 
operations  of  his  brigade  may  be  taken  as  a  typical 
account  of  this  remarkable  period,  and  for  this  rea 
son  it  is  inserted  here  without  abridgment. 


92  Emory  Upton. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  FIRST  DIVISION, 
SIXTH  CORPS,  September  i,  1864. 

Major  HENRY  R.  D ALTON,  Acting  Assistant  Adju 
tant-General,  First  Division,  Sixth  Corps. 
MAJOR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  follow 
ing  report  of  the  operations  of  the  Second  Brigade, 
during  the  five  epochs  of  the  campaign  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  from  the  Rapidan  to  Petersburg : 

First  Epoch. — The  brigade  broke  camp  near  the 
Hazel  River  at  4  A.  M.,  May  4,  1864,  crossing  the 
Rapidan  at  Germanna  Ford,  and  camped  on  the 
plank-road  two  miles  beyond. 

May  5th,  the  march  was  resumed  along  the 
plank-road  toward  Wilderness  Tavern.  The  bri 
gade  was  thrown  out  on  a  dirt-road  leading  to  Mine 
Run,  to  cover  the  right  flank  of  the  column  while 
passing ;  shortly  after  it  moved  by  the  left  flank, 
and  formed  in  line  on  the  left  of  the  corps.  About 
ii  A.  M.  orders  were  received  to  advance  to  the 
support  of  the  Fifth  Corps,  then  engaged  with  the 
enemy  on  the  Orange  Court-House  pike,  two  miles 
from  Wilderness  Tavern. 

The  advance  was  made  by  the  right  of  wings,  it 
being  impossible  to  march  in  line  of  battle  on  ac 
count  of  the  dense  pine  and  nearly  impenetrable 
thickets  which  met  us  on  every  hand.  After  over 
coming  great  difficulties  on  the  march,  connection 
was  made  with  the  right  of  the  Fifth  Corps.  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Carroll,  commanding  Ninety-fifth 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  while  riding  a  short  dis 
tance  in  front  of  his  regiment,  came  suddenly  upon 
a  group  of  the  enemy,  who  fired  upon  him,  killing 
him  instantly.  Two  or  three  companies  of  his  regi- 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     93 

ment,  under  Captains  Boyd,  Burns,  and  Lieutenant 
Gordon,  immediately  charged,  gallantly  carrying 
the  hill  on  which  the  enemy  was  posted  and  cap 
turing  about  thirty  prisoners.  The  position,  al 
though  two  hundred  yards  in  advance  of  the  Fifth 
Corps  line,  was  important  to  hold,  and  the  line  was 
accordingly  established  there.  Shortly  after,  the 
Third  Brigade  connected  on  our  right. 

The  woods  in  front  and  around  our  position  had 
been  set  on  fire  by  the  enemy  to  prevent  our  ad 
vance.  The  ground  had  previously  been  fought 
over  and  was  strewed  with  wounded  of  both  sides, 
many  of  whom  must  have  perished  in  the  flames,  as 
corpses  were  found  partly  consumed. 

Colonel  Penrose,  commanding  Fifteenth  New 
Jersey  Volunteers  at  that  time,  placed  himself  under 
my  command,  and  remained  with  the  brigade  dur 
ing  the  rest  of  the  epoch.  His  regiment  behaved 
under  all  circumstances  with  a  steadiness  indicative 
of  the  highest  state  of  discipline. 

May  6th  the  brigade  was  ordered  to  attack  at 
daylight,  but  the  order  was  countermanded  ;  there 
was  constant  skirmishing  during  the  day,  but  not 
serious. 

About  7  P.  M.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Duffy,  Assist 
ant  Inspector-General,  brought  the  order  to  send 
two  regiments  to  the  extreme  right — that  flank  of 
the  corps  having  been  turned.  The  One  Hundred 
and  Twenty-first  New  York  and  the  Ninety-fifth 
Pennsylvania  were  designated,  and  were  led  on  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Duffy  at  double-quick.  While 
marching,  they  encountered  a  fire  from  the  left. 
The  dense  undergrowth  necessarily  lengthened  out 


94  Emory  Upton. 

the  column,  and  at  the  same  time  large  masses  of 
men  breaking  through  their  ranks  threw  both  regi 
ments  into  unavoidable  confusion.  Portions  of  both 
regiments  were  promptly  reformed  at  the  rifle-pits 
near  General  Sedgwick's  headquarters,  then  the 
extreme  right,  and  held  their  position  firmly.  As 
soon  as  my  horse  could  be  brought  after  receiving 
the  order,  I  started  after  the  two  regiments,  leaving 
the  remainder  of  the  brigade  under  command  of 
Colonel  Penrose,  but  before  I  could  reach  them 
they  had  been  broken.  I  succeeded  in  rallying 
about  half  of  each  and  advanced  at  once.  At  every 
step,  officers  and  men  who  were  falling  back  stated 
that  there  were  no  troops  in  front  or  on  the  right, 
from  which  latter  direction  bullets  were  then  com 
ing.  About  three  hundred  yards  to  the  rear  was 
General  Morris's  brigade  of  the  Third  Division 
thrown  back  to  meet  the  attack.  I  therefore  moved 
the  two  regiments  back  and  formed  on  his  right. 
Fragments  of  other  regiments  were  formed  on  my 
right,  and  two  companies  of  the  Ninety-fifth  Penn 
sylvania  were  deployed  as  skirmishers.  Finding 
out,  shortly  after  dark,  the  position  of  the  remainder 
of  the  regiments,  they  were  united  at  the  rifle-pits 
and  still  continued  to  hold  the  right  of  the  line. 
Lieutenant -Colonel  Olcott,  commanding  the  One 
Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New  York,  while  his  regi 
ment  was  reforming,  rode  to  the  front  to  ascertain 
the  position  of  affairs.  He  was  discovered  by  the 
enemy  and  wounded  in  the  forehead  by  a  musket- 
ball,  from  the  effect  of  which  he  fell  from  his  horse 
insensible  and  was  made  prisoner.  An  able  and 
gallant  officer,  his  absence  was  felt  throughout  the 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     95 

entire  campaign.  Lieutenant  Patterson,  aide-de 
camp,  was  wounded. 

About  10  P.  M.,  the  brigade  leading,  the  corps 
moved  by  the  left  flank  to  the  pike,  thence  back  to 
near  Wilderness  Tavern,  where  a  position  was  taken 
between  the  pike  and  plank-road,  and  fortified  on 
the  morning  of  the  7th.  The  withdrawal  from  the 
front  of  the  enemy,  though  but  a  few  yards  from 
his  line,  was  accomplished  successfully  and  without 
loss. 

Second  Epoch. — The  brigade  leading,  the  corps 
moved  from  Wilderness  Tavern  at  9.30  P.  M.  on  the 
7th,  via  Chancellorsville  to  Piney  Branch  Church, 
where  half  an  hour  was  taken  for  breakfast.  Re 
suming  the  march  on  the  Spottsylvania  road,  it 
came  up  early  in  the  afternoon  with  the  Fifth  Corps, 
then  engaging  the  enemy.  About  6.30  P.  M.  it  was 
formed  in  a  fourth  line  on  the  right  of  the  road  to 
support  an  attack,  but,  threatening  demonstrations 
being  made  on  our  right  flank,  a  change  of  front  to 
our  right  and  rear  was  executed  about  dusk.  The 
brigade  remained  in  this  position  during  the  night, 
connecting  on  the  right  with  Ayres's  brigade  of  the 
First  Division,  Fifth  Corps.  On  the  morning  of  the 
9th  it  was  relieved  by  Crawford's  division  of  the 
Fifth  Corps,  moved  to  the  left  of  the  Spottsylvania 
road,  took  up  position  and  fortified.  During  the 
day  several  casualties  occurred  from  artillery-fire. 
On  the  afternoon  of  the  loth  an  assault  was  deter 
mined  upon,  and  a  column  of  twelve  regiments  was 
organized,  the  command  of  which  was  assigned  to 
me. 

The  point  of  attack,  which  was  shown  me  by 


g 6  Emory  Upton. 

Captain  Mackenzie,  of  the  United  States  Engineers, 
was  at  an  angle  of  the  enemy's  works  near  the 
Scott  House,  about  half  a  mile  to  the  left  of  the 
Spottsylvania  road. 

The  intrenchments  were  of  a  formidable  charac 
ter,  with  abatis  in  front  and  surmounted  by  heavy 
logs,  underneath  which  were  loop-holes  for  mus 
ketry.  In  the  re-entrant  to  the  right  of  the  house 
was  a  battery  with  traverses  between  the  guns; 
there  were  also  traverses  at  intervals  along  the  en 
tire  work.  About  a  hundred  yards  to  the  rear  was 
another  line  of  works,  partly  completed,  and  occu 
pied  by  a  second  line  of  battle.  The  position  was 
in  an  open  field,  about  two  hundred  yards  from  a 
pine-wood.  A  wood-road  led  from  our  position 
directly  to  the  point  of  attack.  The  ground  was 
looked  over  by  General  Russell  and  myself,  and  the 
regimental  commanders  were  also  required  to  see  it, 
that  they  might  understand  the  work  before  them. 

The  column  of  attack  was  formed  in  four  lines 
of  battle,  four  regiments  being  on  the  right  and 
eight  on  the  left  of  the  road.  The  regiments  on  the 
right  moved  up  the  road  by  the  right  flank,  those 
on  the  left  by  the  left  flank,  each  regiment  lying 
down  as  soon  as  in  position.  The  lines  were  ar 
ranged  from  right  to  left  as  follows : 

First  line,  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New 
York,  Ninety-sixth  Pennsylvania,  and  Fifth  Maine ; 
second  line,  Forty-ninth  Pennsylvania,  Sixth  Maine, 
and  Fifth  Wisconsin;  third  line,  Forty-third  and 
Seventy-seventh  New  York  and  One  Hundred 
and  Nineteenth  Pennsylvania ;  fourth  line,  Second, 
Fifth,  and  Sixth  Vermont. 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     97 

No  commands  were  given  in  getting  into  posi 
tion.  The  pieces  of  the  first  line  were  loaded  and 
capped  ;  those  of  the  others  were  loaded  but  not 
capped ;  bayonets  were  fixed.  The  One  Hundred 
and  Twenty-first  New  York  and  Ninety-sixth  Penn 
sylvania  were  instructed,  as  soon  as  the  works  were 
carried,  to  turn  to  the  right  and  charge  the  battery. 
The  Fifth  Maine  was  to  change  front  to  the  left, 
and  open  an  enfilading  fire  to  the  left  upon  the 
enemy.  The  second  line  was  to  halt  at  the  works, 
and  open  fire  to  the  front  if  necessary.  The  third 
line  was  to  lie  down  behind  the  second  and  await 
orders.  The  fourth  line  was  to  advance  to  the  edge 
of  the  woods,  lie  down,  and  await  the  issue  of  the 
charge.  Colonel  Seaver,  commanding  it,  was  in 
structed  that  he  might  have  to  form  line  obliquely 
to  the  left,  and  open  fire  to  cover  the  left  flank  of 
the  column.  All  the  officers  were  directed  to  repeat 
the  command  "  Forward  "  constantly  from  the  com 
mencement  of  the  charge  till  the  works  were  car 
ried.  At  ten  minutes  before  6  p.  M.  Captain  Dalton 
brought  me  the  order  to  attack  as  soon  as  the  column 
was  formed,  and  stated  that  the  artillery  would 
cease  firing  at  6  p.  M.  Twenty  minutes  elapsed  be 
fore  all  the  preparations  were  completed,  when,  at 
the  command,  the  lines  rose,  moved  noiselessly  to 
the  edge  of  the  wood,  and,  with  a  wild  cheer  and 
faces  averted,  rushed  for  the  works.  Through  a 
terrible  front  and  flank  fire  the  column  advanced, 
quickly  gaining  the  parapet.  Here  occurred  a 
deadly  hand-to-hand  conflict.  The  enemy,  sitting 
in  their  pits,  with  pieces  upright,  loaded,  and  with 
bayonets  fixed,  ready  to  impale  the  first  who  should 


98  Emory  Upton. 

leap  over,  absolutely  refused  to  yield  the  ground. 
The  first  of  our  men  who  tried  to  surmount  the 
works,  fell,  pierced  through  the  head  with  musket- 
balls  ;  others,  seeing  the  fate  of  their  comrades, 
held  their  pieces  at  arm's-length  and  fired  down 
ward  ;  while  others,  poising  their  pieces  vertically, 
hurled  them  down  upon  their  enemies,  pinning  them 
to  the  ground. 

Lieutenant  Johnson,  of  the  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-first  New  York,  received  a  bayonet-wound 
through  the  thigh.  Private  O'Donnell,  Ninety- 
sixth  Pennsylvania,  was  pinned  to  the  parapet,  but 
was  rescued  by  his  comrades.  A  private  of  the 
Fifth  Maine,  having  bayoneted  a  rebel,  was  fired  at 
by  a  captain,  who,  missing  his  aim,  in  turn  shared 
the  same  fate ;  the  brave  man  fell  by  a  shot  from  a 
rebel  lieutenant. 

The  struggle  lasted  but  a  few  seconds.  Num 
bers  prevailed,  and,  like  a  resistless  wave,  the  column 
poured  over  the  works,  quickly  putting  hors-de- 
combat  those  who  resisted,  and  sending  to  the  rear 
those  who  surrendered.  Pressing  forward,  and  ex 
panding  to  the  right  and  left,  the  second  line  of  in- 
trenchments,  its  line  of  battle,  and  the  battery,  fell 
into  our  hands.  The  column  of  assault  had  accom 
plished  its  task :  the  enemy's  lines  were  completely 
broken,  and  an  opening  had  been  made  for  the  di 
vision  which  was  to  have  supported  on  our  left,  but 
it  did  not  arrive.  Re-enforcements  arriving  to  the 
enemy,  our  front  and  both  flanks  were  assailed. 
The  impulsion  of  the  charge  being  lost,  nothing  re 
mained  but  to  hold  the  ground.  I  accordingly  di 
rected  the  officers  to  form  their  men  outside  the 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.     99 

works  and  open  fire,  and  then  rode  back  over  the 
field  to  bring  forward  the  Vermonters  in  the  fourth 
line,  but  they  had  already  mingled  in  the  contest, 
and  were  fighting  with  a  heroism  which  has  ever 
characterized  that  Mite  brigade. 

The  Sixty-fifth  New  York  had  also  marched  gal 
lantly  to  the  support  of  its  comrades,  and  was  fight 
ing  stubbornly  on  the  left.  Night  had  arrived. 
Our  position  was  three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  advance 
of  the  army,  and,  being  without  prospect  of  sup 
port,  was  untenable.  Meeting  General  Russell  at 
the  edge  of  the  wood,  he  gave  me  the  order  to 
withdraw.  I  wrote  the  order  and  sent  it  along  the 
line  by  Captain  Gorton,  of  the  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-first  New  York,  in  accordance  with  which, 
under  cover  of  darkness,  the  works  were  evacuated, 
the  regiments  returning  to  their  former  camps. 

Our  loss  in  this  assault  was  about  one  thousand 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  The  enemy  lost 
at  least  one  hundred  in  killed  at  the  first  intrench- 
ments,  while  a  much  heavier  loss  was  sustained  in 
his  efforts  to  regain  them.  We  captured  between 
ten  and  twelve  hundred  prisoners  and  several  stands 
of  colors.  Captain  Burhaus,  Forty-third  New  York, 
had  two  stands  of  colors  in  his  hands,  and  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been  killed  while  coming  back  from 
the  second  line  of  intrenchments.  Many  rebel  pris 
oners  were  shot  by  their  own  men  in  passing  to  the 
rear  over  the  open  field.  Our  officers  and  men  ac 
complished  all  that  could  be  expected  of  brave  men  ; 
they  went  forward  with  perfect  confidence,  fought 
with  unflinching  courage,  and  retired  only  upon  the 
receipt  of  a  written  order  after  having  expended 


ioo  Emory  Upton. 

the  ammunition  of  their  dead  and  wounded  com 
rades. 

May  nth,  the  brigade  made  some  unimportant 
changes  of  position.  Early  on  the  I2th  it  moved 
with  the  division  toward  the  right  flank  of  the  army, 
but  to  the  left  again  at  7  A.  M.,  arriving  in  rear  of  the 
Second  Corps  at  9.30  A.  M.  The  right  flank  of  this 
corps  being  threatened,  General  Russell  directed  me 
to  move  to  the  right  at  double-quick  to  support  it. 
Before  we  could  arrive,  it  gave  way.  As  the  Ninety- 
fifth  reached  an  elevated  point  of  the  enemy's  works, 
about  six  hundred  yards  to  the  right  of  the  Lendrum 
House,  it  received  a  heavy  volley  from  the  second 
line  of  works.  Seeing  that  the  position  was  of  vital 
importance  to  hold,  and  that  all  the  troops  had  given 
way  up  to  this  point,  I  halted  the  Ninety-fifth  Penn 
sylvania,  faced  it  to  the  front,  and  caused  it  to  lie 
down.  Its  left  rested  near  the  works  connecting 
with  the  Second  Corps,  while  its  right  refused  lay 
behind  a  crest,  oblique  to  the  works.  Had  it  given 
way,  the  whole  line  of  intrenchments  would  have 
been  recaptured,  and  the  fruit  of  the  morning's  vic 
tory  lost,  but  it  held  the  ground  till  the  Fifth  Maine 
and  the  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New  York 
came  to  its  support,  while  the  Ninety-sixth  Pennsyl 
vania  passed  on  its  right.  Shortly  after  the  Third 
and  Vermont  brigades  arrived,  a  section  of  Gillis's 
battery,  Fifth  United  States  Artillery,  under  Lieu 
tenant  Metcalf,  came  up  and  opened  fire,  but  was 
immediately  charged,  and  lost  nearly  every  horse, 
driver,  and  cannonier. 

The  enemy  charged  up  to  his  works  within  a 
hundred  feet  of  the  guns,  but  a  well-directed  fire 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Cofnihaitdef:  101 

from  the  infantry  behind  the  crest  prevented  his 
further  advance.  At  the  point  where  our  line  di 
verged  from  the  works  the  opposing  lines  came  in 
contact ;  but  neither  would  give  ground,  and  for 
eighteen  hours  raged  the  most  sanguinary  conflict 
of  the  war.  The  point  remained  in  our  possession 
at  the  close  of  the  struggle,  and  is  known  as  the 
"Angle." 

The  brigade  was  relieved  at  5.30  P.  M.  by  Colo 
nel  McLaughlin,  of  the  Second  Corps.  Captain 
Fish,  Assistant-Adjutant-General  of  the  brigade,  was 
killed  while  gallantly  performing  his  duty  early  in 
the  action.  He  was  a  brave,  zealous,  patriotic  offi 
cer,  and  had  distinguished  himself  in  every  battle 
in  which  he  had  been  engaged.  Captain  Lament, 
of  the  Fifth  Maine,  the  only  one  of  seven  captains 
who  escaped  in  the  assault  of  the  loth,  was  among 
the  killed.  I  desire  also  to  mention,  though  not  in 
my  brigade,  Major  Ellis,  of  the  Forty-ninth  New 
York,  and  Major  Truefitt,  of  the  One  Hundred  and 
Nineteenth  Pennsylvania,  who,  by  their  gallant  con 
duct,  excited  the  admiration  of  all.  The  former 
received  a  wound  from  which  he  has  since  died  ; 
the  latter  was  killed.  The  country  can  ill  afford  to 
lose  two  such  officers. 

After  being  relieved  the  brigade  was  held  in  re 
serve,  and,  after  dark,  was  marched  to  the  right  of 
General  Ricketts's  line,  near  the  position  occupied 
on  the  9th.  At  12  p.  M.,  on  the  I3th,  the  brigade 
leading,  the  division  moved  to  the  left,  in  rear  of 
Burnside's  corps,  to  near  the  Anderson  House. 
On  the  morning  of  the  I4th  it  was  ordered  to  cross 
the  Ny  River,  and  seize  Myer's  Hill,  to  the  left  and 


102  !  :  'Emoty*  Upton. 


front  of  the  Fifth  Corps.  Before  reaching  the  posi 
tion  it  had  been  carried  by  the  regulars,  whom  we 
relieved. 

The  brigade  was  reduced  to  less  than  eight  hun 
dred,  and  of  these,  three  regiments,  the  Fifth  Maine, 
One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New  York,  and 
Ninety-sixth  Pennsylvania,  were  required  to  con 
tinue  the  picket-line  from  the  Fifth  Corps  to  the 
river,  leaving  the  Ninety-fifth  Pennsylvania  in  re 
serve.  I  sent  a  dispatch  to  General  Wright,  through 
Captain  Paine,  signal-officer,  that,  if  the  position  was 
to  be  held,  another  brigade  was  necessary  ;  but  it 
could  not  be  spared,  and  two  small  regiments  —  the 
Second  and  Tenth  New  Jersey  —  were  sent  instead. 
A  lookout  was  posted  on  top  of  the  house  with  a 
field-glass  to  observe  the  enemy's  movements.  At 
the  same  time  a  breastwork  of  rails  was  thrown  up 
in  front  of  the  house  and  out-buildings,  there  being 
no  other  means  of  fortifying  at  hand. 

About  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  to  the  front 
of  the  house  was  a  wood,  to  the  right  of  which, 
eight  hundred  yards  distant,  was  a  high  hill.  To 
the  left  of  the  house  was  a  broad,  open  field,  on  the 
far  edge  of  which  could  be  seen  squads  of  cavalry. 
About  4  P.  M.  the  lookout  discovered  infantry  skir 
mishers  on  the  hill  described. 

Apprehensive  that  the  enemy's  sharp-shooters 
might  occupy  the  point  of  woods  nearest  the  house, 
Colonel  Lessig  was  directed  to  move  forward  the 
Ninety-sixth  and  take  possession.  Two  companies 
of  the  Second  New  Jersey  were  sent  in  support, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  regiment  sent  forward  to 
the  works.  Colonel  Lessig  had  scarcely  entered  the 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  103 

wood  before  he  encountered  two  brigades  of  infant 
ry  forming  to  charge  our  position.  He  immedi 
ately  fell  back,  while  at  the  same  time  the  Ninety- 
fifth  Pennsylvania  and  Tenth  New  Jersey  were  or 
dered  forward.  They  were  barely  in  position  when 
the  enemy's  column  emerged  from  the  woods. 
Simultaneously  cavalry,  with  a  battery  of  horse-ar 
tillery,  galloped  on  to  the  field  to  the  left  of  the 
house,  which  opened  fire,  nearly  enfilading  our  line. 
The  enemy  was  received  with  a  well-directed  fire, 
which  checked  his  advance,  but,  coming  on  in  supe 
rior  numbers,  we  were  compelled  to  abandon  the 
position. 

Our  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  was 
about  one  hundred.  The  enemy  admitted  a  loss 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty-one  killed  and  wounded. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Weibeck,  of  the  Second  New 
Jersey,  a  brave  officer  and  thorough  soldier,  was 
killed.  After  dark,  the  position  was  reoccupied  by 
our  troops. 

May  1 5th  and  i6th,  the  brigade  remained  at 
Myer's  Hill.  May  i;th,  at  8  P.  M.,  it  marched  back 
to  the  Angle,  arriving  at  5  A.  M.  on  the  i8th,  and 
returned  to  Myer's  Hill  the  same  evening.  May 
1 9th,  it  moved  forward  on  Warren's  left  and  forti 
fied.  At  10  P.  M.,  the  brigade  leading,  we  marched 
across  the  Ny  River,  to  meet  Ewell's  attack.  On 
the  morning  of  the  2oth  we  relieved  part  of  Bir- 
ney's  division,  our  right  resting  on  the  Fredericks- 
burg  road.  On  the  2ist,  at  4  P.  M.,  we  returned 
to  Myer's  Hill,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Second 
Connecticut  Heavy  Artillery  was  assigned  to  the 
brigade. 


IO4  Emory  Upton. 

Third  Epoch. — Marched  from  Myer's  Hill  at 
10.30  P.  M.,  May  2ist,  reached  Guinea  Station  at  1.30 
p.  M.,  May  22d,  and  rested  four  hours.  Crossed  the 
Mattapony  at  6.30  P.  M.,  and  camped  at  Lebanon 
Church.  On  the  23d,  resumed  the  march,  and 
camped  near  Jericho  bridge,  on  the  North  Anna,  at 
1 2  P.M.  The  troops  were  much  exhausted.  On  the 
24th,  crossed  the  North  Anna  at  6  A.  M.,  and  went 
into  position  on  the  left  of  Griffin's  division.  On 
the  25th,  moved  to  the  right,  crossed  the  Virginia 
Central  Railroad  at  Noel's  Station,  and  destroyed 
half  a  mile  of  the  track. 

Fourth  Epoch. — At  8  A.  M.,  May  26th,  recrossed 
the  North  Anna,  and  accompanied  trains  to  Chester 
field  Station,  arriving  at  2  P.  M.  Resumed  the  march 
at  8  P.  M.  toward  Hanovertown,  crossed  the  Pa- 
munkey  at  1 1  A.  M.,  May  27th,  having  made  twenty- 
seven  miles  since  the  previous  evening.  May  28th, 
moved  up  the  river  two  miles  to  rejoin  the  Second 
and  Third  Divisions.  May  29th,  made  reconnais 
sance  to  Hanover  Court-House.  May  3Oth,  moved 
at  daylight  toward  Richmond,  and  bivouacked 
near  Atlee  Station,  seven  miles  from  Mechanicsville. 
Marched  at  i  A.  M.,  June  ist,  for  Cold  Harbor,  ar 
riving  at  1 1  A.  M. 

At  5  p.  M.,  the  brigade  connecting  with  Ricketts's 
division  on  the  right  and  the  Third  Brigade  on  the 
left  was  formed  in  four  lines,  preparatory  to  an  as 
sault  upon  the  enemy's  intrenchments  on  the  Rich 
mond  road.  The  guide  was  to  be  left.  The  Second 
Connecticut,  under  Colonel  Kellogg,  was  drawn  up 
in  column  by  battalion,  forming  the  front  three 
lines.  The  Fifth  Maine,  Ninety-fifth  and  Ninety- 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  105 

sixth  Pennsylvania,  and  One  Hundred  and  Twenty- 
first  New  York,  formed  the  fourth  line. 

At  6  p.  M.,  General  Ricketts  advanced,  and,  no 
movement  taking  place  on  my  left,  I  directed  Colo 
nel  Kellogg  to  move  forward ;  shortly  after  which 
Lieutenant-Colonel  McMahon,  assistant-adjutant- 
general  of  the  corps,  brought  me  the  order  to  ad 
vance,  without  regard  to  the  guide.  The  Second 
Connecticut,  anxious  to  prove  its  courage,  moved 
to  the  assault  in  beautiful  order.  Crossing  an  open 
field,  it  entered  a  pine-wood,  passed  down  a  gentle 
declivity,  and  up  a  slight  ascent.  Here  the  charge 
was  checked.  For  seventy  feet  in  front  of  the 
works  the  trees  had  been  felled,  interlocking  with 
each  other,  and  barring  all  further  advance.  Two 
paths,  several  yards  apart,  and  wide  enough  for  four 
men  to  march  abreast,  led  through  the  obstructions. 
Up  these,  to  the  foot  of  the  works,  the  brave  men 
rushed,  but  were  swept  away  by  a  converging  fire, 
unable  to  carry  the  intrenchments.  I  directed  the 
men  to  lie  down,  and  not  to  return  the  fire.  Opposite 
the  right  of  the  regiment  the  works  were  carried, 
and  several  prisoners  captured,  among  whom  was 
Major  McDonald,  of  a  North  Carolina  regiment, 
who  informed  me  that  their  flank  had  been  turned. 
The  regiment  was  then  marched  to  the  point  gained, 
and,  moving  to  the  left,  captured  the  point  first  at 
tacked.  In  this  position,  without  support  on  either 
flank,  the  Second  Connecticut  fought  till  3  A.  M., 
when  the  enemy  fell  back  to  a  second  line  of  works. 

Colonel  Kellogg,  its  brave  and  able  commander, 
fell  in  the  assault  at  the  head  of  his  command.  The 
loss  of  the  Second  Connecticut  was  fifty-three  killed, 


io6  Emory  Upton. 

one  hundred  and  eighty-seven  wounded,  and  one 
hundred  and  forty-six  missing ;  total,  three  hundred 
and  eighty-six.  June  $d,  another  assault  was  or 
dered,  but,  being  deemed  impracticable  along  our 
front,  was  not  made.  From  the  3d  to  the  I2th  of 
June  the  brigade  lay  behind  intrenchments.  Nearly 
a  constant  fire  was  kept  up  by  sharp-shooters,  and 
but  few  casualties  occurred.  Lieutenant  Gordon, 
of  the  Ninety-fifth  Pennsylvania,  aide-de-camp,  was 
dangerously  wounded  in  the  head. 

Fifth  Epoch. — The  brigade  marched  at  1 1  P.  M., 
June  1 2th,  toward  the  Chickahominy.  June  I3th, 
was  detached  to  guard  the  artillery  and  trains ;  and 
then  crossed  the  Chickahominy,  at  Jones's  Bridge, 
and  encamped.  Resumed  the  march  at  6  A.  M.,  June 
I4th,  and  encamped  near  the  James  River  at  1 1  A.  M. 
June  lyth,  at  i  A.  M.,  took  transports  at  Wilson's 
Wharf ;  disembarked  at  Bermuda  Hundred  at  6 
A.  M. ;  and  rejoined  the  corps  near  Point  of  Rocks. 

June  1 8th,  moved  in  front  of  the  works  at  i  A.  M. 
to  support  the  attack  of  two  brigades  upon  Long- 
street's  corps.  The  order  of  attack  was  counter 
manded,  and  the  brigade  returned  to  its  former 
position.  June  iQth,  marched  at  5  A.  M.  for  Peters 
burg  ;  relieved  Stannard's  brigade,  on  the  right,  at 
10  P.  M.  ;  and  intrenched  during  the  night. 

June  2 ist,  at  9  P.  M.,  was  relieved  by  Stannard's 
brigade,  and  marched  across  the  Jerusalem  plank- 
road  to  the  left  of  the  Second  Corps. 

June  22d,  advanced  with  the  Second  Corps  ;  met 
the  enemy,  but  was  not  engaged.  Captain  R.  S. 
Mackenzie,  United  States  Engineers,  commanding 
the  Second  Connecticut,  was  wounded.  An  attack 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  107 

was  ordered  at  7  P.  M. ;  the  line  advanced,  but  the 
enemy  had  retired. 

June  23d,  several  changes  of  position  were  made, 
and  works  were  constructed  near  Williams's  House. 
June  29th,  at  3  P.  M.,  marched  to  Reams's  Station. 
June  30th,  destroyed  track,  and  returned  to  the 
Jerusalem  plank-road.  July  2d,  returned  to  Will 
iams's  House.  July  loth,  marched  to  City  Point, 
and  took  transports  for  Washington.  The  loss  of 
the  brigade  during  the  campaign  was  three  hun 
dred  and  twenty -nine  killed,  seven  hundred  and 
thirteen  wounded,  and  two  hundred  and  sixty-three 
missing ;  total,  fourteen  hundred  and  five. 

The  officers  and  men  endured  the  hardships  of 
the  campaign  with  remarkable  patience,  while  the 
loss  sustained  sufficiently  attests  their  gallantry. 
From  the  members  of  my  staff — Captains  J.  D.  Fish 
and  F.  G.  Sanborn,  and  Lieutenants  F.  Morse,  D. 
Gordon,  and  F.  G.  Patterson — I  received,  in  every 
instance,  prompt  and  gallant  assistance. 

Upton's  report  of  the  'operations  of  his  brigade 
may  be  taken  as  a  typical  one.  Grant's  overland 
campaign  was  really  a  continuous  battle,  from  the 
passage  of  the  Rapidan,  May  4th,  till  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  found  itself  intrenched  in  front  of  Pe 
tersburg.  The  terrible  strain  to  which  this  gallant 
army  had  been  subjected  had  almost  reached  the 
limit  of  human  endurance. 

General  Humphreys  well  says  :  "  The  inces 
sant  movements,  day  and  night,  for  so  long  a  pe 
riod  ;  the  constant,  close  contact  with  the  enemy 
during  all  that  time ;  the  almost  daily  assaults  upon 


io8  Emory  Upton. 

intrenchments  having  entanglements  in  front,  and 
defended  by  artillery  and  musketry  in  front  and 
flank — exhausted  officers  and  men.  The  larger  part 
of  the  officers,  who  literally  led  their  commands, 
were  killed  or  wounded ;  and  a  large  number  of 
those  that  filled  the  ranks  at  the  beginning  of  the 
campaign  were  absent.  It  is  unreasonable  to  sup 
pose  that  the  troops  were  not,  for  a  time,  so  ex 
hausted  as  to  need  rest ;  and  equally  unreasonable 
to  suppose  that  their  opponents  were  not  in  a  simi 
lar  condition,  though  to  a  less  degree,  since  they 
had  not  marched  so  much  at  night,  nor  attacked  in 
trenchments."  * 

To  this  exhaustion  we  must,  in  a  large  measure, 
attribute  the  following  criticism  of  General  Upton 
upon  the  frequent  assaults  to  which  his  troops  had 
been  ordered,  found  in  a  letter  describing  briefly 
the  sequence  of  events,  which  are  given  in  fuller 
detail  in  his  report : 

June  4,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  ...  I  am  disgusted  with  the 
generalship  displayed.  Our  men  have,  in  many 
instances,  been  foolishly  and  wantonly  sacrificed. 
Assault  after  assault  has  been  ordered  upon  the 
enemy's  intrenchments,  when  they  knew  nothing 
about  the  strength  or  position  of  the  enemy.  Thou 
sands  of  lives  might  have  been  spared  by  the  exer 
cise  of  a  little  skill ;  but,  as  it  is,  the  courage  of  the 
poor  men  is  expected  to  obviate  all  difficulties.  I 
must  confess  that,  so  long  as  I  see  such  incompe- 
tency,  there  is  no  grade  in  the  army  to  which  I  do 
not  aspire. 

*  "  The  Virginia  Campaign,  1864  and  1865,"  p.  225. 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.   109 
And  again  he  writes  : 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  June  5,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  We  are  now  at  Cold  Harbor, 
where  we  have  been  since  June  ist.  On  that  day  we 
had  a  murderous  engagement.  I  say  murderous,  be 
cause  we  were  recklessly  ordered  to  assault  the  ene 
my's  intrenchments,  knowing  neither  their  strength 
nor  position.  Our  loss  was  very  heavy,  and  to  no 
purpose.  Our  men  are  brave,  but  can  not  accom 
plish  impossibilities.  My  brigade  lost  about  three 
hundred  men.  My  horse  was  killed,  but  I  escaped 
unharmed.  Since  June  ist  we  have  been  behind, 
rifle-pits,  about  three  hundred  yards  from  the  ene 
my.  A  constant  fusillade  from  both  sides  has  been 
kept  up,  and,  though  but  little  damage  has  been 
done,  it  is,  nevertheless,  very  annoying. 

I  am  very  sorry  to  say  I  have  seen  but  little 
generalship  during  the  campaign.  Some  of  our 
corps  commanders  are  not  fit  to  be  corporals.  Lazy 
and  indolent,  they  will  not  even  ride  along  their 
lines ;  yet,  without  hesitancy,  they  will  order  us  to 
attack  the  enemy,  no  matter  what  their  position 
or  numbers.  Twenty  thousand  of  our  killed  and 
wounded  should  to-day  be  in  our  ranks.  But  I  will 
cease  fault-finding,  and  express  the  hope  that  mere 
numbers  will  yet  enable  us  to  enter  Richmond. 
Please  give  my  love  to  all.  I  am  as  anxious  to 
hear  from  home  as  you  are  to  hear  from  me.  The 
fatigue  of  the  campaign  hardly  disposes  one  for 
letter-writing. 

The  severe  character  of  these  bloody  contests 


no  Emory  Upton. 

can  hardly  be  appreciated  by  those  who  were  not 
themselves  actors  in  the  events  described. 

At  the  battle  of  the  "  Angle,"  so  continuous  was 
the  firing1,  that  an  oak-tree,  over  eighteen  inches  in 
diameter,  was  entirely  cut  in  two  by  the  bullets 
fired  from  the  Union  lines.  A  section  of  the  re 
maining  stump  was  afterward  obtained  and  sent  to 
Washington,  which  exhibits  in  a  striking  way  the 
persistent  struggle  in  which  both  the  enemy  and 
our  own  men  engaged  at  this  point. 

The  following  letter  gives  a  fuller  account  of 
this  action,  and  is,  therefore,  inserted : 

FORT  MONROE,  August  31,  1878. 

DEAR  SIR  :  On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the 
Sixth  Corps  was  in  rear  of  the  right  of  the  army, 
but,  on  receipt  of  the  news  that  Hancock's  corps 
had  captured  several  thousand  prisoners,  and  a 
large  portion  of  the  works  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Lendrum  House,  it  was  ordered  to  that  point  as  a 
support.  Our  brigade  was  at  the  rear  of  the  corps, 
and,  when  the  corps  got  into  position,  occupied  the 
right  of  the  line.  The  brigade  had  scarcely  halted 
when  I  received  orders  to  move,  in  double  time, 
to  the  support  of  the  right  of  the  Second  Corps. 
Starting  the  brigade  in  double  time,  the  Ninety- 
fifth  Pennsylvania  leading,  I  galloped  to  the  crest 
at  the  "  Angle,"  and  from  thence  could  see  the 
right  of  our  troops  extending  along  the  works,  to 
the  point  where  the  twelve  regiments  of  our  corps 
made  the  assault  on  the  loth.  I  could  also  see  a 
second  line  of  works,  the  same  we  encountered  and 
captured  on  the  loth,  about  one  hundred  or  one 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  1 1 1 

hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  front  of  the  line  then  in 
our  possession.  This  second  line  appeared  to  be 
unoccupied.  After  reconnoitring  the  position,  I 
rode  back  to  the  head  of  the  Ninety-fifth,  ordered 
it  to  take  a  steady  step,  and  then  conducted  it  to 
the  crest,  intending  to  pass  over  it,  and  move  on  to 
the  right  of  the  line.  But,  on  arriving  at  the  crest, 
I  saw  that  the  flank  of  the  troops  had  been  turned, 
and  that  they  had  been  compelled  to  abandon  the 
intrenchments  to  the  point  where  I  then  stood.  A 
moment  after,  as  the  head  of  the  Ninety-fifth,  still 
marching  in  double  time,  crowned  the  crest,  it  re 
ceived  the  full  fire  of  a  line  of  battle,  occupying 
the  second  line  of  works  already  referred  to.  In 
stead  of  attempting  to  go  over  the  crest,  the  head 
of  the  regiment  inclined  to  the  right,  then  followed 
the  crest  until  the  left,  or  rear,  rested  on  the  works, 
when  I  caused  the  men  to  lie  down  and  open  fire. 
Had  the  regiment  given  way,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  fruits  of  the  gallant  charge  of  the 
Second  Corps  in  the  morning  would  have  been 
lost.  But,  in  a  few  moments,  the  One  Hundred 
and  Twenty-first  New  York,  the  Ninety-sixth  Penn 
sylvania,  and  the  Fifth  Maine  came  to  its  support, 
while  the  Jersey  Brigade  passed  into  the  works  on 
its  right.  Shortly  after,  the  whole  of  the  First  Di 
vision,  Sixth  Corps,  was  engaged  at  the  "  Angle," 
and,  immediately  to  its  left,  our  right. 

At  the  point  where  our  line  diverged  from  the 
works,  the  Union  and  Confederate  soldiers  were 
face  to  face.  A  few  yards  to  the  enemy's  left  (our 
right)  of  this  point  were  the  traverses  of  a  four-gun 
battery,  which  had  been  captured  in  the  morning. 


H2  Emory  Upton. 

It  was  from  between  those  traverses,  which  proved 
a  charnel-house  to  the  Confederates,  that  they  kept 
up  a  more  or  less  continuous  fire  during  the  day, 
and,  as  I  was  informed,  till  nearly  three  o'clock 
next  morning,  when  they  abandoned  the  position. 
The  tree  was  not  the  only  evidence  of  the  amount 
and  accuracy  of  our  fire.  The  top  logs  of  the  works 
and  the  traverses  were  splintered  like  brush-brooms, 
while  the  oak  abatis  in  front  was  completely  shot 
away.  From  9.30  A.M.  till  about  5.30  P.M.,  when 
our  brigade  was  relieved,  these  traverses  were  im 
mediately  in  our  front,  and  in  front  of  the  other 
brigades  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  which  came  to  our 
support.  To  our  left,  the  troops  of  the  Second 
Corps  poured  in  an  oblique  fire  toward  the  trav 
erses.  It  was  thus  from  the  front  fire  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  aided  by  an  oblique  fire  of  the  Second  Corps, 
that  the  tree  was  undoubtedly  shot  down. 

The  "Angle"  was  first  captured  by  the  Second 
Corps,  and,  during  the  prolonged  conflict  of  nearly 
eighteen  hours,  was  held  chiefly  by  the  Sixth  Corps. 
A  few  days  after  the  battle,  Major-General  Birney, 
of  the  Second  Corps,  volunteered  the  information 
to  me  that,  in  his  official  report,  he  would  give  our 
brigade  the  credit  of  saving  the  day. 

To  G.  NORTON  GALLOWAY,  Esq., 
Philadelphia. 

Such  conspicuous  gallantry  could  not  be  passed 
without  official  notice.  Upton's  commanding  offi 
cers,  unsolicited,  gave  the  strongest  indorsements  of 
his  fitness  for  a  higher  command,  and  his  promotion 
to  the  grade  of  brigadier-general  was  not  long  de- 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  1 1 3 

layed.  These  recommendations  are  worthy  of  pres 
ervation  in  this  record,  not  only  on  account  of  the 
merit  they  extol,  but  because  of  the  soldierly  gen 
erosity  of  his  immediate  superiors. 

General  Joseph  J.  Bartlett,  commanding  the 
Second  Brigade  of  the  First  Division,  Sixth  Corps, 
says: 

"  Colonel  Upton's  services  in  the  field  date  from 
the  first  battles  before  Manassas,  as  aide-de-camp  to 
Brigadier-General  Tyler.  Subsequently  he  was  as 
signed  to  Battery  D,  Second  United  States  Artil 
lery,  which  he  commanded  at  West  Point,  Virginia, 
May  7,  1862.  At  the  battles  at  Gaines's  Mills  and 
Charles  City  Cross-roads  he  commanded  his  bat 
tery  with  great  skill  and  gallantry.  At  the  battles 
of  Crampton's  Gap  and  Antietam  he  commanded 
an  artillery  brigade  of  twenty-six  guns. 

"  October  25,  1862,  he  was  promoted  colonel  of 
the  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  New  York  Vol 
unteers.  In  the  subsequent  battles  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  he  commanded  his  regiment  with  dis 
tinguished  ability,  and  has  received  honorable  men 
tion  in  all  of  my  reports,  and  in  the  reports  of  the 
division  commanders. 

"  Colonel  Upton's  conduct  in  the  field  has  been 
marked  by  a  prompt  and  cheerful  obedience  to  or 
ders,  and  an  untiring  endeavor  to  elevate  his  com 
mand  to  its  greatest  efficiency.  His  unswerving 
integrity,  his  skill  in  the  management  of  his  regi 
ment  in  action,  his  coolness  and  bravery  under  fire, 
have  won  for  him  the  respect  of  his  comrades  and 
superior  officers. 


U4  Emory  Upton. 

"The  promotion  of  Colonel  Upton  would  be  but 
an  act  of  justice,  in  consideration  of  his  services, 
and  would  at  the  same  time  secure  in  the  position 
of  brigadier-general  a  faithful,  conscientious,  and 
reliable  commander." 

The  foregoing  letter  was  indorsed  as  follows : 

"  Colonel  Upton,  who  is  an  officer  of  the  regular 
army,  has  served  either  as  commander  of  his  regi 
ment  or  of  the  Second  Brigade  of  this  division, 
since  my  connection  with  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac  ;  and,  by  the  zeal,  intelligence,  energy,  and 
gallantry  he  has  uniformly  exhibited,  has  shown 
himself  fully  competent  for  the  position  for  which 
he  has  been  recommended.  I  not  only  take  pleas 
ure  in  presenting  his  claims  for  promotion  on  the 
record  within,  but  would  urge  his  appointment  on 
the  higher  ground  of  the  interest  of  the  service. 

"H.  G.  WRIGHT, 

"Brigadier-General  commanding  First  Division,  Sixth 
Corps." 

"  Colonel  Upton  has  taken  part,  either  as  bat 
tery,  regimental,  or  brigade  commander,  in  all  the 
battles  in  which  this  corps  has  been  engaged,  and 
has  rendered  gallant  and  important  service.  At 
Crampton's  Pass  and  Antietam  he  was  chief  of  artil 
lery  of  the  corps.  In  the  battles  at  and  near  Fred- 
ericksburg,  in  December  and  May  last,  he  com 
manded  his  regiment ;  and  at  Gettysburg,  and  for 
some  time  subsequent,  he  was  in  command  of  a 
brigade.  On  all  these  occurrences  his  conduct  was 
admirable.  His  regiment  is  in  a  highly  efficient 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  115 

state  of  discipline.  Colonel  Upton  would  make  an 
excellent  brigade  commander,  and  I  earnestly  hope 
he  may  be  appointed. 

"  JOHN  SEDGWICK, 
"  Major-General  commanding  Sixth  Corps" 

"  I  fully  concur  in  the  foregoing  recommenda 
tions,  and  trust  that,  in  consideration  of  the  high 
qualifications  Colonel  Upton  possesses  for  the  posi 
tion,  as  well  as  on  account  of  the  distinguished 
and  gallant  services  he  has  rendered  during  the 
war,  he  will  receive  the  appointment  of  brigadier- 
general. 

"  GEORGE  G.  MEADE, 
" Major-General  commanding" 

Numerous  other  attestations  of  his  eminent  serv 
ices  are  at  hand,  and  could  be  printed  were  they 
necessary,  to  exhibit  the  strong  impression  that  he 
made  upon  those  with  whom  he  served. 

The  care  which  he  bestowed  upon  his  men,  the 
high  state  of  discipline  to  which  he  brought  his 
command,  the  deliberate  study  which  he  made  of 
the  positions  he  was  directed  to  assault,  the  ample 
provision  he  made  for  every  contingency,  the  cool 
daring,  gallant  bearing,  and  remarkable  success 
which  always  attended  his  going  into  action,  all 
combined  to  make  him  a  hero  to  his  soldiers,  and 
an  illustrious  example  to  his  brother  officers.  There 
was  no  jealousy  excited  when  his  promotion  fol 
lowed,  for  it  was  given  for  "gallant  and  distin 
guished  services,"  well  earned,  as  his  comrades 
knew. 


u6  Emory  Upton. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  Jime  7,  1864. 
MY  DEAR  SISTER:  ...  I  first  saw  my  promotion 
in  the  papers  on  June  ist.  I  was  very  glad ;  for, 
two  hours  after,  as  I  wrote  you,  we  went  into  ac 
tion.  I  am  disposed  to  think  that  it  will  be  better 
in  the  end  for  me  to  have  received  my  promotion  at 
this  late  date.  The  reasons  for  my  promotion  are 
gratifying  to  any  soldier.  It  will  be  entered  upon 
the  records  of  the  War  Department  that  I  was  pro 
moted  for  "  gallant  and  distinguished  services  " — a 
record  that  will  help  me  through  life,  and  one  of 
which  you  will  be  far  more  proud  than  had  it  been 
conferred  simply  for  political  reasons.  It  is  con 
trary  to  the  instincts  of  all  regular  officers  to  seek 
promotion  through  the  latter  influence.  Everybody 
congratulates  me,  and  all  concede  that  I  have  fairly 
earned  it ;  even  those  who  have  opposed  me  acknowl 
edge  this.  I  feel  quite  happy,  and  have  not  yet 
ceased  to  aspire.  I  shall  not  be  content  until  I  get 
a  division,  and  time  will  bring  that  about.  My 
health  has  been  remarkably  good  throughout  the 
campaign.  I  have  slept  in  my  clothes,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  two  or  three  nights,  since  May  4th,  and 
the  same  has  been  done  by  nearly  all  the  officers 
and  men. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,  June  18,  1864. 
To-night  I  am  quietly  writing  in  my  tent,  which 
was  last  pitched  on  the  north  bank  of  the  James. 
We  took  transports  yesterday  morning  at  I  A.  M., 
and  steamed  up  to  Bermuda  Hundreds,  arriving 
there  at  6  A.  M.  Thence  we  marched  to  Point  of 
Rocks,  on  the  Appomattox.  This  morning  we  were 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  1 1 7 

marched  outside  of  the  works  to  support  and  par 
ticipate  in  an  assault  upon  the  enemy's  works.  The 
order  was  countermanded  in  time  to  prevent  a  de 
liberate  murder  of  our  troops.  The  line  we  were 
to  assault  was  evacuated  by  the  enemy  on  the  i6th, 
and  was  occupied  by  our  troops,  who  fell  back  from 
them  without  firing  a  shot.  It  was  not  till  the 
enemy  had  reoccupied  them  in  stronger  force  than 
before  that  it  was  discovered  that  their  possession 
was  of  great  importance  to  us.  Brilliant  general 
ship  that,  which  would  abandon  voluntarily  a  line 
of  works,  allow  the  enemy  to  take  possession,  and 
then  drive  them  from  it  by  a  glorious  charge  !  This 
kind  of  stupidity  has  cost  us  already  twenty  thou 
sand  men.  It  is  time  that  it  should  be  stopped.  I 
think,  however,  with  all  our  stupid  blunders  in  bat 
tle,  we  shall  yet  succeed.  To  all  intents  and  pur 
poses,  we  hold  Petersburg.  Our  cavalry  should  cut 
the  Lynchburg  Canal  and  the  Danville  Railroad, 
which  will  certainly  necessitate  the  evacuation  of 
Richmond.  There  has  been,  I  judge,  terrible  fight 
ing  to-day  at  Petersburg,  but  I  do  not  know  the  re 
sult.  It  must  have  been  in  our  favor,  I  think,  other 
wise  we  would  have  been  ordered  to  re-enforce  the 
corps  engaged.  Our  corps  is  at  present  under  the 
orders  of  General  Butler,  but  we  hope  soon  to  join 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

The  arduous  struggle  for  the  possession  of  Rich 
mond,  which  commenced  with  the  movement  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  across  the  Rapidan  on  the 
4th  of  May,  1864,  had  for  the  time  being  ceased. 
The  theatre  of  operations  was  peculiarly  well  fitted 


n8  Emory  Upton. 

for  the  defensive  measures  which  General  Lee  so 
ably  conducted,  and  was  correspondingly  difficult 
for  the  offensive  operations  undertaken  by  General 
Grant.  The  task  of  the  former  was  to  prevent  the 
penetration  of  the  Union  forces  between  his  army 
and  Richmond,  and  to  secure  always  the  shortest 
line  of  retreat  to  Richmond,  and  the  safety  of  his 
line  of  supplies.  That  of  the  latter  was  to  bring  the 
enemy  to  battle  in  the  open  field,  or,  by  rapid  flank 
movements  or  overwhelming  assaults,  to  dislodge 
him  from  his  defensive  positions,  keeping  Washing 
ton  always  well  covered  in  his  rear. 

The  southeasterly  trend  of  the  various  streams 
having  their  sources  in  the  Blue  Ridge  offered  a 
succession  of  strong  positions  to  the  enemy,  and 
which,  by  Lee's  able  generalship,  proved  insur 
mountable  barriers  to  a  direct  overland  march  of 
Grant's  forces. 

During  the  progress  of  the  campaign  secondary 
expeditions  were  devised,  having  for  their  purpose 
the  detaching  of  sufficiently  strong  portions  of  the 
enemy's  troops,  so  as  to  weaken  him,  and  enable  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  to  accomplish  more  readily 
its  purpose. 

General  Hunter's  command  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  had  gained  such  success  in  his  Lynchburg 
campaign  while  the  two  main  opposing  forces  were 
struggling  at  the  North  Anna,  that  Lee  was  con 
strained  to  send  back  to  the  Valley  two  brigades 
commanded  by  Breckenridge.  This  force  was  fur 
ther  increased  by  the  addition  of  Early's  corps, 
withdrawn  from  Lee's  forces  June  I3th,  after  the 
issue  at  Cold  Harbor  had  been  decided  in  favor  of 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  1 1 9 

Lee.  The  result  of  these  movements  was  to  drive 
Hunter  out  of  the  Shenandoah  toward  the  Kanawha 
Valley.  He  reached  Charleston,  West  Virginia, 
June  30th,  with  his  troops  foot-sore  and  exhausted, 
and  was  thus  eliminated  as  a  factor  of  offense  or  de 
fense  in  the  Shenandoah  until  near  the  middle  of 
July.  The  situation  was  now  something  like  this : 
Grant  was  moving  his  forces  south  to  invest  Peters 
burg,  and,  crossing  his  army  over  the  James  River 
at  and  near  Fort  Powhatan,  but  covering  his  real 
movement  by  a  portion  of  his  cavalry  near  Malvern 
Hill  and  White-Oak  Swamp.  Lee,  watchful,  was 
waiting  for  information  as  to  Grant's  movements, 
but  ready  to  interpose  in  his  front,  either  south  of 
Richmond  or  Petersburg.  Early,  in  the  Valley,  with 
nothing  of  any  moment  to  oppose  him,  had  an  in 
viting  pathway  into  Maryland.  His  force,  of  about 
seventeen  thousand  men,  mostly  veteran  troops, 
was  strong  enough  not  only  to  penetrate  into 
Maryland,  but  to  seriously  threaten  and  endanger 
Washington.  Lee  hoped  by  this  diversion  to  cause 
Grant  to  loosen  the  powerful  grasp  by  which  he  held 
the  bulk  of  his  forces  in  the  intrenchments  around 
Petersburg. 

Briefly,  it  may  be  stated  that  Early,  in  the  prose 
cution  of  this  design,  reached  Winchester  July  2d, 
entered  Hagerstown,  Md.,  on  the  6th,  and,  after  ter 
rifying  all  Maryland,  appeared  in  sight  of  Washing 
ton  on  the  i  ith.  The  near  presence  of  this  veteran 
force  to  Washington  caused  the  greatest  consterna 
tion.  To  oppose  it  there  were  only  some  convales 
cents,  some  raw  and  untried  troops,  and  the  civilian 
employes  of  the  Quartermaster's  Department,  and 


I2O  Emory  Upton. 

Grant  was  urged  to  send  a  sufficient  force  from  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  to  avert  the  danger. 

On  the  night  of  the  Qth  of  July,  orders  were  sent 
to  General  Wright,  commanding  the  Sixth  Corps, 
to  march  the  First  and  Second  Divisions  of  this 
corps  from  their  camps  at  Petersburg  to  City  Point, 
there  to  take  transports  for  Washington.  Embark 
ing  at  daylight,  they  were  landed  at  Washington  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  nth,  in  time  to  oppose  any 
serious  attack  of  Early.  On  the  I2th,  Early 's  attack 
was  defeated,  and  his  retreat  to  the  Shenandoah 
began.  He  was  followed  by  General  Wright,  who 
was  at  first  inferior  to  Early  in  strength,  and  hence 
was  compelled,  from  prudential  motives,  to  move 
with  some  caution.  The  arrival  of  Hunter's  forces 
in  the  vicinity  of  Harper's  Ferry  aided  in  causing 
the  retreat  of  Early  ultimately  to  Strasburg.  On 
the  23d  of  July  the  Sixth  Corps  was  withdrawn  to 
Washington  with  the  intention  of  sending  it  back  to 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac ;  but  the  enemy,  ever 
watchful,  took  advantage  of  this  withdrawal  and,  by 
an  advance  movement,  succeeded  in  defeating  Gen 
eral  Crook  at  Kernstown,  in  the  Valley,  which  had 
the  effect  of  bringing  back  the  Sixth  Corps  to 
Harper's  Ferry. 

On  the  24th  of  July  the  Confederate  cavalry 
under  McCausland  began  a  new  raid  into  Maryland, 
the  same  day  that  Crook's  forces  united  with  the 
Sixth  Corps  at  Harper's  Ferry.  Chambersburg,  in 
Pennsylvania,  was  burned ;  stores,  provisions,  and 
horses  were  captured,  and  another  stampede  among 
the  farmers  of  Maryland  and  Southern  Pennsylvania 
occurred.  Grant  determined  to  put  a  stop  forever 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  121 

to  this  disturbing  element  of  his  main  purpose,  and, 
as  a  result,  the  army  in  the  Valley  was  re-enforced 
and  General  Sheridan  was  sent  to  command  it.  He 
was  to  defeat  and  disperse  Early 's  forces,  and  make 
such  a  destruction  of  all  the  resources  of  the  Shen- 
andoah  Valley  as  to  prevent  in  future  any  possibility 
of  the  subsistence  of  the  enemy's  forces  in  that  lo 
cality. 

General  Upton,  commanding  his  brigade  in  the 
First  Division  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  took  part  in  all 
the  movements  which  resulted  from  the  operations 
of  Early  referred  to  above,  and  in  the  following 
letters  gives  a  brief  account  of  what  came  under 
his  notice : 

SNICKER'S  GAP,  July  19,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  .  .  .  We  have  had  a  blood 
less  campaign  since  the  rebels  invaded  Maryland. 
The  timely  arrival  of  our  corps  saved  Washington 
from  capture.  The  enemy  withdrew  from  the  city 
and  made  a  hasty  retreat  across  the  Potomac.  We 
have  followed  leisurely  and  without  opposition  until 
reaching  this  point.  We  are  encamped  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  hold  the  east  bank  of 
the  Shenandoah,  while  the  enemy  holds  the  west 
bank.  I  wish  you  could  enjoy  this  scenery.  From 
our  camp  on  the  Blue  Ridge  the  Great  Valley  of 
Virginia,  with  its  surrounding  streams,  its  groves, 
its  fertile  fields,  and  elegant  mansions,  is  spread  out 
like  a  beautiful  landscape.  Seldom  does  the  tourist 
meet  with  a  view  so  enchanting.  A  glance  of  the 
eye  comprehends  the  Blue  Ridge,  the  Alleghanies, 
Maryland  Heights,  and  innumerable  smaller  mount 
ains  dotted  here  and  there  throughout  the  Valley, 


122  Emory  Upton. 

lending  additional  charms  to  the  scenery.  I  do  not 
know  where  this  war  may  lead  us  before  its  close. 
I  certainly  did  not  expect  to  visit  this  region  with  a 
portion  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE,      \ 
HARPER'S  FERRY,  August  9,  1864.  \ 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  A  new  campaign  will  be  in 
augurated  to-morrow  under  the  command  of  Gen 
eral  Sheridan.  How  soon  it  may  develop  the  enemy, 
and  what  may  be  its  consequences  no  one  knows, 
but  I  trust  it  will  be  successful.  General  Sheridan 
has  the  appearance  of  great  nerve,  and  hitherto  has 
been  quite  successful.  For  one,  I  am  better  pleased 
with  his  appearance  than  that  of  any  other  com 
mander  under  whom  I  have  served.  How  humil 
iating  was  the  reverse  at  Petersburg,  and  how  dis 
graceful  on  the  part  of  division  commanders  to 
abandon  their  troops  !  I  have  never  been  reckless, 
but  I  am  sure  it  is  a  praiseworthy  quality  when  so 
few  of  our  higher  commanders  expose  themselves 
as  much  as  duty  requires.  It  has  now  arrived  at 
that  point  when  officers  must  expose  themselves 
freely  if  they  would  have  their  commands  do  their 
whole  duty ;  so,  whatever  I  may  do,  you  must  not 
attribute  it  to  rashness,  but  to  a  soldier's  sense  of 
duty. 

HARPER'S  FERRY,  August  24,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  I  would  like  very  much  to 
spend  Saturday  and  Sunday,  September  Qth  and 
loth,  at  home,  but  do  not  look  forward  to  such  an 
event.  Our  movements  depend  upon  Early,  who  is 
a  contrary  fellow,  and  may  give  us  much  trouble 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  123 

about  that  time.  Everything  considered,  I  am  not 
justified  in  allowing-  you  to  look  forward,  as  the 
chances  against  the  realization  of  our  wish  are  nine 
out  of  ten.  I  will  telegraph  in  time  to  let  you 
know. 

We  had  quite  a  skirmish  with  the  enemy  last 
Sunday.  I  was  on  the  skirmish-line  and  received 
repeated  hints  from  the  rebels  that  my  presence 
was  obnoxious,  but,  as  their  practice  was  bad,  I  es 
caped  unhurt. 

CHARLESTOWN,  VA.,  September  2,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  We  expect  to  move  to-mor 
row  morning  up  the  Valley.  This,  unfortunately,  I 
fear,  banishes  all  hope  of  returning  home.  I  am, 
however,  willing  to  forego  all  pleasure  if  for  the 
good  of  the  country.  The  impression  is  very  strong 
that  Early  is  en  route  to  Richmond ;  if  so,  your 
brother  may  soon  date  his  letters  from  Petersburg. 
I  am  in  good  spirits  over  both  military  and  political 
prospects.  The  rebels  can  not  disguise  the  fact  that 
their  power  is  on  the  wane,  and  that  their  race  is 
nearly  run.  While  the  nomination  of  McClellan  on 
so  damnable  a  platform  renders  Lincoln's  re-elec 
tion  certain,  I  am  out  and  out  for  Lincoln.  He  has 
made  many  gross  blunders,  but  he  is  true  to  his  pur 
pose,  and,  when  the  South,  after  four  years  of  war, 
finds  that  the  North  is  as  determined  as  ever  to  crush 
the  rebellion,  the  rebellion  will  collapse.  Farragut 
is  a  hero,  and  deserves  all  the  honors  a  grateful  na 
tion  can  bestow.  Grant,  too,  is  rising  daily  in  the 
opinion  of  the  officers  who  were  ill-affected  toward 
him  when  he  took  command.  Others  that  I  could 
mention  are  stumbling-blocks  of  too  great  magni- 


124  Emory  Upton. 

tude  to  permit  a  brilliant  execution  of  any  move 
ment  in  which  they  may  be  implicated.  I  heartily 
wish  they  might  be  relieved. 

Sheridan's  forces  in  the  Valley  were  obliged  at 
first  to  act  on  the  defensive,  because  of  the  re- 
enforcements  which  Early  had  received.  It  was, 
nevertheless,  believed  that  in  due  time  the  necessi 
ties  of  Lee  would  bring  about  the  recall  of  a  large 
portion,  if  not  the  whole,  of  the  Confederate  force 
now  confronting  Sheridan.  The  latter,  ever  on  the 
alert,  hoped  to  overwhelm  the  diminished  force  of 
the  enemy  when  such  an  event  took  place,  and,  to 
better  arrange  for  this,  he  had  established  himself, 
in  the  early  part  of  September,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Berryville,  in  a  strong  position,  threatening  Win 
chester,  and  having  the  fine  defensive  position  at 
Halltown  to  fall  back  upon  in  case  the  enemy  pressed 
him  too  closely.  On  the  I4th  of  September,  the 
main  part  of  the  re-enforcements  (Kershaw's  division) 
which  Early  had  received  were  finally  recalled  to 
join  Lee's  army  at  Richmond.  Early  also,  at  this 
juncture,  separated  his  forces,  sending  a  large  part 
to  Martinsburg,  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad, 
twenty-two  miles  north  of  Winchester. 

Sheridan,  quickly  taking  advantage  of  these  two 
circumstances,  concentrated  his  forces  on  the  Ope- 
quan,  near  Winchester,  and  moved  directly  against 
Ramseur's  division,  covering  that  place.  The  bat 
tle  took  place  on  the  iQth  of  September,  and  re 
sulted  in  a  marked  victory  for  Sheridan.  The  part 
played  by  Upton  in  this  action  was,  as  usual,  con 
spicuous.  At  first  in  command  of  his  brigade,  with 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  125 

which  he  was  the  first,  after  Wilson's  division  of 
cavalry,  to  arrive  on  the  field,  the  death  of  General 
Russell  gave  him  the  command  of  the  First  Divi 
sion.  This  division  wras,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
engagement,  held  in  reserve  in  rear  of  the  right 
of  the  Sixth  Corps.  The  advance  of  this  corps 
was  along  the  Winchester  and  Berryville  pikes — 
Getty,  with  the  Second  Division,  on  the  left,  and 
Ricketts,  with  the  Third  Division,  on  the  right; 
the  Nineteenth  Corps  was  on  the  right  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  and  connected  with  it  during  the  first  ad 
vance,  until  about  midday.  Due  to  the  change 
of  direction  of  the  Berryville  pike  toward  the  left, 
an  interval  occurred  between  the  right  of  the  Sixth 
Corps  and  the  left  of  the  Nineteenth,  which  in 
creased  in  width  as  the  troops  advanced.  The 
enemy,  taking  advantage  of  this,  pushed  in  Battle's 
brigade  of  Rhodes's  division,  which,  being  sup 
ported  by  the  other  brigades  of  this  division  and  that 
of  Gordon,  drove  back  Ricketts's  division  of  the 
Sixth  Corps  and  Grover's  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps. 
This,  for  a  short  time,  not  only  checked  the  Union 
advance,  but  forced  back  the  whole  line  some  dis 
tance.  "  At  this  juncture  Russell's  division  of  the 
Sixth  Corps  splendidly  improved  a  golden  oppor 
tunity.  Ordered  at  once  to  move  up  into  the  front 
line,  now  needing  re-enforcement,  this  change 
brought  it  into  the  gap  created  by  the  Confederate 
charge,  and,  continuing  its  advance,  it  struck  the 
flank  of  the  hostile  force  which  was  sweeping  away 
the  Union  right,  and,  aided  by  the  Fifth  Maine  Bat 
tery,  which  enfiladed  the  enemy's  line  with  canister, 
at  once  turned  the  tide.  The  enemy  retreated,  the 


126  Emory  Upton. 

line  was  re-established,  the  fugitives  were  gathered 
from  the  woods  in  which  they  had  taken  refuge, 
while  the  gallant  division  took  position  on  the  right 
of  its  corps.  But,  in  the  hour  of  his  triumph,  Rus 
sell  had  fallen.  <  His  death/  said  Sheridan,  •'  brought 
sadness  to  every  heart  in  the  army.'  The  broken 
portion  of  Ricketts's  line  was  quickly  reformed  be 
hind  the  First  Division,  now  under  Upton,  and  again 
moved  forward,  while  Dwight's  division,  having 
taken  the  place  of  Grover's,  on  the  right  of  the  line, 
the  latter  was  promptly  rallied  and  brought  up."  * 

The  report  of  the  operations  of  the  division  was 
made  by  Major  Dalton,  assistant-adjutant-general. 
"  The  enemy,"  he  says,  "  having  pushed  back  the 
Second  Division  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  and  a 
portion  of  the  Third  Division  of  this  corps,  moved 
down  toward  the  pike,  delivering  a  severe  fire  of 
musketry  from  the  woods  and  corn-fields  on  the 
right.  The  Third  Brigade  (Edwards's)  was  now 
rapidly  moved  by  the  flank  to  the  right  of  the  pike, 
then  forward  with  the  First  Brigade  (Campbell's) 
under  a  heavy  fire  to  a  crest  commanding  the  woods 
and  fields  through  which  the  enemy  moved.  This 
advance  was  very  much  assisted  by  the  First  New 
York  Battery,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Johnson, 
which  did  splendid  execution,  and  was  fought  with 
gallantry  under  a  very  annoying  musketry-fire.  At 
this  time,  General  Upton  moved  his  brigade  into 
line  to  the  right  of  the  pike,  at  an  oblique  angle  to 
it,  thence  forward  into  the  woods,  delivering  heavy 
volleys  into  masses  of  the  enemy,  who  were  coming 
up.  This  fresh  fire  from  the  Second  Brigade  (Up- 

*  "  The  Shenandoah  Valley,"  Pond,  p.  162. 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.  127 

ton's)  soon  caused  the  enemy  to  fall  back,  so  that 
the  whole  line  moved  forward  to  a  position  which 
was  easily  held  till  the  latter  part  of  the  afternoon, 
though  occasionally  sharp  musketry-fire  was  inter 
changed.  While  personally  superintending  the  ad 
vance  of  the  First  and  Third  Brigades  to  the  crest 
previously  referred  to,  and  which  he  considered  of 
the  utmost  importance,  General  Russell  was  killed 
by  a  piece  of  shell  which  passed  through  his  heart 
—he  had  just  before  received  a  bullet-wound  in  the 
left  breast,  but  had  not  mentioned  this  to  any  of  his 
staff,  continuing  to  urge  forward  his  troops." 
General  Upton's  account  is  as  follows : 

"  After  marching  about  half  a  mile,  the  troops 
on  the  right  of  the  pike  gave  way ;  line  was  imme 
diately  formed,  and  soon  after  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Kent  gave  me  the  order  to  move  the  brigade  to  the 
right.  The  brigade  was  faced  to  the  right,  and 
marched  across  the  pike  into  a  narrow  belt  of  tim 
ber,  where  the  second  line  was  halted  and  faced  to 
the  front.  The  Second  Connecticut  continued  the 
march,  inclining  to  the  right,  making  our  line  ob 
lique  to  that  upon  which  the  enemy  was  advancing. 
Bayonets  were  fixed,  and  instructions  given  not  to 
fire  till  within  close  range.  The  enemy's  left,  ex 
tending  far  beyond  our  right,  advanced  till  within 
two  hundred  yards  of  our  line,  when  a  brisk  flank- 
fire  was  opened  by  the  One  Hundred  and  Twenty- 
first  and  Sixty-fifth  New  York,  causing  him  to  retire 
in  great  disorder.  The  whole  line  then  advanced, 
driving  the  enemy,  and  inflicting  a  heavy  loss  in  the 
killed  and  wounded.  The  brigade  was  halted  at  the 


128  Emory  Upton. 

edge  of  the  wood,  which  position  it  held  till  the  at 
tack  was  renewed  in  the  afternoon.  On  the  left  of 
the  brigade  the  Thirty-seventh  Massachusetts  ren 
dered  invaluable  service  in  supporting  Stevens's 
Fifth  Maine  Battery." 

General  Crook,  who  commanded  the  Army  of 
Western  Virginia,  known  afterward  as  the  Eighth 
Corps,  says,  in  his  report  of  the  battle :  "  The  gen 
eral  direction  of  my  line  was  on  the  enemy's  left 
flank,  and  at  right  angles  to  the  line  of  the  Nine 
teenth  Corps.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  charge 
there  was  a  succession  of  stone  fences  running  par 
allel  to  my  lines,  behind  which  some  of  the  flying 
enemy  took  refuge,  pouring  a  destructive  fire  into 
my  ranks.  On  riding  to  the  Nineteenth  Corps  to 
request  them  to  enfilade  these  fences,  I  found  Brig 
adier-General  Upton,  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  on  my  left, 
making  a  most  gallant  charge  with  the  brigade 
against  the  enemy  thus  posted,  although  having 
been  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight  since  its  commence 
ment  in  the  morning.  Finally,  the  enemy  fled  from 
these  fences,  pursued  through  the  town  of  Winches 
ter  by  my  command,  which  was  the  first  to  enter 
the  city." 

It  appears,  from  the  various  accounts,  that  the 
timely  arrival  of  Upton's  brigade  upon  the  field  of 
battle,  and  its  vigorous  attack  upon  the  advancing 
enemy  in  the  gap  between  the  right  of  the  Sixth 
and  left  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  were  most  oppor 
tune.  It  turned  a  possible  defeat  into  certain  vic 
tory.  General  Upton  was  severely  wounded  in  the 
right  thigh  near  the  close  of  the  battle,  but  with 


Regimental  and  Brigade  Commander.   129 

the  nerve  and  coolness  of  the  true  soldier  he  re 
mained  until  the  action  was  over,  although  directed 
by  General  Sheridan  to  quit  the  field.  It  is  related 
that,  not  being  able,  on  account  of  his  wound,  to 
remain  on  his  horse,  he  had  a  stretcher  borne  by 
a  detachment  of  the  ambulance  corps,  and  in  this 
was  carried  along  the  line  from  place  to  place, 
encouraging  his  men  and  giving  his  orders  with  a 
courage  and  devotion  full  of  inspiration  to  his 
troops.  The  fortitude  thus  displayed  is  worthy  of 
a  true  hero,  and  stands  in  noticeable  contrast  to  the 
retirement  from  the  field  of  others  only  slightly 
wounded. 

The  severe  nature  of  his  wound  caused  him,  two 
days  after  the  battle,  to  take  a  leave  of  absence,  and, 
proceeding  to  his  home,  he  awaited  with  impatience 
its  healing  sufficiently  to  allow  his  return  to  active 
duty.  For  his  services  in  this  battle  he  was  bre- 
vetted  a  major-general  of  volunteers. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SERVICE  AS  DIVISION  COMMANDER   OF   CAVALRY. 

IN  October,  1864,  the  returns  of  the  cavalry  of 
the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi  showed  a 
nominal  strength  of  nearly  eighty  thousand  men, 
only  fourteen  thousand  of  whom  were  actually  fit 
for  duty  in  the  field.  This  large  force  was  unavail 
able  for  the  more  important  duties  of  cavalry,  be 
cause  it  was  scattered  over  the  States  of  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  and  Georgia,  in  de 
tachments  of  various  strength,  and  was  without 
unity,  either  in  command,  purpose,  discipline,  or 
organization.  This  arm  of  the  service  had  naturally 
suffered  from  defective  organization  and  hard  serv 
ice,  and  had  therefore  failed  to  develop  the  proper 
morale  and  military  spirit.  But  both  General  Grant 
and  General  Sherman  believed  that,  with  a  proper 
organization  and  a  competent  leader,  it  could  attain 
a  standard  of  excellence  equal  to  the  cavalry  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  which  would  make  it  a  most 
potent  factor  in  a  campaign  directed  toward  the 
heart  of  the  Confederacy,  and  which  had  not  yet 
been  touched. 

General  James  H.  Wilson,  then  commanding  a 
division  with  Sheridan  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia, 
was  detailed  by  General  Grant,  and  ordered  to  re 
port  to  Sherman  for  the  purpose  of  reorganizing 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      131 

and  commanding  the  Western  cavalry.  He  was 
promised  the  assistance  of  a  few  good  brigade  and 
division  commanders  from  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  and  requested  that  Upton,  among  others,  might 
be  ordered  to  join  him.  This  request  was  granted, 
although  the  latter  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the 
severe  and  painful  wound  received  at  the  battle  of 
Winchester,  and  could  not  again  take  the  field  till 
late  in  December.  It  will  be  remembered  that  up 
to  this  time  Upton  had  served  only  with  the  artil 
lery  and  infantry,  but  so  thoroughly  had  his  quali 
ties  become  known  throughout  the  army  that 
neither  General  Grant  nor  his  new  commander  had 
any  doubt  about  his  success  as  a  cavalry  leader. 
Indeed,  his  enterprise,  intrepidity,  and  general 
ability  had  specially  marked  him  as  one  of  the  best 
officers  in  the  army  for  the  duty  of  assisting  in 
bringing  the  mounted  service  up  to  the  high  degree 
of  discipline  and  efficiency  which  all  arms  had 
reached  in  the  Eastern  armies,  and  which  both  the 
artillery  and  infantry  had  reached  in  the  Western 
armies.  In  order  that  his  services  in  the  West  may 
be  better  understood,  we  may  briefly  refer  to  a  few 
of  the  salient  facts  connected  with  the  cavalry  com 
mands  in  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi  at 
this  epoch. 

Three  divisions  of  cavalry,  about  five  thousand 
in  the  aggregate,  commanded  by  Generals  McCook, 
Garrard,  and  Kilpatrick,  were  attached  to  the  Army 
of  the  Cumberland.  In  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  the 
cavalry  consisted  of  a  portion  of  a  division  near  At 
lanta  under  General  Garrard,  while  Capron's  bri 
gade  was  awaiting  a  remount  at  Louisville,  Kentucky, 


132  Emory  Upton. 

all  under  the  command  of  General  George  Stone- 
man.  There  were  two  divisions  of  cavalry  belong 
ing  to  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  one  in  West  Ten 
nessee,  under  General  Edward  Hatch,  and  the  other 
in  Missouri  and  Tennessee,  near  Memphis,  under 
Colonel  E.  F.  Winslow,  Fourth  Iowa  Cavalry — the 
whole  commanded  by  Brigadier-General  B.  H. 
Grierson.  Many  detachments,  employed  as  escorts, 
foragers,  orderlies,  hospital  attendants,  etc.,  were 
to  be  found  in  all  the  armies.  In  addition  to  the 
above,  a  few  regiments  of  good  cavalry  and  a  di 
vision  of  mounted  infantry  were  located  in  Ken 
tucky  and  East  Tennessee.  There  were  in  all 
about  eighty-two  regiments  of  mounted  troops,  or 
rated  as  such,  spread  over  a  wide  territory,  par 
tially  paralyzed,  at  least,  by  the  scattering  policy  to 
which  this  arm  of  the  service  had  been  subjected. 

Although  General  Sherman  expressed  no  great 
faith  in  the  views  and  plans  of  General  Wilson,  or 
in  the  possibility  of  their  practical  application  within 
the  limits  of  the  time  available,  he  cordially  con 
sented  to  their  adoption,  and  frankly  said  he  would 
not  undertake  to  divide  the  honors  which  the  re 
organized  cavalry  might  gain  for  its  new  command 
er.  He  accordingly  issued  the  order  constituting 
these  widely  scattered  and  fragmentary  bodies  into 
the  Cavalry  Corps  of  the  Military  Division  of  the 
Mississippi,  under  the  command  of  General  Wilson. 
This  order  was  issued  at  Gaylesville,  Alabama,  on 
the  9th  of  November,  1864,  and,  while  it  marked  a 
great  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  cavalry  in  the 
West,  much  had  yet  to  be  done  to  make  the  corps 
in  effect  something  more  than  a  mere  name.  The 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       133 

organization  consisted  of  seven  divisions,  com 
manded  by  Generals  McCook,  Long,  Kilpatrick, 
Grierson,  Hatch,  Johnson,  and  Knipe,  respectively. 

The  Third  Division  (Kilpatrick's),  having-  been 
selected  to  accompany  General  Sherman  in  his 
march  to  the  sea,  had  been  strengthened  by  the  ab 
sorption  of  nearly  all  the  good  horses  left  with  the 
army,  and  by  bringing  forward  the  detached  men 
who  were  guarding  railroads  and  block-houses  ;  the 
strength  of  its  three  brigades  was  thus  increased  to 
about  five  thousand  men  for  duty.  The  dismounted 
divisions  were  sent  back  to  Louisville  for  remounts, 
and  it  was  hoped  that  this  could  be  effected  in  time 
to  make  use  of  them  in  the  operations  against  Hood. 
By  the  I4th  of  November  Wilson  had  a  force  of 
eight  thousand  mounted  and  two  thousand  un 
mounted  men,  and  did  employ  them  with  vigor  and 
effect  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Nashville,  December 
1 5th  and  i6th,  although  but  a  short  time  had  elapsed 
since  this  force  was  without  cohesion  or  military 
value. 

During  the  pursuit  of  Hood  the  cavalry  cap 
tured  thirty-two  guns,  eleven  caissons,  twelve  colors, 
three  thousand  two  hundred  and  thirty  prisoners, 
and  caused  the  abandonment  or  destruction  of  many 
wagons,  horses,  and  mules,  belonging  to  Hood's 
army. 

It  had  been  General  Grant's  design  that  an  ac 
tive  winter  campaign  into  Alabama  should  imme 
diately  follow  the  defeat  of  Hood,  and  it  was  ex 
pected  that  the  initiative  would  be  made  about  the 
latter  part  of  December.  But  many  causes  united 
to  greatly  modify  the  original  plan  and  somewhat 


134  Emory  Upton. 

delay  the  contemplated  movement,  so  that  it  finally 
resulted  in  a  campaign  by  the  cavalry  corps  itself, 
beginning  in  the  latter  part  of  March. 

Wilson  had  been  directed  to  assemble  his  caval 
ry,  after  Hood's  defeat,  in  the  vicinity  of  Huntsville, 
Alabama.  But,  because  of  the  impoverished  state 
of  the  country,  due  to  its  having  been  overrun  by 
the  forces  of  both  parties,  and  because  of  the  lack 
of  railroad  facilities  for  the  supply  of  large  bodies 
of  troops,  headquarters  were  established  at  Grav 
elly  Springs,  fifteen  miles  below  Florence,  on  the 
Tennessee  River,  and  the  command  was  collected 
in  cantonments  between  that  place  and  Waterloo. 
During  February  and  early  March,  all  the  divisions 
of  the  corps  (except  the  Third,  which  had  accom 
panied  Sherman  in  his  march  to  the  sea)  had  arrived 
and  were  placed  in  camp.  Every  effort  was  made 
to  drill  and  discipline  these  troops,  so  that  they 
would  form  a  coherent  and  reliable  body  of  horse. 

Thorough  amalgamation  was  impossible  during 
the  retreat  before  Hood  from  the  Tennessee  to  the 
Cumberland,  or  during  the  preparation  for  the  bat 
tle  of  Nashville.  Then  during  the  pursuit  of  Hood 
the  troops  and  horses  had  been  severely  pushed, 
and  their  powers  of  endurance  nearly  exhausted, 
and  yet,  while  their  spirits  had  been  raised  by  their 
successes  during  the  battle  and  subsequent  pursuit, 
the  discipline  had  suffered  in  some  degree.  Roll- 
calls  had  been  neglected,  and  many  essential  mili 
tary  duties  had  been  perfunctorily  performed.  As 
soon  as  the  command  was  assembled  on  the  Ten 
nessee,  the  corps  commander,  aided  by  a  large  and 
an  efficient  staff,  set  himself  to  correct  these  short- 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      135 

comings,  and  soon  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  unsol- 
dierly  conduct  and  all  irregularity  replaced  by  a 
prompt  and  willing  obedience  and  the  strictest  dis 
cipline.  Both  men  and  horses  were  comfortably 
sheltered  and  supplied.  They  were  drilled  at  every 
opportune  moment,  and  soon  there  grew  up  an 
organized  body  of  horse  capable  of  efficient  employ 
ment.  The  difficulties  which,  at  first,  seemed  almost 
insurmountable,  had  been  gradually  dissipated,  till 
finally  everything  was  in  readiness  for  a  campaign 
into  the  very  heart  of  the  South.  But  the  rainy 
weather  of  March  had  filled  the  Tennessee  till  its 
banks  and  bottom-lands  were  flooded ;  the  roads 
were  in  a  frightful  condition,  and  that  part  of  the 
country  which  was  not  a  quagmire  was  a  barren 
waste.  For  ninety  miles  south  of  the  Tennessee  the 
country  had  been  completely  stripped  of  all  sup 
plies,  and  hence  it  was  necessary  to  accumulate 
food,  forage,  and  munitions  of  all  kinds,  so  that  the 
command  could  move  out  at  the  earliest  moment 
that  the  roads  would  permit.  The  aggregate  force 
with  which  the  corps  was  expected  to  penetrate  the 
enemy's  territory  was  twenty-five  thousand  men. 
But  orders  in  February  directed  that  one  division  be 
sent  to  Canby,  operating  at  Mobile  ;  one  division  be 
left  at  Chickasaw  to  watch  the  Mississippi  and  Ten 
nessee  Rivers ;  and  one  be  detached  for  service  in 
Tennessee.  The  Seventh  Division,  General  Knipe, 
was  selected  for  the  first  detail ;  the  Fifth,  General 
Hatch,  for  the  second  ;  and  the  Sixth,  General  John 
son,  for  the  last — in  all  about  ten  thousand  troopers. 
General  Wilson  was  left  with  about  fourteen 
thousand  men,  of  whom  fifteen  hundred  were  not 


136  Emory  Upton. 

mounted,  to  undertake  his  campaign  in  a  new  and 
untried  territory  against  an  active  cavalry  force  of 
the  enemy,  commanded  by  one  of  its  most  promi 
nent  cavalry  leaders,  General  Forrest. 

We  will  now  see  how  General  Upton  became 
connected  with  the  operations  which  followed. 
Severely  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Winchester,  in 
Virginia,  October  19,  1864,  he  was  thereby  pre 
vented  from  immediately  joining  his  new  command. 
He  had  played  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  this  battle, 
and  his  bravery  and  military  ability  were  so  marked, 
that  the  Government  promptly  rewarded  him  with 
the  brevet  of  major-general  "  for  gallant  and  meri 
torious  services  at  the  battles  of  Winchester  and 
Fisher's  Hill,  Virginia."  His  commission  was  dated 
October  igth,  and  he  accordingly  took  rank  from 
that  date.  But  his  wound  was  of  such  a  nature 
that  it  was  not  until  near  the  middle  of  December 
that  his  physical  condition  permitted  his  return 
to  active  duty.  He  had  had  active  field  service 
with  the  artillery  as  a  subaltern  and  as  a  chief  of 
an  artillery  brigade,  as  well  as  varied  experience 
with  the  infantry  in  command  of  a  regiment,  bri 
gade,  and  division,  in  many  bloody  engagements. 
This  service  had  been  wholly  with  the  gallant  and 
well-disciplined  Army  of  the  Potomac,  in  which 
he  had  experienced  the  exhilaration  of  marked  suc 
cesses,  as  well  as  the  humiliation  of  sad  disasters. 
He  was  now  to  close  his  active  career  as  a  fight 
ing  soldier  in  the  cavalry,  and  on  the  I3th  of  De 
cember,  although  his  wound  had  not  yet  closed,  he 
reported  in  person  to  Major-General  Wilson,  and 
was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Fourth  Divis- 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      1 3  7 

ion  of  the  cavalry  corps.  His  new  rank  carried 
with  it  new  responsibilities  as  well  as  new  honors. 
It  was  not  without  some  modest  misgivings  as  to 
his  adaptability  to  the  cavalry  service  that  he  turned 
his  back  on  his  comrades  in  the  East  to  enter  upon 
his  new  duties  in  the  West.  After  his  assignment, 
although  still  physically  weak,  he  proceeded  to 
Memphis,  to  bring  a  portion  of  his  command  located 
in  that  vicinity  to  the  cavalry  camp  at  Gravelly 
Springs,  Alabama. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  cavalry  camp  he  at  once  en 
tered  upon  the  active  work  of  drill,  discipline,  and 
organization.  These  irksome  but  vastly  important 
duties  received  at  Upton's  hands  that  thorough  at 
tention  that  characterized  all  of  his  labor,  for  he 
well  knew  that  the  harvest  he  hoped  to  reap  in  the 
coming  campaign  would  be  in  direct  proportion  to 
the  efficient  labor  which  must  be  expended  during 
the  season  of  preparation.  He  did  this  to  the  com 
plete  satisfaction  of  his  corps  commander,  and  he 
thus  so  gained  the  confidence  of  his  own  officers  and 
men  that  both  he  and  they  became  eagerly  anxious 
for  the  campaign  to  open.  His  hopes  and  aspira 
tions  were  at  this  time  thus  expressed  : 

GRAVELLY  SPRINGS,  March  14,  1865. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  We  expect  to  break  camp  to 
morrow  preparatory  to  crossing  the  Tennessee  and 
entering  upon  the  expedition  to  Alabama.  The 
streams  are  swollen,  which  may  delay  us  some  days, 
but  it  is  the  intention  to  move  as  soon  as  the  weather 
and  roads  will  permit. 

The  present  campaign,  I  trust,  will  seal  the  doom 


138  Emory  Upton. 

of  the  Confederacy.  I  can  not  see  how  it  can  be 
otherwise,  unless  great  and  unexpected  reverses  be 
fall  our  arms.  In  that  event  it  will  only  delay  the 
final  result.  Peace  must  soon  come,  and  how  wel 
come  it  will  be  to  all ! 

Hobbes  was  not  a  soldier,  or  he  never  would 
have  advanced  the  idea  that  "  war  is  the  natural 
condition  of  man."  I  am  anxious  to  be  on  the  move. 
Camp-life  is  dull  and  monotonous,  and  I  always 
welcome  the  variety  of  campaign.  Henry's  wound 
worries  me  considerably,  and  I  fear  it  will  under 
mine  his  health.  Mine  has  healed  over,  but  a  per 
verse  nerve  keeps  it  constantly  in  mind.  I  do  not 
suffer  at  all  from  it,  only  there  is  a  disagreeable  sen 
sation  about  the  knee. 

Before  giving  an  outline  of  the  campaign,  it  may 
be  well  to  devote  a  few  words  to  the  strength  and 
distribution  of  the  enemy's  forces  available  for 
opposing  Wilson's  movements,  referring  briefly  in 
passing  to  the  events  that  followed  the  defeat  of 
Hood  at  Nashville. 

After  this  battle,  so  disastrous  to  the  enemy, 
Hood  established  his  headquarters  at  Tuscumbia, 
and,  early  in  January,  collected  the  remnants  of  his 
infantry  at  Tupelo,  Mississippi.  Subsequently,  a 
large  part  of  his  force  was  transferred  to  the  East 
by  the  only  railroad  then  open  to  them  from  Co 
lumbus,  Mississippi,  Macon,  Augusta,  and  Columbia, 
S.  C.,  to  enable  it  to  take  part  in  the  operations  against 
Sherman  in  North  Carolina.  About  the  latter  part 
of  December,  General  N.  B.  Forrest,  who  com 
manded  the  enemy's  cavalry,  collected  his  corps  in 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       139 

the  vicinity  of  Corinth,  with  the  exception  of  a  bri 
gade  under  Roddy,  who  was  left  to  cover  Hood's 
rear  at  Tuscumbia.  Another  brigade  of  cavalry 
under  Armstrong  was  recalled  from  Corinth  to 
strengthen  this  force,  while  Hood's  infantry  were 
passing  west  from  Cherokee  Station  to  Tupelo. 

It  was  known  to  Forrest  that  he  was  soon  to  be 
placed  in  command  of  all  the  Confederate  cavalry 
which  was  in  the  Military  Department  of  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  and  East  Louisiana,  and,  therefore,  from 
the  time  of  establishing  himself  in  winter  quarters 
at  Corinth,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  concentration, 
discipline,  and  reorganization  of  his  command. 
Bell's  and  Rucker's  brigades  of  Tennessee  cavalry, 
which  were  near  their  homes,  and  who  would  with 
certainty  return  to  their  colors,  were  furloughed 
for  a  short  time  to  enable  them  to  procure  fresh 
horses  and  clothing.  The  rest  of  the  cavalry  was 
brought  to  the  vicinity  of  Okolona,  Mississippi,  a 
country  rich  in  forage.  West  Tennessee,  Northern 
Alabama,  and  Mississippi,  beyond  the  lines  of  Fed 
eral  occupation,  were  thoroughly  patrolled  to  gather 
in  all  absentees,  and  to  impress  mercilessly  all  able- 
bodied  men  that  were  fit  for  service.  Picked  and 
trusty  scouts  were  sent  into  Middle  Tennessee  to 
learn  all  that  could  be  gathered  about  the  contem 
plated  movements  of  the  Union  forces. 

Forrest  assumed  his  new  command  in  obedience 
to  orders  February  24th,  and  on  the  28th  received 
his  new  rank  of  lieutenant-general.  In  reorgan 
izing  his  corps  he  had  united  troops  from  the  same 
State  into  brigades  and  divisions  as  far  as  practica 
ble.  Thus  the  Mississippi  brigades  formed  a  divis- 


140  Emory  Upton. 

ion  commanded  by  Brigadier-General  Chalmers,  the 
Alabama  brigades  a  division  under  General  Buford, 
and  the  Tennessee  brigades,  to  which  the  Texas 
troops  were  also  added,  a  division  commanded  by 
General  Jackson.  The  famous  Second  Missouri 
Cavalry,  commanded  by  Colonel  McCulloch,  who 
had  heretofore  commanded  a  brigade,  were  attached 
to  Forrest's  headquarters  as  a  special  scouting  force 
under  Forrest's  immediate  direction.  The  aggre 
gate  strength  of  his  command  at  this  time  was  esti 
mated  at  about  ten  thousand  men. 

General  Forrest  himself  was  one  of  the  ablest  of 
the  Confederate  cavalry  commanders.  He  had  risen 
from  a  subordinate  position  to  the  highest  honors 
by  merit  alone.  Although  he  had  had  but  little 
education,  and  no  culture,  he  possessed  the  native 
qualities  of  a  leader  of  cavalry.  He  was  a  man  of 
strong  will,  ready  resource,  great  energy,  and  un 
tiring  activity.  These  qualifications,  united  to  a 
sound  judgment  and  quick  decision,  served  to  make 
him  a  successful  commander  and  a  dangerous  an 
tagonist.  He  enforced  a  pitiless  conscription  in  the 
territory  of  his  command,  and  during  the  period  of 
preparation  he  devoted  himself  assiduously  to  re- 
horsing  his  cavalry  and  artillery,  and  the  complete 
reorganization  of  his  forces. 

By  the  middle  of  March,  Chalmers's  division  had 
an  effective  aggregate  of  forty-five  hundred  men, 
divided  into  three  brigades,  commanded  by  Briga 
dier-Generals  F.  C.  Armstrong,  Wirt  Adams,  and 
P.  B.  Starke.  Jackson's  division  amounted  to  thirty- 
eight  hundred  men,  the  two  Tennessee  brigades  of 
which  were  commanded  by  Brigadier-Generals  T. 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      141 

H.  Bell  and  A.  W.  Campbell.  Buford  was  in  the 
vicinity  of  Montevallo,  Alabama,  completing  the  re 
organization  of  his  division.  Roddy's  brigade  of 
this  division  was  located  in  North  Alabama,  watch 
ing  Wilson's  movements.  The  other  brigades, 
Clanton's  and  Armistead's,  were  detached  to  the 
vicinity  of  Mobile,  guarding  its  flank  approaches. 

Forrest  had  retained  his  headquarters  at  Corinth 
until  January  I2th;  then,  leaving  Ross's  Texans  to 
garrison  that  place,  he  removed  his  headquarters  to 
Verona,  Mississippi,  fifty-five  miles  south,  where  he 
remained  till  March  ist,  and  then  established  him 
self  at  West  Point,  Mississippi.  Wilson's  concen 
tration  at  Gravelly  Springs  and  Waterloo  and  his 
preparations  for  a  campaign  were  early  made  known 
to  him  by  Roddy,  commanding  his  advanced  bri 
gade.  In  anticipation  of  Wilson's  movement,  Arm 
strong's  and  Starke's  brigades,  thirty -two  hundred 
strong,  of  Chalmers's  division,  had  been  ordered,  on 
the  i /th  of  March,  to  take  post  at  Pickensville,  Ala 
bama  ;  the  other  brigade,  General  Wirt  Adams,  was 
then  moving  from  Jackson,  Mississippi,  to  Colum 
bus,  to  protect  the  line  of  the  Mobile  and  Ohio  Rail 
road.  Bell's  and  Campbell's  brigades  of  Jackson's 
division  were  concentrated  at  West  Point.  The 
whole  of  this  disposition  was  due  to  the  uncertainty 
as  to  whether  Wilson's  contemplated  campaign  had 
for  its  object  an  advance  into  Mississippi  or  into 
Alabama. 

It  is  certain,  from  what  is  now  known,  that  great 
misconception  existed  on  the  part  of  the  Confeder 
ate  commander,  Lieutenant-General  Richard  Tay 
lor,  as  to  the  importance  and  magnitude  of  General 


142  Emory  Upton. 

Wilson's  design.  From  his  headquarters  at  Me 
ridian,  Mississippi,  he  informed  General  Lee,  at  as 
late  a  date  as  March  2/th,  that  Wilson's  movement 
was  a  raid,  and  that  it  was  his  intention  to  meet  and 
whip  it  before  it  could  advance  far  into  the  country. 
The  operations  of  General  Steele's  command,  which 
moved  from  Pensacola  on  the  2oth  of  March,  and  was 
directed  on  Pollard,  threatening  Montgomery,  had 
served  to  distract  the  enemy,  and  caused  it  to  appear 
to  be  of  prime  importance.  General  Buford  was 
therefore  directed,  March  23d,  to  move  at  once  from 
Montevallo  to  Greenville,  via  Selma,  and  Forrest  was 
ordered  to  send  Chalmers's  and  Jackson's  divisions 
to  Selma,  with  the  intention  of  making  a  concentra 
tion  at  Greenville  to  meet  this  threatening  movement 
of  Steele's  column.  But,  before  these  troops  could 
make  much  distance  southward,  they  were  quickly 
recalled  to  meet  the  more  serious  danger  caused  by 
Wilson's  advance.  It  was  now  quite  patent  to  the 
Confederate  commander  that  Wilson's  movement 
would  be  against  Selma,  and  that  it  would  need  all 
their  energy  and  every  available  man  to  interpose 
in  his  line  of  advance  to  prevent  the  accomplish 
ment  of  his  object.  Forrest,  in  obedience  to  tele 
graphic  orders  of  March  24th,  had  ordered  his 
forces  from  the  Mississippi  line,  designing  to  con 
centrate  them  upon  Selma  before  it  was  definitely 
known  to  be  Wilson's  objective. 

General  Wilson  began  his  movement  south,  from 
Chickasaw  and  Waterloo,  with  the  First,  Second, 
and  Fourth  Cavalry  Divisions,  on  the  22d  of  March. 
His  command  numbered  twelve  thousand  five  hun 
dred  mounted  and  fifteen  hundred  dismounted. 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      143 

They  were  all  veterans,  in  excellent  discipline  and 
condition  considering  the  limited  time  which  had 
been  available  for  this  purpose.  But,  as  they  had 
been  assembled  in  cantonments,  freed  from  the  evils 
of  disintegration,  and  had  been  thoroughly  drilled 
under  the  eyes  of  their  own  officers,  much  had  been 
done  to  make  the  confidence  mutual.  The  division 
and  other  commanders,  although  mostly  young 
men,  were  competent  and  experienced  officers,  and 
were  full  of  confidence  in  themselves  and  their 
commands. 

Clear  and  explicit  instructions  had  been  given 
before  the  march  began,  and  certain  discretionary 
powers  had  been  allowed  the  division  commanders 
as  to  march  and  manoeuvre.  The  general  opera 
tions  and  routes  were  outlined  as  far  as  Selma,  and 
the  subsequent  movements  were  to  be  determined 
from  that  point. 

Each  trooper  was  directed  to  carry  five  days' 
light  rations  in  haversacks,  one  pair  of  extra  horse 
shoes,  and  one  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition. 
Pack-mules  were  loaded  with  five  days'  rations  of 
hard  bread  and  ten  days'  sugar  and  salt.  The 
wagon-train  was  to  carry  forty-five  days'  coffee, 
twenty  days'  sugar,  fifteen  days'  salt,  and  eighty 
rounds  of  ammunition.  Such  was  the  total  allow 
ance  for  a  sixty  days'  campaign,  the  allowance  of 
hard  bread  and  forage  being  limited  to  that  neces 
sary  to  serve  the  command  while  passing  through 
the  sterile  portions  of  Alabama.  It  was  expected 
that  it  would  subsequently  live  on  the  country. 
The  supply -train  consisted  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  wagons,  which  were  to  be  sent  back  as  they 


144  Emory  Upton. 

were  emptied,  and  there  was,  in  addition,  a  canvas 
ponton  train  of  thirty  boats,  transported  by  fifty- 
six  six-mule  teams,  under  the  escort  of  a  battalion 
of  the  Twelfth  Missouri  Cavalry,  Major  Hubbard 
commanding. 

We  will  now  follow  briefly  the  movements  of  the 
cavalry  corps,  and  then  direct  our  attention  to  the 
particular  operations  of  the  Fourth  Division. 

Selma,  distant  about  one  hundred  and  eighty 
miles  in  a  straight  line,  could  only  be  reached  by  a 
fatiguing  march  of  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty. 
The  roads  by  which  the  columns  moved  were  at 
this  time  very  heavy,  due  to  incessant  rains,  and 
were  intersected  by  the  numerous  streams  which 
form  the  head-waters  of  the  Black  Warrior  and  the 
Cahawba  Rivers.  These  streams  were  swollen,  their 
bottom-lands  muddy,  and  the  crossings  difficult  and 
often  dangerous  ;  the  country  itself  is  hilly  and  bar 
ren. 

The  advance  was  made  first  on  diverging  roads : 
Upton's  division  moving  by  the  easterly  route, 
through  Barton's  Station,  Russelville,  Mount  Hope, 
and  Jasper,  to  Sanders's  Ferry,  on  the  West  Fork  of 
the  Black  Warrior  River ;  Long's  division  by  Chero 
kee  Station,  Frankfort,  Russelville,  thence  south  by 
the  Tuscaloosa  road  crossing  Upper  Bear  Creek, 
then  turning  east  by  Thorn  Hill,  crossing  the  forks 
of  the  Buttahatchie,  reached  Jasper  and  the  ford 
on  the  Black  Warrior  with  but  little  loss  of  time. 
McCook's  division  followed  Long's  division  to  Bear 
Creek,  and  marched  thence  toward  Tuscaloosa  as 
far  as  Eldridge,  and  then  eastwardly  to  Jasper. 

Upton's  division  crossed  the  Mulberry  Fork  of 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       145 

the  Black  Warrior  on  the  27th.  A  violent  rain 
storm  filled  the  streams  to  their  banks,  and  threat 
ened  to  prevent  the  rest  of  the  command  from  mak 
ing  a  junction  with  it.  With  great  skill  and  labor 
this  danger  was  happily  averted,  and  thus  an  oppor 
tunity  for  a  possible  partial  successful  resistance  on 
the  part  of  the  enemy  was  lost,  had  they  known  in 
time  of  this  march  and  taken  advantage  of  the  situa 
tion. 

From  captured  scouts  of  the  enemy,  Wilson 
learned  at  Jasper,  on  the  27th,  that  one  of  Chalmers's 
brigades  (Armstrong's)  was  marching  on  Tusca- 
loosa  by  Bridgeville.  Fearing  that  Forrest  might 
interpose  all  of  his  available  forces  on  his  line  of  ad 
vance,  he  at  once  decided  to  strip  his  divisions  to 
the  lightest  available  marching  condition,  taking 
only  his  pack-train  and  artillery,  and  move  with  the 
greatest  possible  rapidity  through  Elyton  to  Mon- 
tevallo.  To  protect  his  train,  he  left  with  it  all  of 
the  unmounted  troops  and  a  mounted  battalion,  and 
directed  it  to  push  on  as  far  as  Elyton,  where  it 
would  receive  further  orders. 

The  corps  moved  now  with  the  greatest  celerity 
toward  Montevallo,  reaching  the  Cahawba  River 
on  the  $oth,  having  marched  that  day  forty-three 
miles.  Thus  in  nine  days  Wilson  had  moved  his 
three  divisions  over  poor  roads  and  through  a  diffi 
cult  and  sterile  country,  and  had  them  well  in  hand 
for  either  marching  or  fighting. 

Let  us  now  see  what  the  condition  of  the  enemy 

was   at  this    time.      It  will    be   remembered   that 

Roddy,  commanding  a  brigade  of  Buford's  division, 

was,  until  about  March  26th,  watching  Wilson  and 

7 


146  Emory  Upton. 

guarding  Northern  Alabama;  and  that  through 
General  Taylor's  failure  to  comprehend  the  true 
nature  or  magnitude  of  the  contemplated  move 
ment  of  the  cavalry  corps,  while  unduly  magnify 
ing  Steele's  advance  from  Pensacola,  Roddy  had 
been  hurried  from  his  very  important  position  and 
ordered  to  proceed  with  all  haste  to  Greenville. 
General  Buford,  who  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Monte- 
vallo,  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Greenville  March 
23d ;  and  Chalmers  and  Jackson,  who  had  been 
held  in  readiness,  since  March  I7th,  to  march  at 
"six  hours'  notice,"  were,  on  March  25th,  ordered 
to  the  same  point.  General  Forrest  left  West 
Point,  Mississippi,  March  27th,  and  at  Columbus  he 
learned,  through  scouts,  that  Wilson  was  making 
for  Montevallo,  which  he  immediately  reported  to 
his  superior  officer,  General  Taylor.  He  saw  at 
once  the  threatening  character  of  this  movement, 
and  urged  the  immediate  concentration  of  all  pos 
sible  resources  for  the  defense  of  Selma. 

Forrest,  directing  Jackson  to  push  forward  with 
the  utmost  celerity  toward  Tuscaloosa,  reached  that 
point  himself  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  after  a 
ride  of  thirty  hours. 

Jackson  had  started  with  his  command  from 
West  Point,  Mississippi,  on  the  26th,  and  was  mov 
ing,  on  the  route  assigned  to  him,  toward  Selma, 
when  he  was  diverted,  as  stated  above,  toward  Tus 
caloosa.  Armstrong's  brigade  moved  from  Pick- 
ensville  March  26th,  and  was  overtaken  by  General 
Chalmers  with  his  staff  on  the  28th.  at  Greensboro, 
it  having  been  detained  somewhat  in  the  passage 
of  the  Black  Warrior.  At  Marion,  Armstrong  was 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       147 

halted  and  Starke's  brigade  ordered  thither,  in  con 
sequence  of  an  order  from  Forrest  prescribing  con 
centration.  From  the  relaxation  indulged  in  by 
Armstrong's  brigade  at  Marion,  and  the  fact  that 
mere  rumors  only  existed  in  regard  to  the  move 
ments  of  the  Union  forces,  it  is  quite  evident  that 
the  serious  nature  of  his  position  had  not  yet  fully 
penetrated  the  mind  of  the  enemy.  On  the  after 
noon  of  the  3Oth  Starke's  brigade  reached  Marion, 
and  that  night  at  eleven  o'clock  orders  were  re 
ceived  from  General  Taylor,  directing  the  division 
to  move  upon  Plantersville.  Hence  at  this  epoch, 
March  3Oth,  we  find  Forrest's  command  scattered 
in  every  direction,  and  without  any  apparent  direct 
ing  head  or  plan  of  operations. 

Meanwhile  Wilson,  at  Ely  ton,  had  dispatched 
Croxton's  brigade,  of  McCook's  division,  fifteen 
hundred  strong,  on  the  3Oth,  to  attempt  the  capture 
of  Tuscaloosa,  and,  if  successful,  to  destroy  the  stores 
and  rejoin  the  main  column,  via  Centreville.  If,  how 
ever,  he  found  the  enemy  in  force,  he  was  to  hold 
them  in  check  and  prevent  a  junction  with  the  rest 
of  Forrest's  command  in  Wilson's  immediate  front. 
On  his  way  to  Tuscaloosa  he  fell  in  with  the  rear 
guard  of  Jackson's  division  at  Trion,  and  interposed 
himself  between  it  and  Jackson's  trains. 

This  occurred  on  the  3ist,  and  Jackson,  who  had 
reached  within  eight  miles  of  Scottsboro,  on  his 
way  from  Tuscaloosa  to  join  Forrest,  determined  to 
attack  him  early  the  next  morning.  This  he  did, 
capturing  some  prisoners,  but  not  crippling  Crox- 
ton  in  the  least,  who  immediately  moved  northeast 
erly  by  an  unfrequented  road,  and  marched  rapidly 


148  Emory  Upton. 

for  ten  or  fifteen  miles,  then  turned  west,  and,  after 
a  forty-mile  march  that  day,  arrived  at  Johnson's 
Ferry  on  the  Black  Warrior  River.  General  Jack 
son,  somewhat  elated  at  his  success,  sent  a  dispatch 
to  the  commanding  officer  at  Tuscaloosa,  informing 
him  that  he  had  dispersed  Croxton's  force,  and 
added :  "  It  is  scattered  in  the  mountains  and  can 
not  again  be  collected.  Assure  the  fair  ladies  that 
the  tread  of  the  vandal  hordes  shall  not  pollute  the 
streets  of  their  beautiful  city."  As  a  sequel  to  this, 
it  may  here  be  stated  that  Croxton  marched  thirty- 
two  miles  the  next  day,  and  at  10  P.  M.  arrived  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  Tuscaloosa,  and 
received  the  surrender  of  the  town  at  i  A.  M.  on 
the  3d. 

When  Wilson  heard,  through  dispatches  capt 
ured  at  Randolph,  that  Jackson  was  being  delayed 
by  Croxton,  he  immediately  sent  McCook  with  La 
Grange's  brigade  to  Centreville,  where  the  road 
from  Trion  crosses  the  Cahawba,  to  make  a  junc 
tion  with  Croxton,  or  at  least  hold  Jackson  in  check 
and  prevent  his  joining  Forrest.  McCook  met 
Jackson  on  April  2d,  and,  finding  him  too  strong, 
burned  the  bridge  over  the  Cahawba  at  Centreville, 
thus  preventing  Jackson's  crossing  the  Cahawba, 
and  effectually  eliminating  Jackson's  division  from 
all  participation  in  opposing  his  march  to  Selma. 
McCook,  after  accomplishing  this  important  serv 
ice,  marched  via  Randolph,  joined  the  trains  on 
the  5th  of  April,  and  brought  them  safely  into 
Selma. 

Let  us  next  ascertain  what  became  of  Chalmers's 
two  brigades.  Moving  at  1 1  P.  M.,  on  the  3Oth,  from 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       149 

Marion  to  Plantersville,  owing  to  bad  roads  and 
delay  about  ponton  train,  Chalmers,  with  Starke's 
brigade,  did  not  cross  the  Cahawba  till  late  on  the 
3 1 st.  Then  swamps  and  the  condition  of  the  roads 
caused  him  to  diverge  from  his  projected  route,  and 
seek  a  more  practicable  way,  encumbered  as  he  was 
with  the  artillery  and  trains  of  the  command.  For 
rest,  not  knowing  wrhere  he  was,  in  the  mean  time 
telegraphed  Taylor  at  Selma  for  information,  and 
received  in  reply  an  answer  to  the  effect  that  he  was 
at  Plantersville,  which  at  that  time  was  in  the  rear 
of  Forrest's  advanced  position  at  Randolph.  Under 
the  impression  that  this  information  was  correct, 
Forrest  claims  that  he  ordered  the  position  at  Ebe- 
nezer  Church  to  be  held,  making  allowance  for  this 
brigade  in  the  disposition  of  his  troops.  Arm 
strong's  brigade  having  been  detached  from  his 
command  on  April  ist,  joined  Forrest  at  u  P.M.  of 
that  day,  on  the  road  between  Marion  and  Planters 
ville. 

Roddy,  having  crossed  the  Alabama  at  Selma  on 
his  way  south  to  Greenville,  was  directed  to  turn 
about  on  March  3Oth,  and  hasten  north  to  report  to 
General  Daniel  Adams  at  Montevallo.  Recrossing 
the  river  and  making  a  forced  march  of  fifty  miles, 
he  reached  Montevallo  in  time  to  participate  in  the 
defense  of  that  field. 

The  generalship  on  the  part  of  the  Confederates 
had  succeeded  in  throwing  out  of  Wilson's  path 
three  of  their  best  brigades,  viz.,  Bell's  and  Camp 
bell's  of  Jackson's  division,  and  Starke's  of  Chal 
mers's  division,  together  with  the  artillery  of  For 
rest's  corps,  and  leaving  only  Armstrong's,  Roddy's, 


150  Emory  Upton. 

and  Crossland's  brigades,  and  the  inferior  troops 
which  Adams  had  collected  together  in  the  vicinity 
of  Montevallo,  to  oppose  him.  We  can  now  follow 
understandingly  the  active  operations  of  the  Fed 
eral  cavalry. 

Upton's  division,  leading,  reached  Montevallo  on 
the  evening  of  March  3Oth,  having  destroyed  impor 
tant  and  valuable  iron-works  during  the  day.  lie 
was  ordered  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  corps,  and 
before  noon  of  the  next  day  the  command  was  again 
concentrated.  At  Montevallo  the  first  serious  stand 
was  made  by  the  enemy,  whose  forces  consisted  of 
Roddy's  brigade,  coming  up  after  a  forced  march 
from  Selma,  Crossland's  Kentucky  brigade,  and 
other  troops  collected  by  General  Daniel  Adams, 
who  commanded  the  whole. 

From  the  belfry  of  the  village  church,  Upton's 
line  of  mounted  skirmishers  could  be  seen  a  mile  in 
front  of  the  village,  and  occasional  puffs  of  smoke 
told  that  the  enemy  was  feeling  our  lines.  Upton's 
troopers,  not  on  the  skirmish-line,  were  massed  be 
hind  the  village  in  some  fields,  out  of  view  of  the 
enemy,  while  Long's  splendid  division  of  five  thou 
sand  troopers  was  slowly  closing  up.  Upton  had 
ordered  his  skirmishers  to  retire  slowly  before  the 
enemy,  and  toward  i  P.  M.  his  men  could  be  seen 
moving  in  skirmishing  order  toward  the  Union  lines. 
Moving  to  the  rear  and  wheeling  about  to  fire,  every 
movement  was  marked  with  cool  precision.  When 
he  had  retired  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the 
village  the  corps  commander  said  :  "  Upton,  I  think 
you  have  let  them  come  far  enough  ;  move  out !  " 
In  a  moment  the  skirmish-line  was  re-enforced,  and 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      151 

Upton  moved  down  the  road  with  his  main  body  in 
column  of  fours  at  the  trot  until  clear  of  the  village, 
when  the  Fifth  Iowa,  Colonel  Young  commanding, 
made  a  handsome  charge,  driving  the  enemy  and 
capturing  fifty  prisoners  from  Roddy's  command 
and  Grassland's  Kentucky  Brigade.  The  enemy 
disputed  every  creek-bottom  and  ridge  with  great 
stubbornness,  but  Upton's  impetuosity,  ably  sec 
onded  by  that  of  his  brigade  commanders,  Wins- 
low  and  Alexander,  drove  everything  before  him. 
When  the  enemy  had  been  forced  back  to  Six-Mile 
Creek,  the  command  halted  for  the  night  on  the 
road  to  Randolph,  and  on  the  next  day  at  dawn 
entered  that  place. 

At  Randolph,  Upton's  scouts  captured  the  im 
portant  dispatches  from  Jackson  to  Forrest,  and 
from  Forrest  to  Jackson,  before  referred  to,  which 
gave  Wilson  the  key  to  the  whole  situation.  From 
the  first  he  learned  that  Forrest,  with  a  part  of  his 
command,  was  in  his  front,  a  fact  he  had  already  ob 
tained  from  prisoners  captured ;  that  Jackson,  with 
his  division,  and  all  the  wagons  and  artillery  of  the 
Confederate  cavalry,  marching  from  Tuscaloosa  via 
Trion  toward  Centreville,  had  encamped  the  night 
before  at  Hill's  plantation,  three  miles  beyond  Scotts- 
boro ;  that  Croxton,  with  the  brigade  detached  at 
Elyton,  had  struck  Jackson's  rear-guard  at  Trion, 
and  interposed  himself  between  it  and  the  train; 
that  Jackson  had  discovered  this,  and  intended  to 
attack  Croxton  at  daylight,  April  ist.  He  learned 
from  the  other  dispatch  that  Chalmers  had  also  ar 
rived  at  Marion,  Alabama,  and  had  been  ordered  to 
cross  to  the  east  side  of  the  Cahawba,  for  the  pur- 


152  Emory  Upton. 

pose  of  joining  Forrest  in  front,  or  in  the  works  at 
Selma.  Also  that  a  force  of  dismounted  men  were 
stationed  at  Centreville,  with  orders  to  hold  the 
bridge  over  the  Cahawba  as  long  as  possible,  and  in 
no  event  to  let  it  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Federals. 

Shortly  after  the  interception  of  these  dispatches, 
Wilson  heard  from  Croxton  at  Trion,  the  night  be 
fore,  that  he  had  struck  Jackson's  rear  ;  and,  instead 
of  pushing  on  toward  Tuscaloosa,  as  he  was  ordered, 
he  would  follow  and  endeavor  to  bring  him  to  an 
engagement,  hoping  thereby  to  prevent  his  junction 
with  Forrest. 

Having  this  information,  Wilson  directed  Mc- 
Cook  to  strengthen  the  battalion  previously  or 
dered  to  Centreville  by  a  regiment,  and  to  follow 
with  LaGrange's  entire  brigade,  leaving  all  pack- 
trains  and  wagons  with  the  main  column,  so  that  he 
could  march  with  the  utmost  celerity  ;  and,  after 
seizing  the  Centreville  bridge  and  leaving  it  under 
the  protection  of  a  sufficient  guard,  to  cross  the  Ca 
hawba,  and  continue  his  march  by  the  Scottsboro 
road  toward  Trion.  His  orders  were  to  attack  and 
break  up  Jackson's  forces,  form  a  junction  with 
Croxton  if  practicable,  and  rejoin  the  corps  with 
his  entire  division  by  the  Centreville  road  to  Sel 
ma.  Although  McCook  did  not  leave  Randolph 
till  near  1 1  A.  M.,  and  the  distance  to  Scottsboro 
was  nearly  forty  miles,  Wilson  hoped  by  the  move 
ment  to  do  more  than  secure  the  Centreville  bridge, 
and  prevent  Jackson  from  joining  the  force  in  front 
of  the  main  column. 

On  the  next  morning  the  march  was  resumed, 
Upton  taking  the  left-hand  or  eastern  road,  and 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       153 

Long  confronting  the  enemy.  Long  skirmished  all 
day,  driving  the  enemy  slowly  but  steadily  before 
him. 

At  3  P.  M.,  Forrest,  having  been  re-enforced  by 
Armstrong's  brigade,  and  some  militia,  halted  near 
Ebenezer  Church,  five  miles  from  Plantersville,  and 
gave  battle.  Forrest  chose  his  position  north  of 
Bogler's  Creek,  his  right  resting  on  Mulberry 
Creek,  his  left  on  a  high  wooded  ridge.  He  posted 
three  pieces  of  artillery  on  the  Randolph  road  and 
two  on  the  Maplesville  road,  upon  which  Upton 
was  advancing.  His  forces  consisted  of  Roddy's  bri 
gade,  Crossland's  Kentucky  brigade,  Armstrong's 
brigade,  and  three  hundred  infantry  just  from 
Selma. 

As  soon  as  Long  could  deploy,  he  made  his  at 
tack,  and  Upton,  always  prompt  and  fortunate, 
hearing  the  cheers  and  firing,  took  the  trot  and 
turned  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy  at  the  oppor 
tune  moment. 

Forrest,  expecting  to  be  re-enforced  by  Chal 
mers,  who  was  reported  within  supporting  distance, 
but  who  had  really  gone  to  Marion  with  Starke's 
brigade,  placed  his  line  of  battle  in  front  of  the  forks 
of  the  roads,  with  three  guns  on  the  left-hand  road, 
on  which  Long  was  advancing.  The  right-hand 
road  was  not  well  watched  or  strongly  held,  as  Up 
ton's  advance  met  with  but  little  resistance.  A 
squadron  of  the  Seventeenth  Indiana,  Miller's  bri 
gade,  Long's  division,  charged  the  three-gun  battery 
with  sabers,  crushed  down  the  gun-carriages,  and 
passed  beyond,  but  were  driven  back  by  the  ene 
my's  supports.  The  sharp  fighting  soon  resulted 


154  Emory  Upton. 

in  forcing  Forrest  in  confusion  from  the  field  with 
a  loss  of  three  guns  and  four  hundred  prisoners. 
That  night  the  two  Union  divisions  camped  at 
Plantersville,  nineteen  miles  from  Selma.  At  this 
place  the  enemy,  having  halted  to  obtain  forage  and 
subsistence  stores,  were  driven  out  in  hot  haste, 
Forrest,  with  his  escort,  making  a  gallant  resistance. 

At  daylight  of  the  2d  of  April  our  troops  moved 
out  on  the  Summerville  road,  Long's  division  lead 
ing,  closely  followed  by  Upton.  The  enemy  of 
fered  no  resistance,  and  early  in  the  afternoon  the 
advanced  troopers  came  in  sight  of  Selma.  At 
Elyton,  Upton  had  obtained  and  sent  to  corps  head 
quarters  detailed  information  of  the  defenses,  of  the 
general  correctness  of  which  Wilson  satisfied  him 
self  afterward  by  a  careful  reconnaissance. 

Selma  is  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ala 
bama  River,  about  one  hundred  feet  above  the  mean 
level  of  the  water.  It  contained  an  arsenal  and 
foundries  for  making  shot  and  shell,  and  was  the 
most  important  depot  of  the  enemy  in  the  South 
west. 

Its  fortifications  consisted  of  a  continuous  line  of 
infantry  parapets,  with  ample  works  for  artillery  de 
fense,  surrounding  the  city  at  a  distance  of  three 
miles,  with  its  flanks  resting  on  the  Alabama  River. 
An  interior  line  of  stronger  profile  was  also  partially 
constructed.  These  works  were  defended  by  a 
force  nearly  seven  thousand  strong,  consisting  of 
Roddy's,  Armstrong's,  and  Crossland's  brigades  of 
cavalry,  and  the  militia  and  infantry  collected  by 
General  Daniel  Adams,  all  under  the  command  of 
Forrest  himself.  So  rapid  had  been  the  advance  of 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      155 

the  national  cavalry  that  the  town  was  invested  be 
fore  Chalmers,  with  Starke's  brigade,  could  reach 
it  from  Marion. 

Wilson  had  his  troops  in  position  shortly  after  4 
p.  M.  He  directed  Long  to  march  by  the  flanks  of 
brigades,  approach  the  city,  and  cross  to  the  Sum- 
merville  road,  without  exposing  his  men,  and  to  de 
velop  his  line  as  soon  as  he  could  arrive  in  front  of 
the  works.  Upton  was  directed  to  move  on  the 
Range  Line  road,  sending  a  squadron  on  the  Burns- 
ville  road. 

Having  decided  to  assault  the  works  without 
delay,  Long  was  directed  to  move  diagonally  across 
the  road  upon  which  his  troops  were  posted,  while 
Upton,  at  his  own  request,  with  a  picked  force  of 
three  hundred  men,  was  directed  to  penetrate  the 
swamps  upon  his  left,  break  through  the  line  cov 
ered  by  it,  and  turn  the  enemy's  right,  the  rest  of 
his  division  to  conform  to  the  movement.  The  sig 
nal  for  the  advance  was  to  be  the  discharge  of  a 
single  gun  from  Rodney's  battery,  to  be  given  as 
soon  as  Upton's  turning  movement  had  developed 
itself. 

Before  that  plan  could  be  executed,  and  while 
waiting  for  the  signal  to  advance,  Long  was  in 
formed  that  a  strong  force  of  the  Confederate  cav 
alry  had  begun  skirmishing  with  his  rear,  and 
threatened  a  general  attack  upon  his  pack-train  and 
led  horses.  He  had  left  a  force  of  six  companies 
well  posted  at  the  creek  in  anticipation  of  that  move 
ment,  afterward  ascertained  to  have  been  made  by 
Chalmers  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  For 
rest.  Fearing  lest  the  affair  might  compromise  the 


156  Emory  Upton. 

assault  upon  the  main  position,  Long  (having 
strengthened  the  rear  by  another  regiment)  deter 
mined  to  make  the  assault  without  waiting  for  the 
signal,  and  gave  the  order  to  advance.  His  com 
mand  was  formed  in  single  line,  dismounted,  the 
Seventeenth  Indiana  Mounted  Infantry  on  the  right, 
and  next,  from  right  to  left,  the  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-third  Illinois  Mounted  Infantry,  Ninety- 
eighth  Illinois  Mounted  Infantry,  Fourth  Ohio  Cav 
alry,  and  Fourth  Michigan  Cavalry  ;  in  all  eleven 
hundred  and  sixty  officers  and  men.  They  had  to 
charge  across  open  ground  six  hundred  yards  to  the 
works,  exposed  to  the  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry, 
and  that  part  of  the  line  which  they  were  to  assault 
was  manned  by  Armstrong's  brigade,  numbering  fif 
teen  hundred  men,  and  regarded  as  the  best  of  For 
rest's  corps.  Long's  dismounted  troops,  all  armed 
with  the  Spencer  magazine  gun,  sprang  forward  in 
an  unfaltering  manner.  The  flanks  had  some  diffi 
culty  in  crossing  a  ravine  and  marshy  soil,  but  in 
less  than  fifteen  minutes  the  line  had  swept  over  the 
works  and  driven  the  Confederates  in  confusion 
toward  the  city.  But  the  loss  was  considerable, 
being  in  all  forty  killed  and  two  hundred  and  sixty 
wounded,  and  among  the  wounded  was  General 
Long  himself,  who  was  temporarily  succeeded  in 
command  by  Colonel  Minty.  Wilson,  arriving  on 
that  part  of  the  field  just  after  the  works  were  car 
ried,  at  once  notified  Upton  of  Long's  success,  and 
directed  Colonel  Minty  to  form  Long's  division  for 
a  new  advance.  The  garrison  had  occupied  the  new 
line  near  the  edge  of  the  city.  A  gallant  charge  by 
the  Fourth  United  States  Cavalry  was  repulsed,  but 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       157 

it  rapidly  reformed  on  the  left.  It  was  now  quite 
dark.  Upton's  division  advancing  at  the  same  time, 
a  new  charge  was  made  by  the  Fourth  Ohio,  Seven 
teenth  Indiana,  and  Fourth  United  States  Cavalry, 
dismounted.  The  troops,  inspired  by  the  wildest 
enthusiasm,  swept  everything  before  them,  and 
penetrated  the  city  in  all  directions.  Upton's  di 
vision,  though  encountering  less  resistance,  charged 
with  its  habitual  spirit  and  devotion.  It  is  said  that 
the  men,  finding  it  too  difficult  to  break  down  or 
pry  away  the  sharp-pointed  stockade  in  front  of  the 
earthworks,  those  behind,  coming  on  swiftly,  jumped 
on  the  shoulders  of  the  foremost  and  leaped  the  ob 
structions,  thus  storming  the  works  by  a  game  of 
"  leap-frog." 

The  garrison  fought  with  great  coolness  and 
skill.  Forrest  was  reported  to  have  been  engaged 
personally  in  two  or  three  romantic  combats,  and 
he,  with  Generals  Armstrong,  Roddy,  Adams,  and 
a  number  of  men,  escaped  under  cover  of  darkness 
by  the  Burnsville  or  river  road.  A  portion  of  Up 
ton's  division  pursued  on  the  Burnsville  road  until 
long  after  midnight,  capturing  four  guns  and  many 
prisoners.  The  immediate  fruit  of  the  victory  was 
thirty-one  field  guns  and  one  thirty-pound  Parrott, 
twenty-seven  hundred  prisoners,  including  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  officers,  a  number  of  colors,  three 
thousand  horses,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores  of 
every  kind. 

As  soon  as  the  troops  could  be  assembled  and 
got  into  camp,  General  Winslow  was  assigned  to 
the  command  of  the  city,  with  orders  to  destroy 
everything  that  could  benefit  the  Confederate  cause. 


158  Emory  Upton. 

In  the  excitement  of  the  hour  some  acts  of  plunder 
and  vandalism  were  perhaps  committed,  but  order 
was  soon  restored  by  an  active  provost  guard. 

General  Upton  was  directed  to  march  at  day 
light  the  next  morning  with  his  division  for  the  pur 
pose  of  driving  Chalmers  west  of  the  Cahawba,  to 
open  communication  with  McCook,  who  was  ex 
pected  from  Centreville,  and  to  assist  him  in  bring 
ing  in  the  train.  On  the  5th,  McCook  and  Upton 
arrived  with  the  train,  but  nothing  definite  had  been 
heard  of  Croxton. 

On  April  6th,  Wilson,  having  ordered  his  engi 
neer  officer  to  lay  the  bridge,  which  had  been  pre 
paring,  over  the  Alabama  River,  with  the  utmost 
dispatch,  went  to  Cahawba  to  see  Forrest,  who  had 
agreed  to  meet  him  there  under  a  flag  of  truce  to 
arrange  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  Wilson  soon  dis 
covered  that  he  need  not  expect  liberality  in  the 
matter,  and  that  Forrest  hoped  to  recapture  the 
prisoners  in  his  hands.  During  the  conversation 
Wilson  learned  from  Forrest  that  Croxton  had  had 
an  engagement  with  Wirt  Adams  near  Bridgeville, 
forty  miles  southwest  of  Tuscaloosa,  two  days  be 
fore.  This  assured  Wilson  of  Croxton's  success  and 
safety,  and  he  determined  to  lose  no  time  in  cross 
ing  to  the  south  side  of  the  Alabama.  Returning  to 
Selma,  he  urged  every  one  to  the  utmost  exertions. 
The  river  was  quite  full  and  rising,  its  current  swift, 
strong,  and  full  of  floating  drift-wood.  The  weather 
was  also  unsettled  and  rainy,  but  by  great  labor 
night  and  day  the  bridge,  eight  hundred  and  seventy 
feet  long,  was  completed.  During  the  night  it  was 
lighted  by  the  blaze  of  burning  buildings,  and  the 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      159 

command  had  all  crossed  by  daylight  of  the  loth. 
Behind  them,  in  the  destroyed  arsenal,  foundries, 
arms,  stores,  and  military  munitions  of  every  kind, 
the  national  troops  had  left  immense  ruin.  They 
had  struck  the  Confederacy  a  disastrous  blow. 

In  determining  his  future  course  from  Selma, 
Wilson  had  carefully  considered  all  the  influencing 
circumstances.  He  consulted  Upton  freely  and 
fully,  and  had  his  concurrence  and  approval  in  the 
plan  of  operations  adopted.  Generals  Grant  and 
Thomas  had  given  him  discretionary  powers  and  a 
roving  commission.  Two  routes  lay  open  before 
him :  one,  to  proceed  to  Mobile  and  assist  Canby ;  the 
other,  to  march  east  and  unite  his  forces  with  those  of 
Sherman.  He  chose  the  latter,  for  he  rightly  con 
jectured  that  Mobile  itself  would  soon  fall,  almost 
before  he  could  reach  that  place,  and  he  could  be  of 
no  particular  advantage  to  Canby.  The  great  sup 
ply  depot  for  the  use  of  the  besieged  having  been 
destroyed,  and  the  heart  of  the  State  being  in  his 
possession,  the  fall  of  Mobile  was  a  question  of  a 
few  days  at  the  farthest,  for  he  knew  from  the  Con 
federate  papers  of  the  close  investment  of  the  de 
fenses,  and  his  cavalry  command  would  scarcely  be 
of  any  more  advantage  to  Canby  than  the  division 
already  there.  Subsequent  results  confirmed  the 
wisdom  of  his  decision,  for  Spanish  Fort  was  evacu 
ated  on  April  8th,  Blakely  was  carried  by  assault 
on  the  Qth,  and  Mobile  fell  on  the  I3th. 

He  therefore  put  his  corps  in  motion  for  Mont 
gomery,  with  LaGrange's  brigade,  of  McCook's  di 
vision,  in  the  advance.  Skirmishing  with  some  Ala 
bama  cavalry,  the  next  day's  march  brought  the 


160  Emory  Upton. 

command  to  the  beautiful  town  of  Lownesboro.  The 
next  day  McCook's  division  entered  Montgomery 
without  resistance,  and  the  troops  were  gladdened 
with  the  sight  of  the  United  States  flag  flying  from 
the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  where  the  Confederate  flag 
had  been  raised  four  years  before. 

The  remainder  of  the  campaign  is  given  with 
sufficient  detail  for  our  purpose  in  Upton's  report 
of  the  operations  of  his  division,  which  is  here  in 
serted  in  full  as  a  typical  document,  showing  per 
sonal  modesty,  unstinted  liberality  to  his  associate 
and  subordinate  commanders,  and  praise  to  his 
worthy  troopers. 

HEADQUARTERS  FOURTH  DIVISION  CAVALRY  CORPS, 
MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  May,  1865. 

Major  E.  B.  BEAUMONT,  Assistant  Adjutant-General, 

Cavalry  Corps,  M.  D.  M. 

I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report 
of  the  operations  of  the  Fourth  Cavalry  Division 
during  the  late  campaign  : 

To  avoid  delay  in  leaving  Chickasaw,  the  train 
was  sent  on  the  iQth  of  March  to  Cherokee  Station, 
on  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad,  and  was 
followed  by  the  First  Brigade,  commanded  by 
brevet  Brigadier-General  Winslow  on  the  2ist. 

The  general  movement  commenced  on  the  22d 
of  March  ;  Winslow's  brigade  and  train  camping 
near  Throckmorton's  Mill;  the  Second  Brigade, 
commanded  by  brevet  Brigadier-General  Alexan 
der,  camping  on  Cave  Creek,  twenty -five  miles  from 
Chickasaw. 

March  2jd. — Left  Russellville  to  our  right,  and 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       161 

camped  at  Newbury,  distance  thirty  miles.  Found 
plenty  of  corn  and  provisions. 

March  2^.tJi. — March  resumed,  General  Alexander 
moving  from  Mount  Hope  via  Houston  toward 
Clear  Creek  Falls,  General  Winslow  and  train  via 
Kinlock,  and  Hubbard's  Mill  on  head  -  waters  of 
Sipsey.  The  road  was  exceedingly  mountainous, 
and  forage  scarce.  First  Brigade  made  sixteen 
miles. 

March  2$th. — Brigades  united  and  camped  at 
Clear  Creek  Falls,  distance  thirty  miles.  Country 
almost  destitute  of  forage. 

March  26th. — Winslow  was  directed  to  move  via 
Bartonville  and  Hanly's  Mill  toward  Elyton  ;  Alex 
ander  and  train  via  Jasper  and  Democrat.  Wins- 
low,  finding  the  Sipsey  River  unfordable,  moved 
down  the  Black  Warrior  to  Sanders's  Ferry,  where 
the  division  camped  for  the  night — distance  twenty- 
three  miles ;  forage  found  below  Sanders's  Ferry. 

March  2jth. — Crossed  Black  Warrior  over  an 
extremely  dangerous  ford.  Alexander's  brigade 
camped  on  the  east  bank  of  Locust  Ford.  Wins- 
low's  brigade  marched  all  night  and  arrived  on 
west  bank  at  4  A.  M.  next  day ;  distance  fifteen 
miles.  Provisions  and  forage  scarce. 

March  28th. — Marched  at  10  A.  M. ;  Alexander's 
brigade  camping  at  Elyton,  Winslow's  on  Hawkins's 
plantation,  two  miles  west ;  distance  twenty  miles. 
The  road  was  exceedingly  rough.  At  the  end  of 
the  day's  march  we  debouched  into  a  beautiful  val 
ley,  rich  in  provisions  and  forage. 

Patterson's  regiment  from  Northern  Alabama 
passed  through  Elyton,  just  before  the  arrival  of 


1 62  Emory  Upton. 

the  division,  its   rear-guard  being  driven  out   by 
General  Alexander's  advance. 

By  direction  of  the  brevet  major-general  com 
manding  the  corps,  the  train  remained  at  Elyton  till 
the  arrival  of  the  corps  train. 

March  2$th. — The  division  moved  at  10.30  A.  M., 
with  a  view  to  secure  a  crossing  over  the  Cahawba 
River  that  night ;  but  the  ford  having  been  ob 
structed  by  Patterson's  regiment,  and  a  heavy  rain 
setting  in,  which  soon  raised  the  river,  prevented 
more  than  one  regiment  getting  across ;  distance 
fifteen  miles.  The  Mcllvaine  and  Rich  Mountain 
Iron-Works  were  destroyed  near  Elyton. 

March  joth. — General  Winslow  converted  the 
railroad-bridge  over  the  Cahawba  into  a  foot-bridge, 
and  at  9.30  A.  M.  the  crossing  commenced.  The 
division  camped  at  Montevallo ;  distance,  seventeen 
miles.  Roads  were  bad ;  forage  and  provisions 
found  in  abundance  around  Montevallo.  A  colliery 
and  the  Central  Iron-Works  were  destroyed  near 
the  Cahawba,  while  detachments  sent  out  from 
Montevallo  destroyed  the  Columbiana  and  Bibb 
Iron- Works. 

There  being  strong  indications  of  the  enemy's 
presence  in  large  force,  the  division  awaited  the 
arrival  of  the  corps. 

March  jist.  —  The  brevet  major-general  com 
manding  the  corps  having  arrived,  I  was  directed 
to  move  out  at  1.30  P.  M.  About  two  miles  south  of 
the  town  the  advance  of  Roddy's  division  was  en 
countered.  It  was  immediately  charged  by  Gen 
eral  Alexander,  and  driven  back  in  great  confusion 
upon  their  main  position  beyond  a  difficult  creek, 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      163 

abandoning  arms  and  accoutrements  at  every  step. 
Dispositions  were  at  once  made  to  turn  the  enemy's 
right,  while  Rodney's  Battery  I,  Fourth  United 
States  Artillery,  was  placed  in  position  and  opened 
fire.  After  some  skirmishing,  without  awaiting  a 
trial  of  arms,  the  enemy  withdrew. 

General  Winslow  now  took  up  the  pursuit,  and 
by  a  series  of  brilliant  and  impetuous  charges  drove 
the  enemy  until  late  in  the  night,  capturing  many 
prisoners,  arms,  and  accoutrements.  The  division, 
elated  with  having  ridden  down  the  enemy  in  every 
conflict  during  the  day,  camped  three  miles  north 
of  Randolph,  having  made  fourteen  miles. 

April  i st. — The  pursuit  was  resumed  as  far  as 
Randolph,  where,  pursuant  to  your  instructions,  the 
division  took  the  road  to  the  left,  leading  to  Old 
Maplesville,  leaving  the  main  Selma  road,  along 
which  the  enemy  retired,  for  General  Long's  divis 
ion.  To  cover  the  movement,  the  advance-guard 
was  directed  to  pursue  the  enemy  a  mile  and  a  half, 
and  then  remain  till  relieved  by  General  Long's 
division.  Proceeding  about  four  miles  to  the  left 
of  Randolph,  my  command  took  a  road  to  the  right, 
leading  through  Maplesville  Station,  and  intersect 
ing  the  main  Selma  road  at  Ebenezer  Church. 

o 

Anticipating  an  opportunity  to  flank  the  enemy 
at  this  point,  the  march  of  the  division  was  hastened, 
and  at  4  P.  M.  he  was  found  in  position,  his  force, 
commanded  by  General  Forrest  in  person,  consist 
ing  of  infantry,  artillery,  and  cavalry,  his  right 
resting  on  Mulberry  Creek,  and  his  left  on  a  high 
wooded  ridge  near  Bogler's  Creek.  General  Alex 
ander  threw  his  brigade  into  action,  dismounted 


164  Emory  Upton. 

with  great  celerity,  and,  after  a  stubborn  fight  of 
an  hour's  duration,  routed  the  enemy  and  captured 
his  guns.  General  Winslow  took  up  the  pursuit 
with  his  brigade  mounted,  captured  three  hundred 
prisoners  and  drove  the  enemy  through  Planters- 
ville,  nineteen  miles  from  Selma,  when  the  division 
camped  for  the  night,  having  made  twenty  miles. 

April  2d. — The  division  marched  at  10  A.  M.  for 
Selma,  following  the  Second  Division,  arriving  in 
front  of  the  fortifications  on  the  Plantersville  road 
at  4  P.  M.  It  was  being  placed  in  position,  prepara 
tory  to  a  night  attack  on  the  enemy's  right,  when 
Long's  division  carried  the  work  in  its  front.  The 
division  was  immediately  ordered  forward,  the 
skirmish-line  driving  the  enemy  from  the  works  in 
its  front,  and  capturing  five  pieces  of  artillery. 
General  Winslow  brought  forward  the  Fourth 
Iowa  at  a  gallop,  and,  charging  into  the  city  in 
various  directions,  captured  several  pieces  of  artil 
lery  and  several  hundred  prisoners.  The  Seventh 
Ohio  Cavalry  was  sent  out  on  the  Burnsville  road, 
and  captured  four  guns,  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  prisoners,  and  many  small-arms. 

April  jd. — The  division  moved  out  from  Selma 
with  instructions  to  pursue  the  remnants  of  For 
rest's  command  across  the  Cahawba  River,  and  to 
meet  and  escort  the  general  train  to  the  city.  It 
returned  on  the  6th,  having  made  a  circuit  of  ninety 
miles. 

April  8th. — At  9  P.  M.  the  division  commenced 
crossing  the  Alabama  River  on  a  ponton-bridge. 
The  passage  was  soon  interrupted  by  the  descent 
of  drift-wood,  which  carried  the  bridge  away.  The 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      165 


bridge  was  repaired  at  about  2  P.  M.  on  the  Qth,  and 
the  crossing  was  resumed,  but  was  again  interrupted 
by  descending  drift-wood.  The  breach  was  repaired 
by  6  p.  M.,  and  at  9  P.  M.  the  division  was  across  and 
encamped  on  the  south  bank.  General  Alexander 
narrowly  escaped  with  his  life  while  endeavoring 
to  pass  a  heavy  log  safely  under  the  bridge. 

April  lotJi.  —  Marched  for  Montgomery,  and  en 
camped  at  Church  Hill  ;  distance,  twenty-four  miles. 
Plenty  of  forage. 

April  1  1  tli.  —  Marched  at  5.30  A.  M.  ;  crossed  Big 
Swamp  or  Big  Swamp  Creek,  and  camped  at  Colo 
nel  Harrison's,  four  miles  east  of  Lownesboro  ;  dis 
tance,  twelve  miles. 

April  1  2th.  —  Marched  at  5.30  A.M.;  passed  through 
Montgomery  at  4  o'clock  P.  M.,  and  camped  four 
miles  east  on  Columbus  road  ;  distance,  twenty- 
seven  miles. 

LaGrange's  brigade,  of  McCook's  division,  hav 
ing  been  placed  under  my  command,  I  received 
orders  on  the  I4th  to  march  to  the  Chattahoochee 
to  secure  the  bridge  over  that  river,  either  at  Co 
lumbus  or  West  Point,  thereby  opening  for  the  cav 
alry  corps  the  road  into  Georgia.  In  pursuance  of 
these  instructions,  I  sent  LaGrange's  brigade,  via 
Tuskegee  and  Opelika,  to  West  Point,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  i6th.  He  immediately  attacked  the 
garrison  at  that  place,  capturing  it  and  securing  the 
bridge.  My  own  division  marched  directly  on 
Columbus,  eighty  miles  distant. 

Columbus  is  a  fortified  city  of  twelve  thousand 
inhabitants,  situated  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Chatta 
hoochee.  Three  bridges  span  the  river  at  this  point  : 


1 66  Emory  Upton. 

one  a  foot-bridge  at  the  lower  end  of  the  city ;  the 
others,  a  foot  and  a  railroad  bridge,  are  three-fourths 
of  a  mile  above,  opposite  the  upper  end  of  the  city. 
There  is  a  fourth  bridge  at  Clapp's  Factory,  three 
miles  above,  which  was  destroyed  upon  the  ap 
proach  of  Captain  Young,  of  the  Tenth  Missouri, 
who  was  sent  to  secure  it. 

On  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  between  the  upper 
and  lower  bridges,  lies  the  small  town  of  Girard. 
Mill  Creek,  which  flows  through  an  open  valley 
about  a  mile  in  width,  separating  two  prominent 
ridges,  which  approach  the  river  perpendicularly, 
and  overlook  the  city,  empties  into  the  river  near 
the  center  of  Girard.  The  lower  bridge  was  de 
fended  from  the  east  bank  by  a  rifle-pit,  with  three 
pieces  of  artillery  sweeping  it.  The  upper  foot 
and  railroad  bridges  were  defended  by  a  tcte-dc-pont 
consisting  of  two  redoubts  connected  by  a  range  of 
rifle-pits  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  length, 
extending  across  the  upper  ridge,  well  strengthened 
by  felled  timber  in  front.  The  lower  redoubt,  situ 
ated  just  below  the  upper  ridge,  contained  six  and 
twelve  pounder  howitzers.  Four  and  ten  pounder 
Parrott  guns  were  in  position  on  its  right.  These 
guns  completely  swept  Mill  Creek  Valley.  The 
upper  redoubt  contained  four  guns  commanding 
the  Summerfield  road. 

Five  guns  swept  the  railroad  and  two  eight-inch 
howitzers  the  upper  foot-bridge,  making  in  all  twen 
ty-four  guns  in  position. 

The  works  were  held  by  about  twenty-seven 
hundred  infantry.  The  division,  moving  along  the 
lower  Crawford  road,  arrived  opposite  the  lower 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       167 

bridge  at  about  2  p.  M.  Colonel  Eggleston,  com 
manding  the  advance-guard,  immediately  charged 
to  secure  it,  but  was  received  with  a  heavy  fire  of 
artillery  and  musketry,  while  the  bridge,  previously 
prepared  with  combustible  material,  was  at  the 
same  time  fired.  He  therefore  retired  behind  the 
ridge.  Rodney's  battery  fired  a  few  shots,  which 
developed  the  position  of  the  enemy's  artillery. 

It  being  impossible  to  attack  the  tete-de-pont  from 
this  direction,  Alexander's  brigade  was  placed  in 
position  along  the  crest  of  the  lower  ridge,  while 
Winslow's  brigade,  making  a  wide  detour,  was  sent, 
under  cover,  across  to  the  Summerfield  road  on  the 
upper  ridge. 

His  brigade  was  preceded  by  two  companies  of 
the  Fifth  Iowa  Cavalry,  under  Captain  Lewis,  who 
drove  in  the  opposing  picket  and  charged  gallantly 
upon  a  strong  line  of  works  which,  in  the  darkness, 
appeared  to  be  the  enemy's  main  position.  General 
Winslow  at  once  disposed  his  command  for  the  at 
tack,  the  plan  of  which  was,  to  penetrate  the  works 
with  dismounted  men,  and  then  to  send  a  mounted 
force  through  the  breach,  with  directions  to  charge 
directly  upon  the  bridge. 

The  assault  was  made  about  9  P.  M.,  under  cover 
of  darkness,  by  six  companies  of  the  Third  Iowa 
Cavalry,  commanded  by  Colonel  Noble.  The  first 
line  of  works  was  soon  carried,  and,  being  mis 
taken  for  the  main  line,  two  companies  of  the  Tenth 
Missouri  were  ordered  to  charge  the  bridge.  These 
companies,  supposed  by  the  enemy  to  be  their  own 
men,  passed  through  the  works  on  the  Summerfield 
road  unharmed,  charged  and  secured  the  bridge, 


1 68  Emory  Upton. 

capturing  many  prisoners.  Captain  McGlasson, 
finding  himself  in  the  enemy's  rear  and  vastly  out 
numbered,  rejoined  his  regiment. 

In  the  mean  time  the  main  line  opened  fire  upon 
the  right  Avith  grape  and  musketry.  The  Third 
Iowa  pressed  forward  through  a  slashing  a  hundred 
yards  deep,  and,  after  a  charge  unexampled  in  cav 
alry  service,  and  with  but  few  parallels  in  infantry, 
crowned  the  works. 

General  Winslow  promptly  followed  up  the  suc 
cess.  Ignoring  the  redoubt  on  the  right,  which  still 
continued  its  fire,  the  Fourth  Iowa,  dismounted,  un 
der  Captain  Abraham,  passed  through  the  breach, 
turned  to  the  right,  charged  the  redoubt,  captured 
ten  guns,  and  then,  sweeping  across  the  bridge  with 
the  flying  rebels,  captured  t\vo  howitzers,  loaded 
with  grape  and  canister,  at  the  opposite  end. 

Mounted  companies  from  the  same  regiment  fol 
lowed  in  rear  of  Captain  Abraham,  and,  after  cross 
ing  the  bridge,  turned  to  the  right  and  charged  in 
flank  the  works  at  the  lo\ver  bridge,  capturing  pris 
oners  and  the  three  guns  at  that  point. 

By  10  P.  M.,  Columbus,  with  its  vast  munitions 
of  war,  fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  and  twenty-four 
guns,  was  in  our  hands.  This  victory,  which  was 
the  closing  conflict  of  the  war,  was  achieved  with 
the  loss  of  but  thirty  men  killed  and  wounded. 

April  1 8th,  at  8.30  A.  M.,  the  division  marched 
for  Macon,  via  Double  Bridge  and  Thomaston,  ar 
riving  and  going  into  camp  at  East  Macon  on  the 
evening  of  the  2ist.  The  march  was  through  a  rich 
country,  and  the  distance  was  ninety-eight  miles. 
Here,  official  information  of  the  armistice  between 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      169 

Generals  Sherman  and  Johnston  having  been  re 
ceived,  the  campaign  closed. 

The  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  during  the 
campaign  is  deserving  of  the  highest  commenda 
tion.  Whether  mounted  or  dismounted,  but  one 
spirit  prevailed,  and  that  was  to  run  over  the  ene 
my  wherever  found  or  whatever  might  be  his  num 
bers.  Nothing  but  the  impetuosity  of  the  charges, 
whereby  the  enemy  was  not  given  time  to  defend 
himself,  can  account  for  the  small  list  of  casualties, 
amounting  in  all  to  ninety-eight  killed  and  wound 
ed.  In  every  conflict  the  troops  actually  engaged 
were  vastly  outnumbered. 

At  Ebenezer  Church,  General  Alexander  routed 
Forrest's  command  with  less  than  one  thousand  men, 
while  General  Winslow  carried  the  formidable 
works  at  Columbus  with  but  eleven  hundred  men. 
From  the  members  of  my  staff — Brevet-Major  James 
W.  Latta,  Assistant  Adjutant-General ;  Captain  Tom 
C.  Gilpin,  acting  Aide-de-camp ;  Lieutenant  Sloan 
Keck,  acting  Aide-de-camp  ;  Lieutenant  Peter  Keck, 
Ordnance  Officer — I  received,  on  all  occasions, 
prompt  and  gallant  assistance. 

The  division  arrived  at  Macon  in  good  fighting 
condition. 

I  respectfully  refer  you  to  the  accompanying  re 
ports  of  the  brigade  commanders,  in  which  the 
charges  of  the  regiments  under  their  commands  are 
minutely  described,  also  mentioning  the  names  of 
officers  and  men  distinguishing  themselves  for  gal 
lantry  and  soldierly  conduct. 

In  conclusion,  I  desire  to  ascribe  the  success  of 
the  division,  in  the  first  degree  to  the  zeal,  energy, 


170  Emory  Upton. 

and  ability  displayed  by  Generals  Winslow  and 
Alexander,  commanding  First  and  Second  Bri 
gades.  They  have  shown  in  every  battle  great 
skill  and  gallantry,  and  possess,  in  an  eminent  de 
gree,  all  the  qualities  of  cavalry  officers.  I  respect 
fully  urge  their  immediate  promotion  for  the  good 
of  the  service.  Inclosed  is  a  list  of  officers  and 
men  who  have  distinguished  themselves  and  are  en 
titled  to  promotion. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

E.  UPTON, 
Brevet  Major-General  Commanding  Fourth  Division. 

In  the  brief  campaign  which  we  have  described, 
Upton's  success  as  a  cavalry  officer  had  been  so 
conspicuous  that  it  satisfied  not  only  his  corps  com 
mander  but  himself.  In  his  enthusiasm  over  the 
capture  of  Columbus,  under  cover  of  darkness,  he 
frequently  remarked  that  he  had  just  learned  one  of 
the  greatest  possibilities  of  war,  and  did  not  doubt 
that  he  could  go  anywhere  in  the  Confederacy,  and 
do  anything  which  might  be  required  of  his  divis 
ion.  It  gave  him  a  practical  lesson  in  regard  to 
the  relative  proportions  and  power  of  the  three 
arms  in  the  make-up  of  an  army,  which  he  could 
never  have  had  without  the  experience  of  this  cam 
paign. 

A  brief  reference  to  Croxton's  operations  will 
serve. to  complete  the  story  of  this  campaign. 

Croxton's  brigade,  of  McCook's  division,  con 
sisted  of  the  Second  Michigan  Cavalry,  the  Fourth 
Kentucky  Mounted  Infantry,  the  Sixth  Kentucky 
Cavalry,  and  the  Eighth  Iowa  Cavalry,  fifteen  hun- 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      171 

dred  effective  in  all.  He  took  no  artillery  nor  train, 
save  one  headquarters  baggage-wagon,  three  am 
bulances,  and  the  allowance  of  pack-mules.  Each 
trooper  had  one  hundred  and  twenty  rounds  of  am 
munition,  and  was  armed  with  the  Spencer  carbine. 
After  the  capture  of  Tuscaloosa,  knowing  that  Jack 
son  and  Chalmers  were  between  him  and  Selma,  he 
thought  it  too  hazardous  to  reach  that  place  via 
Centreville.  He  therefore  decided  to  move  toward 
Eutaw,  in  the  hope  of  crossing  the  Black  Warrior 
lower  down,  and  cutting  the  railroad  between  Selma 
and  Demopolis. 

On  the  5th  of  April  he  recrossed  the  Black  War 
rior,  burned  the  bridge,  marched  out  on  the  Colum 
bus  (Mississippi)  road,  and  on  the  6th  turned  toward 
Eutaw.  The  same  morning  General  Wirt  Adams, 
with  fifteen  hundred  men,  left  Pickensville  at  seven 
o'clock,  intending  to  join  Forrest  via  Finche's  Ferry. 
Croxton  at  that  time  thought  his  force  was  larger. 

About  2  P.  M.  Adams's  men  began  to  annoy  the 
rear  of  Croxton's  brigade,  near  Pleasant  Ridge. 
Meantime  Croxton  had  recrossed  the  Sipsey  River 
and  turned  on  the  military  road  toward  Tuscaloosa. 
About  5  P.  M.  Adams  charged  the  rear  of  Croxton 
with  much  vigor,  and  captured  or  disabled  about  a 
third  of  the  Sixth  Kentucky  Cavalry.  The  Second 
Michigan  formed  line,  and,  by  a  series  of  successful 
volleys,  succeeded  in  saving  the  rest  of  the  Ken 
tucky  regiment,  and  completely  held  the  advancing 
enemy  in  check,  and  caused,  at  dark,  their  with 
drawal  with  considerable  loss.  After  accomplishing 
this,  this  gallant  regiment  marched  on  and  overtook 
the  rest  of  the  brigade  in  camp  at  twelve  o'clock. 


172  Emory  Upton. 

On  the  7th,  Croxton  went  into  camp  at  North- 
port,  a  few  miles  from  Tuscaloosa.  His  foraging 
parties  and  scouts  on  the  road  to  Columbus  misled 
Adams,  who,  believing  Columbus  to  be  Croxton's 
objective,  turned  his  column  in  that  direction  and 
arrived  there  at  i  P.  M.  on  the  8th,  having  marched 
forty-five  miles  in  eleven  hours.  This  put  him  sev 
enty  miles  northwest  of  Croxton.  Chalmers  was 
moving  toward  Columbus  at  the  same  time,  and  ar 
rived  there  on  the  9th. 

On  the  1 2th,  Croxton,  having  successfully  ac 
complished  the  purpose  of  his  diversion,  marched 
northward,  and,  passing  on  through  Jasper,  re- 
crossed  the  West  Fork  of  the  Black  Warrior  at 
Hanly's  Mills,  marched  nearly  due  east  via  Mount 
Penson  and  Trussville,  crossed  the  Coosa  at  True's 
and  Collins's  Ferries,  and  continued  on  to  Talladega, 
a  region  rich  in  mineral  resources.  On  the  22d  of 
April,  the  Eighth  Iowa  being  in  advance,  he  charged 
into  Talladega,  putting  General  B.  H.  Hill's  bri 
gade  to  flight.  Replenishing  haversacks,  he  pushed 
on  northeastwardly  on  the  23d,  destroying  the  rail 
road  and  skirmishing  with  Hill,  who  was  falling 
back  to  Jacksonville.  In  the  region  of  the  Blue 
Mountains,  Croxton  destroyed  valuable  iron  and 
niter  works,  besides  railroad-bridges,  depots,  and 
rolling-stock. 

On  the  25th,  Croxton  moved  out  on  the  road 
leading  to  Newham,  Georgia.  The  next  day,  while 
crossing  the  Chattahoochee,  he  heard  of  the  fall  of 
Richmond,  the  surrender  of  Lee,  and  the  assassina 
tion  of  Lincoln.  He  arrived,  with  his  brigade  in 
good  condition,  at  Forsyth,  Georgia,  April  29th,  and 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.       1 73 

reported  to  General  Wilson,  then  at  Macon,  Geor 
gia.  Without  delay  the  cavalry  corps  was  distrib 
uted  throughout  Georgia  and  Florida  to  receive 
the  surrender  of  detached  commands,  and  within  a 
few  weeks  most  of  the  regiments  were  mustered 
out  of  the  service. 

Upton  was  sent  to  Augusta,  Georgia,  and  took 
possession  of  the  United  States  Arsenal  and  other 
public  property  there.  On  this  occasion,  as  he 
raised  the  United  States  flag  on  the  arsenal-grounds 
(May  8,  1865),  he  thus  addressed  his  command  : 

"  Soldiers !  Four  years  ago  the  Governor  of 
Georgia,  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  hauled 
down  the  American  flag  at  this  arsenal.  The  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  called  the  nation  to  arms 
to  repossess  the  forts  and  arsenals  which  had  been 
seized.  After  four  years  of  sanguinary  war  and 
conflict  we  execute  the  order  of  the  great  preserver 
of  union  and  liberty,  and  to-day  we  again  hoist  the 
stars  and  stripes  over  the  United  States  Arsenal  at 
Augusta.  Majestically,  triumphantly  she  rises  !  " 

But  Peace,  with  her  manifold  blessings,  had 
come.  Our  gallant  soldiers  had  done  their  part  to 
save  the  country  from  destruction.  The  claims  of 
home  and  family  now  began  to  assert  themselves 
with  renewed  strength  as  the  days  of  battle  re 
ceded.  And  how  grandly  our  volunteer  soldiers  at 
once  put  off  the  "  pomp  and  circumstance  of  glori 
ous  war,"  to  begin  again  the  patient  toil  for  their 
daily  bread,  history  records  to  their  undying  honor 
and  glory. 


174  Emory  Upton. 

The  parting  of  the  troops  from  their  trusted 
commanders  shows  depth  of  feeling-  and  devotion 
possible  only  among  men  who  love  liberty  and 
fight  to  maintain  it.  As  a  type  of  this  heart-felt  af 
fection  which  bound  them  together  we  have  this 
testimonial. 

ATLANTA,  May  24,  1865. 

GENERAL  :  In  behalf  of  the  officers  and  men  it 
has  been  my  high  honor  to  command,  I  hereby  ten 
der  to  you  the  regrets  of  the  Tenth  Regiment  of 
Cavalry,  Missouri  Volunteers,  at  the  sundering  of 
the  ties  that  have  bound  us  together  during  the  past 
five  months. 

Believe  me,  general,  that  the  pleasure  of  laying 
down  our  arms  and  resuming  the  peaceful  avoca 
tions  of  citizens,  and  the  bright  prospect  of  a  happy 
peace  for  our  beloved  country,  alone  take  away  any 
of  the  pangs  caused  by  this  separation.  The  march 
from  Chickasaw  to  Macon,  embracing  the  glorious 
fields  of  "  Montevallo,"  "  Ebenezer  Church,"  "  Sel- 
ma,"  and  "  Columbus,"  has  proved  to  us  the  kind 
ness  of  your  heart  toward  your  comrades  in  arms, 
and  the  fact  that  you  are  justly  entitled  to  the  honors 
your  country  has  conferred  upon  you. 

Under  you  my  regiment  has  terminated  a  glo 
rious  term  of  service  by  a  campaign  unsurpassed  by 
any  during  the  wars  of  modern  times. 

The  memory  of  that  campaign  shall  ever  re 
main  fresh  and  bright  in  all  our  hearts. 

In  conclusion,  receive  from  us  a  farewell  the 
bitter  of  which  is  sweetened  by  our  bright  pros 
pects  for  the  future. 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      175 

With  much  esteem  I  remain  your  obedient  serv 
ant, 

F.  W.  BENTEEN,  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
Commanding  Tenth  Cavalry,  Missouri  Volunteers. 

BREVET  MAJOR-GENERAL  E.  UPTON, 

Commanding  Fourth  Division  Cavalry  Corps, 
Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi. 

This  sentiment  of  affection  was  mutual  between 
Upton  and  his  command,  and  on  taking  leave  of  his 
soldiers  he  issued  this  order: 

HEADQUARTERS  FOURTH  DIVISION  CAVALRY  CORPS, 
MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 

EDGEFIELD,  TENN.,  June  10,  1865. 

General  Orders  No.  21. 

Before  severing  his  connection  with  the  com 
mand,  the  brevet  major-general  commanding  desires 
to  express  his  high  appreciation  of  the  bravery, 
endurance,  and  soldierly  qualities  displayed  by  the 
officers  and  men  of  his  division  in  the  late  cavalry 
campaign.  Leaving  Chickasaw,  Alabama,  on  the 
22d  of  March  as  a  new  organization  and  without 
status  in  the  cavalry  corps,  you  in  one  month  trav 
ersed  six  hundred  miles,  crossed  six  rivers,  met  and 
defeated  the  enemy  at  Montevallo,  Alabama,  capt 
uring  one  hundred  prisoners ;  routed  Forrest,  Bu- 
ford,  and  Roddy  in  their  chosen  position  at  Ebene. 
zer  Church,  capturing  two  guns  and  three  hundred 
prisoners  ;  carried  the  works  in  your  front  at  Selma, 
capturing  thirteen  guns,  eleven  hundred  prisoners, 
and  five  battle-flags  ;  and  finally  crowned  your  suc 
cesses  by  a  night  assault  upon  the  enemy's  intrench- 
ments  at  Columbus,  Georgia,  where  you  captured 


176  Emory  Upton. 

fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  twenty-four  guns,  eight 
battle-flags,  and  vast  munitions  of  war. 

April  2ist,  you  arrived  at  Macon,  Georgia,  hav 
ing  captured  on  your  march  three  thousand  prison 
ers,  thirty -nine  pieces  of  artillery,  and  thirteen  battle- 
flags. 

Whether  mounted,  with  the  saber,  or  dismount 
ed,  with  the  carbine,  the  brave  men  of  the  Third, 
Fourth,  and  Fifth  Iowa,  First  and  Seventh  Ohio,  and 
Tenth  Missouri  Cavalry,  triumphed  over  the  enemy 
in  every  conflict. 

With  regiments  led  by  brave  colonels,  and  bri 
gades  commanded  with  consummate  skill  and  dar 
ing,  the  division  in  thirty  days  won  a  reputation  un 
surpassed  in  the  service. 

Though  many  of  you  have  not  received  the  re 
ward  to  which  your  gallantry  has  entitled  you,  you 
have,  nevertheless,  received  the  commendation  of 
your  superior  officers,  and  won  the  admiration  and 
gratitude  of  your  countrymen. 

You  will  return  to  your  homes  with  the  proud 
consciousness  of  having  defended  the  flag  of  your 
country  in  the  hour  of  the  greatest  national  peril, 
while,  through  your  instrumentality,  liberty  and 
civilization  will  have  advanced  the  greatest  stride 
recorded  in  history. 

The  best  wishes  of  your  commanding  general 
will  ever  attend  you. 

(Signed)  E.  UPTON, 

Brevet  Major-General  commanding. 
(Official.) 

JAMES  W.  LATTA, 

Assistant  Adjutant-General. 


Division  Commander  of  Cavalry.      177 

General  Wilson,  his  own  immediate  commander, 
recognized  Upton's  services,  and  expressed  in  the 
following  letter,  written  almost  immediately  after 
the  close  of  the  campaign,  his  opinion  of  his  merits : 

(Extract.) 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  CORPS, 
MILITARY  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
MACON,  GA.,  April  24,  1865. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 

Assistant-Adjutant-Gcncral  United  States  Army. 

GENERAL:  ...  I  have  the  honor  to  recommend 
the  following  promotion : 

Brevet  Major-General  Emory  Upton,  United 
States  Volunteers,  to  be  major-general,  to  date  from 
April  i,  1865,  for  personal  gallantry  and  good  man 
agement  in  the  engagement  of  Ebenezer  Station, 
Alabama,  also  at  Columbus,  Georgia,  where,  by  a 
night  attack  with  three  hundred  men,  he  carried  the 
rebel  works,  and  captured  the  bridge  over  the  Chat- 
tahoochee  River,  and  took  twelve  hundred  prisoners 
and  fifty-two  guns. 

Throughout  the  entire  campaign  General  Upton 
has  exhibited  the  highest  qualities  of  a  general  offi 
cer,  and  has  demonstrated  his  fitness  for  advance 
ment. 

I  am,  general,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 

servant, 

JAMES  H.  WILSON, 

Brevet  Major-General. 
(Official.) 
E.  B.  BEAUMONT, 

Major  and  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 


178  Emory  Upton. 

The  duties  which  now  fell  to  Upton's  lot  were 
those  incident  to  that  of  all  general  officers  of  this 
period  of  approaching  peace.  The  main  business 
was  economy.  The  burdens  of  the  war  were  enor 
mous,  and  the  Government  was  no  less  anxious  than 
the  soldiers  to  get  again  into  peaceful  pursuits,  and 
to  reduce  quickly  the  vast  daily  expenses  of  a  war 
establishment.  But,  of  course,  this  required  time 
for  its  orderly  evolution,  and  Upton's  services  were 
retained  in  the  South  till  the  middle  of  August.  On 
the  ist  of  July  he  was  ordered  to  report  to  General 
George  Stoneman,  commanding  the  Department  of 
Tennessee,  and  was  by  him  assigned  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  First  Cavalry  Division  of  that  depart 
ment,  and  on  the  I3th  of  July  he  was  ordered  to  re 
port  to  General  A.  C.  Gillem,  commanding  the  Dis 
trict  of  East  Tennessee,  for  assignment  to  the  com 
mand  of  all  the  cavalry  of  that  district,  with  station 
at  Lenoir,  Tennessee.  After  a  month's  service  he 
had  completed  the  duty  requiring  his  presence  in 
this  military  department,  and  was  relieved  August 
1 5th,  and  ordered  by  War  Department  General  Or 
der  No.  130  to  report  to  Major-General  John  Pope, 
commanding  the  Department  of  the  Missouri.  He 
had  completed  his  active  service  in  the  field,  which, 
characterized  throughout  by  modest,  patient,  and 
persistent  labor  in  preparation,  and  by  every  mili 
tary  virtue  in  actual  conflict,  had  shed  no  less  luster 
on  our  arms  than  honor  and  renown  upon  himself. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SERVICE  IN  COLORADO.— TACTICS. 

THE  hardships  and  dangers  of  active  campaign 
ing  were  now  happily  ended,  but  the  routine  life 
of  camp,  varied  only  by  a  change  of  locality  from 
time  to  time,  was  by  no  means  as  exciting  as  the  life 
to  which  the  troops  had  been  accustomed.  Their 
past  years  had  been  filled  with  the  excitement  of 
the  march  and  the  fever  of  battle,  and  they  soon 
tired  of  the  ennui  of  camp.  The  war  being  ended, 
there  was  now  no  sufficient  reason  in  their  minds 
why  they  should  not  at  once  return  to  their  homes 
and  attend  to  their  families  and  their  private  inter 
ests. 

It  was  a  wise  policy,  therefore,  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  to  muster  them  out  of  service  as 
rapidly  as  possible.  But,  although  this  policy  was 
almost  essential,  for  the  rapid  decrease  in  the  enor 
mous  expenditure  which  the  army  entailed,  other 
considerations,  connected  with  the  unsettled  condi 
tion  of  the  Southern  territory,  demanded  that  a  con 
siderable  force  should  yet  be  retained  in  the  service 
until  such  new  conditions  of  life  should  be  evolved 
in  the  South  as  to  insure  a  certain  stability  and  be 
come  sufficiently  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  a 
brave  but  exhausted  people. 

These  retained  troops  were,  therefore,  distrib- 


180  Emory  Upton. 

uted  throughout  the  Southern  States  in  detach 
ments  of  sufficient  strength,  and  located  at  such 
points  as  were  considered  important  for  the  pur 
poses  of  the  reconstructive  measures  undertaken 
by  the  Government.  The  new  duties  to  which  offi 
cers  and  men  were  assigned  were  far  different  from 
those  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed,  and  re 
quired  of  them  patience  and  forbearance  as  well  as 
the  exercise  of  great  discretion  in  the  unsettled  and 
sometimes  turbulent  region  to  which  they  were 
assigned.  To  the  men  at  least  this  additional  serv 
ice  was  a  great  grievance,  and  an  ever  -  present 
cause  of  unrest.  Anxiety  as  to  the  condition  of 
their  families,  and  the  deferred  pleasures  of  a  re 
turn  to  their  homes,  together  with  the  difficulties 
attached  to  service  in  a  community  where  the  sen 
timent  was  hostile,  all  contributed  to  make  them 
look  forward  with  eagerness  to  their  honorable  dis 
charge.  To  the  officers  there  were  compensating 
advantages  in  their  continued  employment,  since 
the  pay  they  received  was  ample  to  provide  for 
their  families,  and  they  could  readily  obtain  short 
leaves  of  absence  to  visit  their  homes  and  make  pro 
vision  for  the  coming  day  of  discharge,  or  antici 
pate  it  under  favorable  opportunities  by  resigning. 
General  Upton's  thoughts  were  still  directed  to 
the  home  of  his  youth.  His  parents,  brothers,  and 
sisters  were  still  those  to  whom  his  affections  most 
strongly  turned.  And  so  pure  was  the  atmosphere 
of  his  home  that  its  memories  were  the  most  potent 
of  all  influences  which  had  so  far  kept  him  a  noble 
man  and  a  Christian  soldier  during  the  many  vicis 
situdes  of  his  active  career. 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          181 

Having  completed  the  duty  to  which  he  was  as 
signed,  he  was  relieved  from  service  in  Tennessee 
on  the  I4th  of  August,  and  ordered  to  report  to 
Major-General  Pope,  commanding  the  Department 
of  Missouri,  who  assigned  him  to  the  command  of 
the  district  of  Colorado,  with  headquarters  at  Den 
ver.  Making  but  a  short  delay,  he  proceeded  over 
land  from  Leavenworth  to  his  new  station,  and  we 
have  in  the  following  letter  an  account  of  the  inci 
dents  of  his  journey : 

DENVER,  October  i,  1865. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER:  I  have  the  pleasure  of  an 
nouncing  my  arrival  safe  at  my  journey's  end,  after 
a  long  and  somewhat  weary  march.  We  left  Leav 
enworth  on  the  3  ist  of  August.  Our  outfit  con 
sisted  of  one  four-mule  wagon,  a  four-mule  ambu 
lance,  two  saddle-horses,  and  two  mules.  My  only 
traveling-companion  was  Major  Latta,  my  assistant 
adjutant-general.  Having  tents  and  a  larder  well 
supplied,  we  were  in  as  good  condition  as  any  party 
that  ever  crossed  the  plains.  After  four  days'  march 
we  arrived  at  Fort  Riley,  where  we  laid  over  one 
day,  and  were  most  handsomely  entertained  by 
General  Sanborn.  The  escort  of  four  hundred 
cavalry  was  nearly  up  here,  and  on  the  6th  of 
September,  all  preparations  being  made,  we  set  out 
via  the  Smoky  Hill  for  Denver. 

On  the  third  day  we  passed  Fort  Ellsworth,  on 
the  Santa  Fe  road,  and  entered  the  buffalo  country. 
Of  course,  every  one  has  to  "kill  his  buffalo"; 
and,  mounted  on  a  good  horse,  I  made  my  first 
effort,  which  was  a  failure,  as  was  also  the  second ; 
but  the  third  was  a  success. 


1 82  Emory  Upton. 

You  can  scarcely  imagine  the  excitement  of  a 
buffalo-chase.  Mounted  on  a  fleet  horse,  and  armed 
with  two  or  three  revolvers,  you  single  out  a  large 
herd  and  gallop  toward  it.  They  soon  see  you,  and, 
taking  the  alarm  from  some  old  bull,  follow  him, 
generally  running  toward  the  wind.  It  is  a  beauti 
ful  sight  to  see  them  as  they  take  the  alarm  and  gal 
lop  away.  With  a  large  mane  which  gives  them  a 
terribly  ferocious  look,  they  seem  to  run  as  if  on 
three  legs,  and  you  doubt  not  that  a  few  seconds 
more  will  see  you  in  their  midst.  But  not  so! 
After  a  sharp  run  you  begin  to  approach  them, 
your  horse  then  takes  the  excitement,  and,  increas 
ing  his  speed,  closes  upon  them. 

With  the  pistol  cocked,  and  your  eye  upon  a 
particular  one,  you  close  to  fifteen  or  twenty  feet 
and  fire. 

On  they  go,  up  steep  hills  and  across  deep  ra 
vines,  the  only  effect  of  your  shot  being  to  increase 
their  speed.  The  big  bulls  in  the  rear,  apprehen 
sive  of  their  charge,  hook  up  those  which  lag  be 
hind.  With  the  dust  in  your  face  and  your  horse 
foaming,  you  close  again  and  fire  at  the  same  buf 
falo,  who,  finally  crippled  or  maddened  by  his 
wounds,  lags  behind,  lunges  at  you  as  you  ap 
proach,  and,  finally  exhausted,  stops  to  give  battle. 
You  have  now  won  the  day,  and  a  good  shot  or 
two  will  close  the  struggle.  Yet  often  as  many  as 
fifteen  or  twenty  shots  have  to  be  fired  before  the 
vulnerable  part  is  struck. 

The  heart  is  the  only  spot  where  one  shot  will 
kill.  The  skull  seems  to  be  as  impenetrable  as 
rock,  and  they  will  only  shake  the  head  when  struck 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          183 

there.  Their  meat  is  very  tough  except  the  tender 
loin,  sirloin,  and  hump  above  the  shoulders,  which 
are  quite  delicate.  These  parts,  in  addition  to  the 
liver,  heart,  and  tongue,  are  all  that  are  used  for 
meat,  the  remainder  being  left  for  the  wolves. 

The  number  of  buffalo  is  astonishing,  and  often 
you  find  yourself  among  herds  which  extend  for 
miles  farther  than  the  eye  can  reach. 

The  large  gray  wolf  and  the  coyote  always  ac 
company  them,  and  subsist  mainly  upon  their  flesh. 
Their  howl  has  a  most  dismal  sound,  and  awakens 
recollections  of  all  the  wolf-stories  one  has  ever 
read.  Prairie-dogs  were  frequent  everywhere  along 
our  route.  They  live  in  villages — the  different  holes 
communicating  with  each  other.  They  are  about 
twice  the  size  of  a  red  squirrel,  and  I  suppose  from 
their  chirp  or  bark  take  their  name.  The  owl  and 
rattlesnake  come  into  their  habitations  without  in 
vitation. 

Polecats  were  numerous  on  the  plains,  as  were 
also  antelope.  Antelope-meat  is  the  most  delicate  I 
ever  tasted.  The  animal  has  short  horns  and  a 
wonderful  bump  of  curiosity,  which  often  proves 
fatal  to  it ;  for  many  times  it  will  approach  close  to 
you  to  ascertain  definitely  what  you  are.  Once  sat 
isfied  that  there  is  harm,  it  will  bound  over  the  prai 
rie  at  a  marvelous  speed.  The  hare  or  jack-rabbit  is 
a  queer  little  animal,  which  every  few  steps  takes  a 
high  leap  into  the  air,  making  his  course  very  eccen 
tric.  We  saw  one  tarantula,  which  belongs  to  the 
spider  family.  Its  legs  were  two  or  three  inches  long 
and  its  body  about  four  times  the  size  of  the  largest 
black  spider.  Its  bite  is  exceedingly  venomous. 


184  Emory  Upton. 

The  plains  are  not  so  level  as  the  Illinois  prairies. 
Gulches  and  ravines,  with  deep  beds  of  sand  on 
their  bottoms,  frequently  intersected  our  path.  The 
Smoky  Hill  was  nearly  always  to  our  left.  Along 
its  banks  were  a  few  cottonwood-trees,  which  were 
always  a  most  welcome  sight.  The  grass  on  the 
plains  is  very  short  but  very  nutritious.  Water 
occurred  about  every  twelve  or  fifteen  miles,  but 
sometimes  we  had  to  go  twenty  or  more.  At  such 
times  we  experienced  the  same  feelings  of  joy  as 
travelers  in  the  Sahara. 

Geologically,  the  country  was  very  interesting. 
The  amount  of  denudation  that  has  taken  place  was 
never  more  perceptible.  We  could  frequently  see 
ledges  of  rock  on  both  sides  of  the  river  having  the 
same  elevation,  while  the  river-bed  was  a  hundred 
feet  or  more  below.  Evidently  the  immense  amount 
of  alluvium  that  it  would  require  to  fill  this  valley 
had  been  washed  away,  and  doubtless  for  ages  has 
been  depositing  in  the  Delta  of  the  Mississippi.  You 
have  but  to  see  the  work  Nature  has  done  in  wear 
ing  away  the  surface  near  one  of  the  tributaries  of 
the  Mississippi,  to  readily  believe  the  statement  that 
two  billion  tons  of  detritus  are  annually  deposited 
at  the  mouth  of  that  great  river. 

Fremont's  Fort  or  Buttes  is  a  high  table-land, 
two  hundred  feet  above  the  surrounding  country. 
Its  surface  is  level,  immediately  underlying  which 
is  a  stratum  of  rock  about  fourteen  feet  thick.  Be 
low  this  is  a  compact  clay,  I  think  (I  did  not  have 
time  to  visit  it).  Time  has  worn  the  surrounding 
country  away,  but  this  table  remains,  to  show  where 
once  was  the  original  surface. 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          185 

About  the  2/th  of  September  we  came  in  sight 
of  Pike's  Peak.  It  is  a  lofty  monarch,  with  no  as 
sociate  to  dispute  its  pre-eminence.  Long's  Peak 
came  into  view  two  days  later,  but,  springing  from 
the  main  chain,  upon  approach  does  not  appear  so 
high,  although  it  is  a  few  hundred  feet  higher. 

On  the  29th  we  got  the  first  fine  view  of  the 
mountains.  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  the  beau 
ty  or  sublimity  of  the  scene,  but  will  simply  state 
that  we  stood  on  a  high  divide.  Below  was  a  beau 
tiful  table-land,  extending  to  the  base  of  the  mount 
ain  ;  to  our  left  was  Pike's  Peak,  over  thirteen  thou 
sand  feet  high  ;  to  our  right  was  Long's  Peak,  with 
still  greater  altitude.  Connecting  them,  a  distance 
of  nearly  sixty  miles,  was  a  lofty  range,  its  crest  be 
ing  nearly  horizontal,  but  varied  occasionally  by 
bold  and  rugged  summits,  often  a  thousand  feet  or 
more  above  the  range  to  the  right  of  Long's  Peak, 
and,  extending  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  ap 
peared  the  lofty  peaks  of  the  Snowy  Range.  Three 
hundred  feet  below  us  lay  the  valley  of  Cherry 
Creek,  which  winds  its  way  to  the  Platte,  its  course 
being  visible  by  the  trees  that  line  its  banks. 

Add  to  this  the  fact  that  the  sun  had  but  just 
risen,  and  I  will  leave  to  your  imagination  to  sup 
ply  the  picture.  I  never  saw  beauty  and  sublimity 
so  magnificently  blended,  and  felt  that  that  one 
scene  would  more  than  compensate  a  year's  toil  and 
privation. 

We  arrived  at  Denver  on  the  evening  of  the 
29th.  It  lies  at  the  mouth  of  Cherry  Creek,  and, 
though  but  six  years  old,  has  a  population  of  four 
thousand.  The  people  of  the  Territory  are,  of 


1 86  Emory  Upton. 

course,  not  so  polished  as  Eastern  people,  but  I 
have  met  many  nice  gentlemen.  Prices  are  enor 
mously  high.  Board  at  hotels  is  one  hundred  and 
thirty-five  dollars  per  month,  and  other  things  in 
proportion.  I  shall  soon  go  over  my  district  on  an 
inspection  tour,  and  will  have  a  fine  opportunity  to 
see  the  scenery,  which  I  am  satisfied  rivals  any  in 
the  world.  I  will  write  anything  that  may  be  of 
interest. 

During  his  service  in  Colorado  Upton  made  fre 
quent  inspections  of  his  command,  and,  as  was  his 
custom,  learned  all  that  he  could  in  regard  to  mat 
ters  going  on  about  him.  The  mining  interests 
were,  of  course,  all-absorbing  to  the  people  of  Den 
ver  and  its  vicinity,  and  he  neglected  no  opportu 
nity  of  watching  the  development  of  the  methods 
of  mining  and  reducing  the  ore  containing  the  pre 
cious  metals.  He  foresaw  that  great  changes  would 
be  brought  about  by  the  building  of  the  Pacific  Rail 
road,  and  that  its  completion  would  give  a  marked 
impetus  to  all  branches  of  industry.  To  familiarize 
himself  with  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  his  military 
district  and  with  the  country,  he  visited  Fort  Hal- 
leek,  from  which  he  returned  in  October,  and  after 
ward  made  a  trip  to  the  mountain-region  west  of  Den 
ver.  He  thoroughly  examined  the  mineral  region 
of  Black  Hawk,  Central  City,  and  Empire,  and  thus 
added  greatly  to  his  store  of  useful  knowledge.  On 
his  return  from  his  first  expedition  he  sent  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  his  superior  military  authority,  wherein 
he  exhibits  the  indignation  of  an  honest  man  at  the 
evidences  of  rascality  that  came  under  his  notice : 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.         187 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  COLORADO, 
DENVER,  COLORADO,  October  14,  1865. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  I  beg  leave  to  write  you 
privately  and  unofficially  in  regard  to  my  position 
as  commanding  officer  of  this  district.  In  sending 
me  out  here  you  informed  me  that  there  were  many 
abuses  which  you  expected  me  to  correct,  and  I  was 
specially  enjoined  to  retrench  in  every  possible  man 
ner  the  expenses  of  the  Government.  As  an  officer 
I  felt  complimented  by  the  trust  you  reposed  in  me, 
and  I  came  out  with  the  earnest  desire  to  carry  out, 
in  the  most  minute  particulars,  your  orders  and 
wishes  in  regard  to  the  expenditures  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  As  an  officer,  I  have  always  acted  on  the 
principle  that  there  was  but  one  course  to  pursue, 
and  that  was  the  straight  line  of  duty.  I  was  edu 
cated  to  believe  that  a  public  dollar  was  as  sacred 
as  a  private  one,  and,  to  the  extent  that  I  am,  or  may 
be,  its  custodian,  I  will  ever  be  faithful  to  my  trust. 

I  find  myself  surrounded  by  a  set  of  unscrupu 
lous  contractors  and  speculators,  who  regard  the 
public  money  as  their  legitimate  plunder.  I  will 
defeat  their  villainous  schemes  to  the  utmost,  be  the 
consequences  to  me  what  they  may.  I  expect,  in 
the  fearless  discharge  of  my  official  duties,  to  call 
down  upon  my  head  the  venom  of  the  entire  class ; 
and,  as  they  have  heretofore  been  all-powerful 
through  the  money  they  have  stolen  from  the  Gov 
ernment,  I  would  not  at  any  time  be  surprised  were 
they  to  secure  my  removal.  I  therefore  write  you, 
general,  to  acquaint  you  with  the  situation.  All 
that  I  ask  is  to  be  supported  by  my  superior  offi 
cers,  and  if,  by  the  faithful  discharge  of  my  duties, 


1 88  Emory  Upton. 

I  secure  their  commendation,  I  shall  care  nothing 
for  the  abuse  or  vituperation  of  a  horde  of  defeated 
speculators.  I  have  just  returned  from  an  inspec 
tion  of  Fort  Halleck  and  Camp  Ward  well,  and  will 
immediately  forward  official  report. 

I  trust  you  will  not  consider  that  I  have  tran 
scended  the  bounds  of  official  propriety  in  address 
ing  this  communication. 

During  Upton's  sojourn  in  Colorado,  the  reduc 
tion  and  reorganization  of  the  army  were  engaging 
the  attention  of  the  Washington  authorities.  He 
knew  that  a  very  short  service  would  soon  terminate 
his  career  as  a  general  officer  of  volunteers,  and  that 
he  would  then  return  to  his  lineal  rank  as  a  captain 
of  artillery  in  the  regular  army. 

He  hoped,  however,  that  in  the  reorganization 
he  would  be  offered  higher  rank  in  one  of  the  new 
regiments  than  his  present  lineal  rank  of  captain, 
and  he  had  assurances  from  distinguished  officers, 
whose  influence  would  have  great  weight,  that  his 
claims  and  services  would  not  be  overlooked.  Nev 
ertheless,  being  far  distant  from  the  seat  of  govern 
ment,  he  well  knew  that  there  would  be  great  press 
ure  and  strong  influence  brought  to  bear  to  advance 
the  claims  of  other  distinguished  officers,  and  he 
therefore  awaited  the  result  with  some  anxiety. 
This  anxiety  would  have  been  the  less  readily  borne 
had  not  other  matters  pressed  upon  him  and  occu 
pied  every  moment  of  his  leisure  time. 

His  profession  was  a  continual  study  and  em 
ployment  for  him.  He  loved  it  and  devoted  all  his 
thoughts  to  it.  While  the  war  was  in  progress,  he 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          189 

omitted  no  opportunity  to  study  the  details  that  are 
so  often  accepted  unquestioned  by  ordinary  men. 
Being  eminently  practical,  and  full  of  enthusiasm, 
he  never  hesitated  to  examine  into  the  merits  of  the 
accepted  practices  of  military  movements  and  drill. 
Without  being  an  iconoclast,  he  had  no  special  rev 
erence  for  established  usages,  simply  because  they 
had  the  authority  of  age.  He  preferred  rather  to 
test  all  things  by  the  standard  of  utility,  and  in  this 
spirit  his  mind  was  early  directed  to  investigate  the 
subject  of  the  tactics  for  infantry  troops.  He  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  tactics  in  vogue  were  ca 
pable  of  great  improvement,  and,  having  frequent 
opportunities  of  testing  the  matter  in  the  field,  his 
opinions  became  strengthened  and  to  himself  con 
clusive. 

In  the  spring  of  1864  Upton  began  to  formulate 
his  ideas ;  and,  having  convinced  himself  that  he 
had  good  grounds  for  the  prosecution  of  his  labors, 
he  exhibited  a  practical  illustration  of  his  method  for 
the  evolutions  of  a  regiment,  by  applying  it  to  a  bat 
talion  of  the  Second  Connecticut  Volunteer  Artil 
lery,  in  the  presence  of  some  distinguished  general 
officers,  a  few  days  before  the  battle  of  Winchester. 
The  success  attending  this  trial,  and  the  encourage 
ment  of  those  witnessing  it,  gave  him  the  support 
he  needed  and  heart  enough  to  continue  its  devel 
opment.  Upon  recovering  from  the  wound  he  re 
ceived  at  the  battle  of  Winchester  he  sought  serv 
ice  in  the  cavalry,  in  order  to  make  himself  familiar 
with  this  arm  of  the  service ;  and  the  active  cam 
paign  of  Selma,  in  which  the  cavalry,  armed  with 
the  Spencer  carbine,  acted  mostly  as  mounted  in- 


Emory  Upton. 

fantry,  was  of  the  greatest  value  to  him  in  this  im 
portant  field  of  professional  study.  Tactics  became 
the  theme  of  his  daily  conversation,  engrossed  his 
mind  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  everything  else, 
and  he  drew  from  every  battle-field  its  important 
lesson. 

We  have  before  remarked  that  he  possessed,  in 
a  remarkable  degree,  the  coup-cToeil  militaire,  by 
which  the  general  features  of  the  ground  over 
which  his  troops  were  operating  were  impressed 
on  his  mind.  This  enabled  him  to  foresee,  in  a 
measure,  the  possibilities  of  a  battle,  and  to  deter 
mine  the  probable  movements  of  bodies  of  troops 
from  one  position  to  another.  He  imagined  how 
this  might  best  be  done,  taking  into  consideration 
the  important  element  of  time,  and  thus  the  proba 
ble  and  possible  changes  whereby  the  point  of  at 
tack  might  be  modified.  This  led  him  to  consider 
the  tactical  movements  by  which  these  changes 
could  be  effected  in  the  best  manner  and  with  the 
least  confusion. 

The  authorized  infantry  tactics  which  were  in 
use  during  the  war  were  those  of  General  Casey. 
They  were  based  on  the  French  tactics  of  1831  and 
1845,  which  had  served  also  as  the  model  of  the 
tactics  of  General  Scott  and  of  Colonel  Hardee, 
which  preceded  those  of  General  Casey.  This  offi 
cer,  in  submitting  his  revision  to  the  War  Depart 
ment,  states :  "  Most  undoubtedly  there  are  still  im 
provements  to  be  made ;  but  if  the  system  here  set 
forth  shall  in  any  manner  cause  our  armies  to  act 
with  more  efficiency  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  thus 
subserve  the  cause  of  our  beloved  country  in  this 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          191 

her  hour  of  trial,  my  most  heart-felt  wishes  will  have 
been  attained." 

His  system  was  used  during  the  war.  "  Its  mer 
its  and  demerits  had  been  subjected  to  the  test  of 
practice  and  experience,"  and  Upton  believed  that 
there  were  sufficient  reasons  for  a  revision  of  the 
system.  From  the  summer  of  1864  until  early  in 
1866  he  studied  this  important  subject  in  its  theory 
and  practice,  and,  having  brought  his  labor  to  the 
point  where  he  could  present  a  new  system  to  the 
military  authorities  for  their  approval  or  condemna 
tion,  he  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Adju 
tant-General  of  the  Army : 

HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  COLORADO,  January  13,  1866. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 

Assistant  Adjutant-General  United  States  Army. 

SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  request  to  be  ordered 
to  Washington,  for  the  purpose  of  submitting  to  the 
Honorable  Secretary  of  War,  or  to  a  Board  of  Gen 
eral  Officers,  to  be  convened  by  him,  a  new  system 
of  infantry  tactics,  with  a  view  to  its  adoption  for 
the  infantry  of  the  United  States  Army  and  the  mili 
tia  throughout  the  United  States. 

The  system  differs  fundamentally  from  the  old 
or  French  system,  now  in  use,  the  unit  being  a  front 
of  four  men.  It  is  believed  to  be  superior  to  the 
old  system  : 

First.  In  abolishing  the  facings,  and  substituting 
wheeling  by  fours,  hereby  forming  a  column  of 
fours,  which  you  are  enabled  to  form  directly  to  the 
right,  to  the  left,  to  the  front,  and,  by  wheeling 


192  Emory  Upton. 

about  to  the  rear,  into  line,  presenting  always  the 
front  rank  to  the  enemy. 

Second.  It  takes  no  cognizance  of  inversions, 
and  enables  a  battalion  or  brigade  commander  to 
form  line  in  any  direction  with  the  utmost  facility 
and  ease. 

Third.  The  number  of  commands  has  been  re 
duced,  and  there  is  greater  uniformity  among  them. 

Fourth.  It  is  more  simple  and  less  voluminous. 

The  system  when  presented  will  embrace  the 
school  of  the  soldier,  the  school  of  the  company, 
instructions  for  skirmishers,  the  school  of  the  bat 
talion,  evolutions  of  the  brigade,  and  corps  d'arme'e, 
and  an  appendix  embracing  evolutions  of  a  battalion 
and  brigade  in  single  rank. 

The  feats  of  dismounted  cavalry,  armed  with  the 
Spencer  carbine,  in  both  the  East  and  West,  have 
demonstrated  the  fact  that  one  rank  of  men  so 
armed  is  nearly,  if  not  quite,  equal  in  offensive  or 
defensive  power  to  two  ranks  armed  with  the 
Springfield  musket.  If  this  be  admitted,  a  one-rank 
tactics  becomes  necessary  for  a  certain  proportion 
of  troops,  especially  those  designed  to  turn  or  oper 
ate  on  the  enemy's  flank. 

The  principle  of  fours  enables  troops  to  be 
brought  on  to  the  field  in  two  ranks  ;  to  be  expanded 
into  a  single  rank  by  a  simple  command  ;  and  often 
to  be  manoeuvred  by  the  same  commands  as  in  two 
ranks. 

This  can  not  be  done  by  the  old  tactics  without 
an  entire  change  of  commands. 

I  would  state  that  three  days  before  the  battle 
of  Winchester,  in  the  presence  of  Brigadier-General 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          193 

D.  A.  Russell  and  other  officers,  I  applied  the  prin 
ciple  of  fours  to  a  battalion  of  the  Second  Connecti 
cut  Heavy  Artillery  with  complete  success ;  and  I 
have  every  confidence  that  were  a  Board  of  Officers 
to  be  convened  at  West  Point,  New  York,  I  could, 
by  a  single  application  of  the  principle  to  the  bat 
talion  of  cadets,  fully  establish,  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  Board,  the  superiority  above  claimed. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

EMORY  UPTON, 
Brevet  Major-General,  United  States  Volunteers. 

While  at  Denver,  attending  to  his  duties  as  dis 
trict  commander,  Upton  had  found  time  to  perform 
all  the  necessary  labor  incident  to  this  construction 
of  his  system,  and,  on  February  I  ith,  he  writes  to  his 
sister :  "  My  tactics  being  finished,  I  have  had  quite 
a  play-spell  for  the  past  week.  I  am  now  looking 
forward  to  the  adoption  of  the  tactics  by  the  War 
Department,  and,  if  successful,  shall  feel  that  I  have 
established  a  solid  reputation."  But  he  soon  found 
that  his  work  was  by  no  means  completed,  for  on 
the  6th  of  April  he  again  writes :  "  I  have  been  ex 
tremely  busy  for  the  last  six  weeks,  and  it  will  no 
doubt  surprise  you  when  I  tell  you  my  tactics  are 
not  yet  finished.  The  manuscript  was  completed 
some  time  since,  but  the  plates,  which  I  supposed 
could  be  easily  drawn,  have  occupied  much  more 
time  than  I  anticipated.  My  knowledge  of  the  rule 
and  triangle  has  again  been  brought  into  requisition, 
and  I  feel  quite  like  a  student.  It  will  require  two 
or  three  weeks  yet  to  complete  the  work,  and  have 
it  in  every  sense  ready  for  examination  and  publi- 


194  Emory  Upton. 

cation.  I  shall  then  be  ready  to  go  East.  Should 
the  work  not  be  adopted,  I  shall  have  it  published, 
but  I  have  no  misgiving,  as  the  principle  is  new  and 
entitled  to  consideration.  Were  my  tactics  but  a 
revision  of  the  present  system,  with  a  few  unimpor 
tant  movements  added,  I  would  not  be  sanguine,  but 
as  they  aim  at  a  complete  revolution,  and  are  far 
more  simple,  my  confidence  increases  with  every 
comparison  I  make.  You  need  fear  no  evil  effects 
upon  me  if  disappointed,  which  I  do  not  consider 
possible,  as  I  have  military  men  to  deal  with,  who 
will  adopt  that  system  of  tactics  which  is  best  for 
the  army." 

On  the  3oth  of  April,  1866,  Upton  was  mustered 
out  of  the  volunteer  service,  and  returned  to  his 
rank  in  the  regular  army  as  captain  of  the  Fifth 
Regiment  of  Artillery,  to  which  he  had  been  pro 
moted  February  22,  1865. 

During  the  delay  which  he  was  authorized  to 
take  before  joining  his  regiment,  he  visited  his  home, 
and  was  also  permitted  to  come  to  Washington. 
While  at  the  latter  place  he  doubtless  urged  his 
views  in  regard  to  his  tactics,  and  impressed  them 
upon  the  authorities  there  with  such  effect  as  to 
secure  the  appointment  of  a  Board  for  their  consid 
eration.  Accordingly,  on  June  5,  1866,  a  Board, 
consisting  of  Colonels  H.  B.  Glitz  and  H.  M.  Black, 
General  Griffin,  and  Captain  Van  Horn,  was  con 
vened  to  meet  at  West  Point,  New  York,  "  for  the 
purpose  of  recommending  such  changes  in  author 
ized  infantry  tactics  as  shall  make  them  simple  and 
complete,  or  the  adoption  of  any  new  system  that 
may  be  presented  to  it,  if  such  change  be  deemed 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          195 

advisable.  The  Board  will  examine  and  report  on 
any  system  of  infantry  tactics  that  may  be  presented 
to  it ;  and  the  superintendent  of  the  Military  Acad 
emy  will  give  it  facilities  for  testing  with  the  bat 
talion  of  cadets  the  value  of  any  system.  Brevet- 
Colonel  E.  Upton,  Fifth  United  States  Artillery,  is 
authorized  to  visit  West  Point,  New  York,  to  pre 
sent  his  system  to  the  Board." 

General  Griffin  was,  however,  relieved  from  this 
Board  June  8th,  at  his  own  request,  and  General  R. 
B.  Ayres,  Captain  Fifth  Artillery,  was  detailed  in 
his  stead. 

On  July  1 8th  General  Upton  was  ordered  to 
report  to  the  President  of  the  Board,  and  to  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  exhibit  his  tactics  in  the 
school  of  the  battalion  to  the  Board. 

The  result  of  the  investigations  of  this  Board, 
together  with  the  indorsement  of  General  Grant 
upon  its  report,  is  given  in  the  following  papers: 

WEST  POINT,  NEW  YORK(  January,  1867. 
To  the  Adjutant-General  U.  S.  A.,  Washington  City, 

D,  C. 

GENERAL:  The  Board  of  Officers  assembled  at 
this  place  by  virtue  of  Special  Orders  Nos.  264  and 
272,  of  June  5th  and  8th,  1866,  War  Department, 
Adjutant-General's  Office,  "  for  the  purpose  of  rec 
ommending  such  changes  in  authorized  infantry 
tactics  as  shall  make  them  simple  and  complete,  or 
the  adoption  of  any  new  system  that  may  be  pre 
sented  to  it,  if  such  change  be  deemed  advisable," 
has  the  honor  to  report  that,  after  a  careful  trial 
and  scrutiny  of  the  different  systems  presented, 


196  Emory  Upton. 

the  Board  has  unanimously  decided  to  recommend 
the  adoption  of  Brevet  Major -General  Upton's 
system,  a  printed  copy  of  which  is  herewith  trans 
mitted. 

In  making  the  examination,  the  Board  suggested 
certain  alterations,  not  affecting  the  general  prin 
ciples,  which  were  readily  concurred  in  by  the  au 
thor. 

(Signed)  H.  B.  GLITZ, 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Sixth  Infantry  and  Brevet  Colonel, 
President  of  the  Board. 

R.  B.  AYRES, 
Brevet  Major-General  United  States  Army. 

H.  M.  BLACK, 
Major  Seventh  Infantry  and  Brevet  Colonel. 

J.  J.  VAN  HORN, 
Captain  Eighth  Infantry  and  Brevet  Major,  Recorder. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  4,  1867. 

Hon.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  the 
report  of  the  Board  of  Officers  convened  by  Special 
Orders  No.  264,  War  Department,  Adjutant-Gen 
eral's  Office,  of  date  June  5,  1866,  "  for  the  purpose 
of  recommending  such  changes  in  the  authorized 
infantry  tactics  as  shall  make  them  simple  and  com 
plete,  or  the  adoption  of  any  new  system  that  may 
be  presented  to  it,  if  such  change  be  deemed  ad 
visable." 

Having  examined  this  report,  I  concur  fully  with 
the  Board,  and  recommend  the  immediate  adoption 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          197 

of  "  Upton's  Infantry  Tactics,  Double  and  Single 
Rank/'  as  the  text-book  for  the  Military  Academy 
and  the  standard  tactics  for  the  armies  of  the  United 
States. 

I  have  seen  the  system  applied  to  company  and 
battalion  drills,  and  am  fully  satisfied  of  its  superior 
merits  and  adaptability  to  our  service  ;  besides,  it  is 
no  translation,  but  a  purely  American  work.  The 
Board  by  which  it  was  examined  and  recommended 
was  composed  of  officers  of  ability  and  experience, 
and  I  do  not  think  any  further  examination  by 
boards  necessary. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

U.  S.  GRANT,  General. 

Notwithstanding  this  gratifying  recommenda 
tion  of  his  system  by  the  Board  of  June  5th,  and  its 
strong  support  by  the  General  of  the  Army,  oppo 
sition  to  it  began  to  develop.  This  opposition 
naturally  caused  the  War  Department  to  hesitate 
before  acting  as  the  General  of  the  Army  had  rec 
ommended,  and  to  decide  upon  convening  a  new 
Board,  composed  of  officers  of  such  distinguished 
rank  and  ability  that  its  recommendation  would 
carry  the  greatest  weight  possible,  and  to  which 
the  views  of  officers  opposed  to  the  change  were 
also  to  be  submitted.  Accordingly,  the  War  Depart 
ment  issued  the  following  order : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 

WASHINGTON,  June  n,  1867. 
Special  Orders,  No.  300. 

A  Board  will  assemble  at  West  Point,  New  York, 
to  take  into  consideration  the  system  of  infantry 


198  Emory  Upton. 

tactics  prepared  by  Brevet  Major-General  E.  Up 
ton,  United  States  Army,  and  will  report  its  opin 
ion,  whether  the  said  tactics  should  be  adopted  as 
the  system  for  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  in 
lieu  of  all  others.  The  Board  will  be  composed  as 
follows : 

General  U.  S.  Grant,  United  States  Army ;  Ma 
jor-General  G.  G.  Meade,  United  States  Army ; 
Brevet  Major-General  E.  R.  S.  Canby,  United  States 
Army  ;  Brevet  Major-General  W.  F.  Barry,  Colonel 
Second  United  States  Artillery ;  Brevet  Brigadier- 
General  W.  N.  Grier,  Colonel  Third  United  States 
Cavalry ;  Brevet  Colonel  H.  M.  Black,  Major  Sev 
enth  United  States  Infantry. 

By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War  : 
E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 

Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

This  Board,  after  witnessing  practical  illustra 
tions  of  Upton's  tactics  in  the  principles  of  the 
school  of  the  company,  by  a  company  of  cadets 
and  by  a  company  of  engineer  troops,  and  in  those 
of  the  school  of  the  battalion,  and  in  skirmish-drill, 
during  successive  days,  examined  General  Upton 
in  such  theoretical  movements  as  were  suggested 
by  the  members  of  the  Board,  and  which  could  not 
be  practically  illustrated  on  the  field.  The  Board 
then  carefully  considered  the  papers  presented  to  it 
by  Generals  Casey,  Morris,  H.  J.  Hunt,  and  T.  W. 
Sherman,  and  the  reply  of  General  Upton  to  the 
latter's  objections  to  his  system.  This  reply  was  as 
follows : 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          199 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Apiil  6,  1867. 

MAJOR  GEORGE  K.  LEET, 

Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

SIR  :  The  communication  of  Brevet  Major-Gen 
eral  T.  W.  Sherman,  Colonel  Third  United  States 
Artillery,  setting  forth  what  he  considers  to  be  vital 
defects  in  my  system  of  infantry  tactics,  having1  been 
referred  to  me  by  the  General-in-Chief,  I  have  the 
honor  to  submit  the  following  remarks : 

"  The  root  of  all  the  objections  of  importance 
that  appears  "  is  found  in  my  omission  or  prohibi 
tion  of  manoeuvres  by  the  rear  rank. 

The  chief  advantage  claimed  for  the  system  is 
the  adoption  of  a  front  of  four  men  as  a  unit,  the 
men  of  which,  both  front  and  rear  rank,  preserve  or 
maintain  in  all  movements  a  constant  relation  to 
each  other. 

The  movement  of  "fours  right  or  left  about," 
whether  in  column  or  in  line,  places  the  troops 
facing  in  the  opposite  directions  with  the  same  free 
dom  to  manoeuvre  as  before,  and  with  the  front  rank 
in  front,  which,  as  in  all  armies  the  best  soldiers  are 
to  be  found  in  the  front  rank,  is  not  only  decidedly 
advantageous,  but  abolishes  all  necessity  for  ma 
noeuvres  by  the  rear  rank,  especially  when  not  in 
the  presence  of  the  enemy. 

In  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  whether  moving 
toward  or  from  him,  General  Sherman  maintains 
that  the  only  "practicable  mode"  of  facing,  or 
marching  in  the  opposite  direction,  is  by  the  "  indi 
vidual  about  or  the  about  face." 

Two  general  cases  can  arise,  viz.,  the  troops  may 
or  may  not  be  under  the  enemy's  fire.  If  not  un- 


2OO  Emory  Upton. 

der  fire,  then  the  "  fours  right  or  left  about "  is,  of 
course,  practicable,  and  retains  all  the  advantages 
previously  mentioned.  If  under  fire,  the  tactics 
prescribe  that  the  unity  of  the  fours  will  be  pre 
served  as  long  as  possible,  and,  as  casualties  occur 
in  the  front  rank,  the  vacancies  will  be  filled  from 
the  rear  rank. 

This  provision  then,  theoretically,  preserves  the 
units  until  fifty  per  cent  of  the  men  are  placed  hors 
de  combat,  and  it  must  necessarily  follow  that,  no 
matter  how  severe  the  fire  of  the  enemy  may  be,  so 
long  as  the  men  are  cool,  remain  in  their  ranks,  and 
are  under  the  command  of  their  officers,  just  so  long  is 
the  "  fours  right  or  left  about "  equally  practicable 
with  the  "  about  face  "  ;  and  further,  in  marching  to 
the  rear  is  preferable,  inasmuch  as  all  the  men  will 
be  in  their  usual  places,  and  the  march  of  the  line 
will  be  steady,  whereas  by  the  "  about  face  "  every 
man  will  not  only  be  out  of  place,  but  will  feel  out 
of  place ;  the  poorest  soldiers  and  marchers  will  be 
in  front,  and  the  march  of  the  line  will  naturally  be 
unsteady. 

In  support  of  this  latter  statement,  it  is  but  neces 
sary  to  refer  to  any  one's  cadet  experience,  when  he 
will  remember  that,  in  every  instance  when  the 
battalion  was  faced  about,  manoeuvred  by  the  rear 
rank,  not  only  were  there  crowding  and  unsteadi 
ness,  but  that  the  precision  of  the  movements  never 
equaled  that  by  the  front  rank. 

General  Sherman's  assertion  that  the  about  face 
is  alone  practicable  under  the  immediate  fire  of  the 
enemy  leads  me  naturally  to  infer  that  it  is  practi 
cable  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances.  The 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          201 

principal  object  of  tactics  is  to  prepare  or  to  dispose 
troops  for  battle.  Now,  in  every  battle,  as  every 
infantry  officer  of  experience  well  knows,  there  is  a 
time  when  all  consideration  for  tactics  is  lost ;  it  is 
when  the  opposing1  lines  come  within  deadly  range, 
and  mutually  engage  each  other  with  the  determi 
nation  to  conquer.  At  this  time  everything  depends 
upon  the  discipline  and  courage  of  the  officers,  and 
as  success  or  defeat  must  ensue,  whichever  line  is 
compelled  to  give  ground  will  yield  it  in  disorder 
and  confusion,  and  not  till  it  is  rallied  can  tactics 
again  be  applied. 

Under  such  circumstances,  when  the  enemy  is 
pouring  in  his  fire  at  short  range,  not  only  is  the 
"  about  face  insuring  the  preservation  of  unity  and 
solidity  "  impracticable,  but  it  would  be  criminal  for 
a  colonel  to  command  and  attempt  to  execute  "  cease 
firing,"  "  battalion  about  face,"  "  forward  march." 

It  is  only  under  the  circumstances  here  stated 
that  the  units  of  four  can  be  destroyed,  and,  as  in 
general  regiments  either  recoil  before  sustaining  a 
loss  of  fifty  per  cent,  or  else  are  victorious,  I  can 
see  no  weight  to  the  objections  raised.  If  the  regi 
ments  recoil,  the  tactics  will  not  be  required  till 
they  are  rallied  in  the  rear ;  if  they  are  victorious, 
they  should  be  reformed  immediately  and  again 
called  off,  which  will  give  new  and  intact  units.  All 
the  movements  by  fours  are  simple,  quick,  and  me 
chanical.  I  have  applied  them  to  volunteer  infant 
ry  and  cavalry,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  general- 
in-chief  to  the  battalion  of  cadets,  and  never  yet 
have  seen  any  confusion  or  unsteadiness,  even 
while  teaching  the  principles. 


2O2  Emory  Upton. 

General  Sherman  was  at  West  Point  last  sum 
mer  while  the  Tactical  Board  was  in  session.  He 
presented  to  me  then  these  same  objections,  and 
doubtless  mentioned  them  to  the  Board.  I  know 
that  the  subject  was  thoroughly  discussed,  and  that 
the  Board  decided  that  there  was  no  necessity  for 
manoeuvres  by  the  rear  rank. 

The  battalion  of  cadets  was  placed  at  the  dis 
posal  of  the  Board,  and  whenever  differences  of 
opinion  arose  respecting  an  important  principle  the 
matter  was  settled  by  actual  experiment.  General 
Sherman  states  that  there  are  other  points  which 
invite  discussion,  but,  as  he  admits  that  they  violate 
no  important  principle,  he  omits  to  remark  them. 
To  this  it  may  be  replied  that  no  system  of  tactics 
could  be  elaborated,  either  by  an  individual  or  by 
a  Board,  to  which  some  objections  would  not  be 
found. 

After  a  week's  careful  examination  and  deliber 
ation,  the  Board,  on  the  I5th  of  July,  decided  upon 
the  following  report : 

The  Board  has  fully  considered  the  subject 
committed  to  it  by  the  War  Department's  special 
order  (No.  300),  and,  in  addition  to  the  study  of  the 
text,  has  witnessed  the  practical  illustration  of  the 
most  important  principles  involved  in  the  new  sys 
tem  of  tactics.  The  only  important  omissions  in  its 
examination  were  the  manual  of  arms  in  the  school 
of  the  soldier,  the  formation  of  squares  in  the  school 
of  the  battalion,  and  all  evolutions  of  the  line. 

The  first  varies,  of  course,  with  the  arm,  and  for 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          203 

the  same  arm  must,  of  course,  be  the  same  in  all 
branches  of  the  service  ;  in  the  second  (formation  of 
squares),  the  principles  are  the  same  as  in  existing 
systems ;  and  the  third  (the  evolutions  of  the  line) 
could  not  be  practically  illustrated  by  reason  of  the 
small  number  of  troops  present. 

The  general  advantages  of  the  new  system  are : 

1.  Its  easy  application  to  all  the  arms  of  the 
service,  leaving  nothing  additional  to  any  special 
branch,  except  the  manual  of  the  arm  with  which 
it  fights,  the  adaptation  of  the  words  of  command, 
the  training  of  animals,  and  the  management  and 
care  of  the  material  with  which  it  is  equipped. 

2.  The    readiness   with    which    the    principles 
may  be  acquired  by  new  troops,  abbreviating  ma 
terially  the  time  required  to  fit  them  for  the  field, 
and  practically  extending  the  effective  term  of  serv 
ice  of  the  soldier.     This  is  of  great  importance  in 
its  relation  to  the  volunteer  force,  of  which,  in  all 
great  wars,  our  armies  must  be  largely  composed. 

The  special  advantages  are  : 

That  it  dispenses  with  the  manoeuvres  by  the 
rear  rank,  by  inversion,  and  the  countermarch,  and 
substitutes  therefor  rapid  and  simple  conversion  of 
front,  and  changes  from  column  into  line. 

That  it  increases  the  number  of  modes  of  pass 
ing  from  the  order  in  column  to  the  order  in  line, 
facing  in  any  direction ;  diminishes  the  time  re 
quired  for  these  changes,  and  preserves  always  the 
front  rank  in  front ;  advantages  of  vital  importance 
in  the  presence  and  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

That  it  provides  for  all  column  movements  re 
quired  in  an  open  country,  and,  by  the  column  in 


2O4  Emory  Upton. 

fours,  for  the  movements  necessary  in  narrow  roads, 
wooded  or  obstructed  countries,  without  the  exten 
sion  incident  to  ordinary  movements  by  the  flank. 

That  it  provides  for  a  single-rank  formation 
specially  adapted  to  the  use  of  breech-loaders. 

That  it  provides  for  a  system  of  skirmishing 
from  double  or  single  rank  superior  for  offense  or 
defense  to  any  existing  system. 

The  Board  therefore  recommends  that  the  sys 
tem  of  infantry  tactics  prepared  by  Brevet  Major- 
General  E.  Upton,  United  States  Army,  be  adopted 
as  the  system  for  the  armies  of  the  United  States  in 
the  place  of  all  others,  and  that,  so  soon  as  a  sufficient 
time  shall  have  elapsed  for  the  correction  of  any 
errors  of  arrangement  or  detail,  Boards  for  the 
special  arms  may  be  appointed  for  the  purpose  of 
adapting  the  tactics  of  their  arms  to  the  system  now 
recommended. 

U.  S.  GRANT,   General. 

GEORGE  G.  MEADE, 

Major-General,  United  States  Army. 

EDWARD  R.  S.  CANBY, 

Brigadier  and  Brevet  Major-  General,  United  States  Army 

WILLIAM  F.  BARRY, 

Colonel  Second  Artillery,  Brevet  Major-General, 

United  States  Army. 

WILLIAM  N.  GRIER, 

Colonel  Third  United  States  Cavalry,  Brevet  Brigadier-General. 

H.  M.  BLACK, 

Major  Seventh  Infantry,  Brevet  Colonel,  United  States  Army. 

Approved,  and  referred  to  the  Adjutant- General 
August  i,  1867. 

E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.         205 

On  the  ist  of  August,  1867,  General  Orders  No. 
73,  from  the  Adjutant-General's  office  of  the  army, 
ultimately  adopted  the  new  system  of  infantry  tac 
tics  for  the  United  States  Army,  and  for  the  observ 
ance  of  the  militia  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the 
23d  of  August  it  was  adopted  and  prescribed  for 
the  infantry  forces  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

During  the  period  when  the  tactics  were  being 
examined  and  tested,  and  for  a  long  time  subse 
quently,  Upton's  system  was  the  subject  of  a  great 
deal  of  criticism,  both  favorable  and  unfavorable. 
Upton  himself  took  no  part  in  the  public  discussion, 
which  was  mainly  carried  on  in  the  columns  of  the 
"  Army  and  Navy  Journal."  He  was,  nevertheless, 
exceedingly  interested  in  all  that  was  said,  and,  nat 
urally  being  open  to  conviction,  he  readily  took  the 
proper  steps  to  correct  whatever  appeared  to  be 
defects  in  the  minute  details,  but  held  unshaken 
ground  upon  the  spirit  of  his  system.  He  was  over 
whelmed  with  correspondence  after  the  tactics  were 
adopted,  and  received  thousands  of  letters  asking 
information  upon  hundreds  of  little  unimportant 
points.  All  these  letters  were  conscientiously  an 
swered,  and  his  answers  were  always  marked  with 
his  native  courtesy.  Often,  when  almost  overcome 
by  this  sort  of  annoyance,  he  felt  that,  could  he  have 
foreseen  the  great  labor  and  trouble  which  resulted, 
he  would  have  hesitated  long  before  undertaking 
such  a  task. 

It  will  be  seen,  by  a  reference  to  the  report  of  the 
Board  of  which  General  Grant  was  president,  that 
this  Board  mentioned  as  among  the  advantages  of 
Upton's  system  "  its  easy  application  to  all  arms  of 


206  Emory  Upton. 

the  service."  The  natural  sequence  of  this  com 
mendation  was  an  attempt  made  to  assimilate  the 
tactics  of  the  three  arms  of  the  service,  and  to  this 
end  a  Board  was  assembled  at  Fort  Leavenworth, 
Kansas,  about  the  I5th  of  September,  1869,  "  to  prac 
tically  test  the  systems  heretofore  adopted  for  the 
artillery,  cavalry,  and  infantry  arms  of  service ;  to 
reconcile  all  differences ;  to  select  the  best  forms  of 
command,  and  of  drum  and  bugle  signals,  and  to 
submit  for  the  approval  of  the  War  Department  at 
as  early  a  date  as  practicable  the  approved  copies, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  printed  in  a  uniform  and 
convenient  edition,  and  published  for  the  govern 
ment  of  the  army  and  militia  of  the  United  States. 
The  Board  will  be  composed  as  follows :  Major- 
General  J.  M.  Schofield,  United  States  Army ;  Bre 
vet  Brigadier -General  J.  H.  Potter,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Fourth  Infantry;  Brevet  Major -General 
Wesley  Merritt,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ninth  Cavalry  ; 
Major  James  Van  Voast,  Eighteenth  Infantry ;  Bre 
vet  Colonel  John  Hamilton,  Major  First  Artillery." 

General  Upton  undertook  the  revision  of  his  tac 
tics,  and  in  his  endeavor  to  overcome  the  difficulties 
imposed  upon  him  by  the  requirements  of  this  as 
similation,  although  very  much  hampered,  he  never 
theless  succeeded  in  removing  all  of  the  more  serious 
obstacles. 

The  labors  of  this  Board  did  not  completely  solve 
the  problem,  nor  finally  remove  all  the  difficulties. 
Its  proceedings  were  ultimately  submitted  to  another 
board,  composed  of  General  Upton,  Colonels  Du- 
Pont  and  Tourtellotte,  and  Captain  Bates,  which  was 
convened  at  West  Point  early  in  1873. 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.          207 

Colonel  DuPont  had  been  a  member  of  a  board 
of  officers  convened  to  reconstruct  the  artillery  tac 
tics,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  General  Upton  had 
the  highest  opinion  of  his  ability,  which,  joined  with 
his  eminent  services  during  the  war  as  an  artil 
lery  officer,  greatly  influenced  his  selection.  He 
was  one  of  those  careful  and  exact  men  whose  de 
cision  is  based  only  on  a  searching  and  comprehen 
sive  examination.  He  was  well  versed  in  the  mean 
ing  of  words,  and,  before  consenting  to  their  em 
ployment,  he  weighed  well  the  definition  of  terms. 
While  his  untiring  criticisms  somewhat  prolonged 
the  work,  the  value  of  his  services,  in  insuring 
greater  accuracy,  in  diminishing  the  number  of  as 
sailable  points  of  adverse  criticism,  and  in  his  prac 
tical  and  theoretical  knowledge,  is  beyond  all  ques 
tion.  The  artillery  tactics,  as  they  stand  to-day,  are 
indebted  to  him  for  many  marked  improvements. 
Colonel  Tourtellotte,  aide  to  General  Sherman,  was 
a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  had  been  a  gallant  offi 
cer  of  volunteers  during  the  war,  rising  to  the 
rank  of  brigadier-general  by  brevet.  He  possessed 
most  excellent  judgment,  and  a  temperament  that 
fitted  him  to  decide  dispassionately  upon  disputed 
points.  Captain  Bates,  instructor  of  cavalry  tactics 
at  the  Military  Academy,  was  thoroughly  acquaint 
ed  with  the  tactics  of  this  arm,  and  could  test  pro 
posed  innovations  before  consenting  to  their  adop 
tion.  General  Upton  was  full  of  the  spirit  of  his 
subject.  He  had  had  experience  in  the  tactics  of 
the  three  arms  during  active  service,  and  was  now 
engaged  in  giving  to  the  cadets  theoretical  instruc 
tion  in  all.  Impetuous  by  nature,  he  was  obliged, 


208  Emory  Upton. 

by  the  character  and  ability  of  his  associates,  to 
prove  every  point,  and  to  establish  by  sound  reason 
the  rationale  of  each  new  proposition.  Previous  to 
and  during  the  existence  of  this  Board,  he  corre 
sponded  freely  with  his  friend  and  associate  Colonel 
DuPont,  and  his  letters  exhibit  the  animus  that  con 
trolled  him.  A  few  extracts,  to  exhibit  the  progress 
of  his  work,  the  changes  in  his  views,  and  his  satis 
faction  in  his  completed  labor,  are  here  introduced : 

West  Point,  June  30,  1870. — I  fear  that  the  assimi 
lation  of  tactics  will  be  detrimental. 

March  77,  7^77. — While  there  is  no  objection  to 
assimilation,  it  should  only  take  place  when  it  will 
not  prejudice  either  arm ;  but  to  inflict  a  single 
movement  in  infantry  or  artillery  simply  because  it 
is  necessary  in  cavalry  is  absurd. 

April  77,  i8ji. — No  better  Board  to  revise  the 
artillery  tactics  could  be  appointed  than  the  one 
you  mention,  leaving  me  out.  Could  Seymour, 
Morgan,  and  yourself  be  detailed,  the  Board  to  con 
vene  here,  where  we  have  light,  mortar,  siege,  and 
sea-coast  batteries,  you  could  get  up  a  tactics  which 
would  bear  the  test  of  years.  I  am  really  too  busy 
to  have  the  additional  labor  of  a  Board  imposed 
upon  me,  but  I  could  assist  your  Board  very  mate 
rially  in  assimilating  the  artillery  to  the  infantry, 
where  it  can  be  done  without  prejudice  to  the  ar 
tillery.  Besides,  I  would  read  your  work  over  as 
you  progress,  and,  if  I  discovered  any  inconsisten 
cies,  I  would  point  them  out.  *  Teaching  the  tactics 
of  the  three  arms  enables  me  to  discover  many  ab 
surdities  which  could  be  done  away  with. 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.         209 

January  i,  i8j2. — The  Academy  is  now  on  a 
splendid  footing.  Ruger  is  a  model  soldier,  and 
possesses  every  qualification  to  make  a  good  super 
intendent,  and  he  is  thoroughly  liked.  The  young 
blood  has  a  clear  majority  on  the  Academic  Board, 
and,  while  there  are  no  cliques  or  cabals,  the  action 
is  generally  satisfactory.  I  can  tell  you  with  all 
confidence  that,  in  future,  cadets  must  have  some 
sense  to  graduate. 

December  29,  1872. — The  infantry  tactics  are  to 
stand  according  to  my  revision,  and  the  artillery 
and  cavalry  tactics  are  to  be  assimilated  as  far  as 
possible.  We  can  devote  from  six  to  nine  hours 
daily,  and  finish  the  work,  I  hope,  inside  of  three 
weeks.  Your  work  will  terminate  with  the  artillery 
tactics,  which  we  will  take  up  about  January  i5th. 

March  i,  1873. — The  work  done  with  Bates  in 
cavalry  tactics  comprises  school  of  platoon  mounted, 
troop  dismounted  and  mounted,  half  of  troop  skir 
mish-drill  mounted.  By  the  I5th  will  finish  battal 
ion,  and  a  week  later  brigade  and  division,  which 
will  embrace  all  to  the  appendix.  The  cavalry 
tactics  will  be  a  success,  their  mobility  being  quite 
equal  to  the  infantry. 

March  13,  1873. — Cavalry  tactics  progressing 
finely,  and  Tourtellotte  begins  to  see  that  assimila 
tion  is  not  hopeless,  after  all. 

March  14.,  1873. — Tourtellotte  delighted  with 
the  assimilation,  and  will  be  more  pleased  still  when 
he  sees  the  troop  and  skirmishers.  All  the  move 
ments  by  fours  we  have  proved  by  experiment  in 
the  riding-hall,  and,  what  is  more  gratifying,  we 
have  fully  satisfied  ourselves  that  in  wheeling  about 


2io  Emory  Upton. 

by  fours  in  line  there  is  ample  space  for  chiefs  of 
platoon  and  file-closers  to  pass  between  the  fours 
pending  the  movement.  This  is  a  great  triumph, 
and  completes,  in  every  respect,  the  assimilation  to 
infantry. 

The  correspondence  up  to  the  next  quoted  ex 
tract  referred  mainly  to  DuPont's  labors  in  artillery 
tactics,  expressing  gratification  at  his  progress,  and 
showing  that  all  the  credit  for  these  tactics  belonged 
to  DuPont  himself.  The  labors  of  the  Board  prac 
tically  ceased  in  July,  only  minor  matters  requiring 
attention,  and  these  received  at  Upton's  hands  the 
most  careful  study. 

August  12,  1873, — With  regard  to  Tourtellotte's 
fear  that  General  Sherman  will  become  impatient 
"  at  the  delay  in  completing  the  minor  points,"  I  am 
resolved  not  to  be  stampeded.  It  is  our  reputation 
that  is  at  stake,  and  the  only  safe  course  is  to  make 
haste  slowly  by  being  satisfied  at  each  step  that  we 
are  right.  The  fact  is,  that  our  work  all  around  has 
had  so  many  tests  that  we  can  not  make  any  gross 
mistakes. 

September  I,  1873. — Battalion  drills  begin  to-day, 
and  afford  another  opportunity  to  verify  our  work. 

October  ji,  1874. — Tactics  are  printed,  and  copies 
sent  to  you.  [Colonel  DuPont  was  at  that  time  in 
Europe.]  We  have  at  least  given  our  successors  a 
basis  upon  which  to  work. 

November  23,  1874.. — The  statuettes  sent  me  by 
you  are  beautiful ;  a  most  becoming  ornament  to  a 
soldier's  quarters,  and  as  an  evidence  of  your  esteem 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.         2 1 1 

they  will  be  appreciated  all  my  life.  They  will  re 
mind  me  of  much  hard  work,  and  of  a  devotion  to 
duty  on  your  part,  which  I  wish  the  Government 
might  suitably  recognize.  I  fear,  however,  we  shall 
have  to  find  our  recompense  in  the  satisfaction 
which  results  from  contemplating  one's  labors. 
That  may  not  be  inconsiderable,  for  I  firmly  be 
lieve  that  the  three  books  will  stand  many  years  as 
an  evidence  of  our  labor,  and,  in  your  case,  of  the 
midnight  oil  often  consumed  in  their  production. 
The  artillery  tactics  have  been  sent  to  Washing 
ton,  but  have  not  been  out  sufficiently  long  to  elicit 
criticism.  I  sent  General  Barry  a  copy.  He  spoke 
favorably  of  them,  but  regretted  that  we  did  not 
give  the  Board  of  which  he,  Hunt,  and  French  were 
members  any  credit.  They,  however,  in  my  judg 
ment,  are  no  more  entitled  to  it  than  Anderson 
and  the  French  writers  whose  works  he  translated. 
Certainly  there  is  not  a  single  paragraph  in  your 
artillery-work  identical  with  one  in  any  previous 
book. 

February  25,  1875. — I  received,  a  few  days  since, 
a  copy  of  General  Sherman's  letter  to  General 
Hunt  in  reply  to  the  latter's  criticism  on  artillery 
tactics,  and,  as  it  may  interest  you,  I  send  you  a 
copy. 

Hunt,  I  am  told,  began  with  the  color  of  the 
cover  of  the  book,  and  then  went  through  it  in  a 
savage  spirit,  leaving  us  nothing  to  stand  upon. 
General  Sherman's  reply  has  answered  him  com 
pletely.  There  has  been  little  or  no  criticism  in  the 
"Journal,"  beyond  what  I  have  sent  you.  General 
Barry  has  written  me  several  letters,  taking  it  ap- 


212  Emory  Upton. 

parently  very  hard  that  we  in  our  preface  did  not 
give  the  French,  Barry,  and  Hunt  Board  all  the 
credit  of  producing  the  new  work.  1  told  him  that 
we  concluded  that  we  could  not  give  one  party 
credit  without  mentioning  a  vast  number  equally 
entitled  to  it.  He  finally  admitted  that  they  could 
only  claim  originality  in  the  school  of  the  battery 
dismounted  ;  that  the  detachment  as  a  unit  was  orig 
inal,  and  that  in  consequence  of  the  simplicity  of 
this  device  the  volunteer  artillery  was  made  efficient 
in  one  tenth  of  the  time  required  by  former  tactics. 
He  also  repeated  Hunt's  insinuations  that  I  derived 
my  principle  of  "  fours  "  from  the  artillery,  and,  as 
might  be  inferred,  all  the  benefits  resulting  from  the 
recent  improvements  in  tactics  could  be  referred 
back  to  the  invention  of  the  detachment.  I  told  him 
that  before  their  Board  assembled  the  batteries  must 
have  had  a  system  of  manoeuvres  on  foot,  and,  to  en 
lighten  me,  he  replied  that  some  used  infantry  drill, 
while  all  the  horse-batteries  used  the  dismounted 
drill  of  the  cavalry — in  other  words,  they  wheeled 
and  manoeuvred  by  "  fours." 

As  the  detachment  had  but  a  front  of  four  men, 
I  replied  that  their  unit  differed  from  the  "four" 
only  in  name,  and  that  the  source  of  their  inspi 
ration  must  have  been  the  cavalry.  He  also  felt 
aggrieved  because  we  appropriated  the  Gatling 
drill.  To  this  I  replied  that,  as  you  were  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Board  which  got  it  up,  you  felt  at  per 
fect  liberty  to  use  it,  and,  further,  that  either  of  us 
could  have  prepared  it  in  three  or  four  days.  I 
believe  he  is  satisfied  that  we  were  right  in  doing 
as  we  did. 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.         213 

The  labors  of  the  Board  being  completed,  and 
the  manuscript  of  the  three  tactics  having  been  ap 
proved  and  sent  to  the  printer,  the  subject  of  tactics 
was  settled  for  the  army  for  the  time  being  by  the 
publication  of  General  Order  No.  6,  Headquarters 
of  the  Army  : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Jttly  17,  1873. 

The  revision  of  Upton's  infantry  tactics  by  the 
author,  and  the  tactics  for  artillery  and  cavalry  (in 
cluding  the  proceedings  of  the  Board — Major-Gen- 
eral  Schoheld,  President — instituted  by  General 
Orders  No.  60,  Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Adju 
tant-General's  Office,  Series  of  1869)  assimilated  to 
the  tactics  for  infantry,  pursuant  to  instructions 
from  the  General  of  the  Army,  by  Lieutenant-Colo 
nel  Emory  Upton,  First  Artillery,  Instructor  of 
Tactics,  United  States  Military  Academy ;  Captain 
Henry  A.  DuPont,  Fifth  Artillery,  commanding  Bat 
tery  F,  Fifth  Artillery ;  Captain  John  E.  Tourtel- 
lotte,  Seventh  Cavalry,  Colonel  and  Aide-de-Camp 
to  the  General ;  Captain  Alfred  E.  Bates,  Second 
Cavalry,  Assistant  Instructor  of  Cavalry  Tactics, 
United  States  Military  Academy ;  having  been  ap 
proved  by  the  President,  are  adopted  for  the  in 
struction  of  the  army  and  militia  of  the  United 
States. 

To  insure  uniformity,  all  exercises,  evolutions 
and  ceremonies  not  embraced  in  these  tactics  are 
prohibited,  and  those  therein  prescribed  will  be 
strictly  enforced. 

WILLIAM  W.  BELKNAP, 

Secretary  of  War. 


214  Emory  Upton. 

It  would  be  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this 
memoir  to  consider  the  objections  which  have  been 
made  against  the  assimilation  of  the  tactics.  Pro 
fessional  men  may  reasonably  differ  in  regard  to 
the  details  of  their  profession,  and  these  differences 
may  sometimes  become  the  more  pronounced  in 
proportion  as  the  particular  point  at  issue  is  the 
more  insignificant  In  course  of  time,  as  the  arms 
change  and  become  more  efficient,  modifications  of 
tactics  will  necessarily  arise.  Leaving  aside,  there 
fore,  all  questions  relating  to  origin,  authorship,  and 
importance  of  the  changes  that  have  taken  place  in 
the  tactics  of  the  three  arms  of  the  service  since  the 
war,  we  may  briefly  sum  up  the  influence  that  Gen 
eral  Upton  unquestionably  exerted  in  this  respect. 

Early  in  his  career  as  a  regimental  commander, 
and  while  in  active  service,  he  became  convinced 
that  certain  improvements  could  be  devised  for  the 
more  rapid  formation  of  troops  from  line  into 
column  and  from  column  into  line.  He  believed 
in  the  value  of  the  unit  of  four  men  as  comrades  in 
battle,  and  made  it  the  basis  of  his  new  system.  He 
discarded  what  was  known  as  "  inversions "  by 
having  no  fixed  right  or  left,  these  directions  being 
the  actual  right  or  left  of  the  given  formation.  He 
simplified  his  commands  and  greatly  abbreviated 
the  subject-matter  of  his  text.  Thoroughly  con 
vinced  by  theoretical  considerations  and  actual  ob 
servation,  he  exhibited  his  system  to  some  of  his 
brother  officers  by  actual  manoeuvres  of  a  regiment 
of  volunteers  in  the  field.  He  sought  service  in  the 
cavalry  and  pursued  his  observations  during  a  most 
active  campaign,  considering  every  movement  in 


Service  in  Colorado. —  Tactics.         215 

all  its  aspects,  and  discussing  its  bearing  with  whom 
soever  would  listen  to  him  during  the  night  in 
camp.  Deeply  impressed  with  the  importance  of  his 
labor  and  its  value  to  our  troops,  he  digested  the 
whole,  and  promulgated  it  into  a  system  of  infantry 
tactics.  It  received  the  unequivocal  indorsement 
of  two  boards,  composed  of  the  best  and  most  capa 
ble  officers,  and  was  finally  adopted  by  the  Presi 
dent  as  the  American  system  of  tactics. 

The  following  extracts  from  a  letter  sent  him  by 
an  officer  whose  professional  knowledge  and  ability 
are  unquestioned  are  worth  preserving  in  this  con 
nection  : 

ST.  Louis,  July  20,  1870. 

...  I  can  state  my  individual  opinion,  as  con 
cerns  the  question  of  the  credit  due  you  on  the 
"  Tactics."  I  do  not  consider  the  "  formations,"  or 
(better,  may  be)  the  "  orders,"  in  which  men  may 
be  placed,  as  the  peculiar  property  of  any  individ 
ual.  The  order  in  column,  in  line,  and  in  their  subor 
dinate  formations,  are  the  common  property  of  the 
world.  If  a  man  starts  an  elementary  system,  it  is 
his  obligation  to  show  how  to  bring  about  these 
orders  or  formations.  This  is  the  cart-horse  part  of 
the  business  of  authorship.  Now,  I  know  nothing 
of  the  laws  in  the  question  of  copyright. 

But  I  say  that,  so  far  as  I  am  actually  informed, 
you  are  entitled  to  the  full  credit  of  the  following 
proposition  :  "  Upton  was  the  first  to  assert  and  ap 
ply  that  fours  in  double  rank  was  the  smallest  unit 
that  could  be  wheeled  into  column,  and  thus  get  rid 
of  the  lock-step  in  the  flank  marches  that  a  line  of 
men  might  have  to  take  up." 


216  Emory  Upton. 

This  may  appear  a  small  declaration,  but  you 
will  remember  that  it  is  more  than  can  be  said  of 
Scott,  of  Hardee,  of  Casey,  or  of  any  other  tactician 
before  you.  Hardee  could  form  fours  (in  facing). 
This  he  got  from  the  French.  Cooke  could  wheel 
fours  (single-rank  cavalry),  and  may  be  suggested 
that  double-rank  infantry  could  do  the  same  thing, 
but  how  to  obtain  the  "  distance  "  I  have  yet  to  see 
that  he  found  out.  Hunt  always  had  fours  practi 
cally  in  his  artillery  detachments  of  cannoneers,  but 
it  was  a  simple  necessity  of  their  having  a  com 
mandant.  He  took  no  advantage  of  it  to  obliterate 
the  lock-step. 

You  have  combined  all  the  advantages,  and  you 
must  be  remunerated. 

Upton  was  not  called  upon  to  consider  the  sub 
ject  of  tactics  again  until  the  matter  forced  itself 
upon  the  attention  of  military  men,  by  more  recent 
improvements  in  the  weapons  devised  for  infantry, 
and,  as  this  matter  has  an  important  bearing  upon 
his  professional  reputation  and  his  estimate  as  a  tac 
tician,  we  will  return  to  the  subject  in  another  chap 
ter. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MARRIAGE. 

ON  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  O  \vasco,  in  Cen 
tral  New  York,  nestled  among  willows,  is  a  quaint 
old  homestead,  which  dates  from  the  early  years  of 
the  century.  Growing  by  degrees  from  a  simple 
farm-house  in  the  midst  of  a  virgin  forest,  Willow- 
brook  has  been  for  many  years  a  mansion  celebrated 
for  its  open  hospitality.  Under  its  roof  many  fair 
women  and  learned  men  have  gathered  in  times 
past. 

Although  the  family  at  Willowbrook  had  had, 
so  far,  apparently  not  the  slightest  interest  in  the 
life  of  Emory  Upton,  yet  the  time  was  near  at  hand 
when  this  home  was  to  become  the  center  of  his 
dearest  hopes  and  affections,  for  it  was  here  that  he 
first  met  Emily  Norwood  Martin,  the  fifth  child  of 
Enos  T.  Throop  Martin,  Esq.,  and  his  wife,  Cornelia 
Williams. 

She  was  a  fair-haired,  blue-eyed  maiden,  gentle 
in  her  ways,  modest  in  her  demeanor,  and  full  of 
kindly  affection.  Her  childhood  was  wholly  spent 
under  the  watchful  eye  and  tender  care  of  a  devoted 
mother,  whose  lovely  Christian  character  and  wom 
anly  sweetness  not  only  cemented  the  family  in  the 
strongest  bonds  of  love,  but  extended  their  influence 
beyond  the  home  circle. 

10 


2i8  Emory  Upton. 

Emily's  childhood  was  a  period  of  peace  and 
gentleness.  She  was  surrounded  by  all  the  good 
things  that  modest  wealth  could  command,  and  the 
pervading  atmosphere  of  a  happy  religious  home 
exercised  its  spiritual  influence  upon  her  thoughts 
and  conduct.  Every  beautiful  thing  which  attracted 
her  childish  notice  gave  rise  to  spontaneous  thanks 
to  God  as  its  maker.  He  was  always  present  to 
her,  and  ever  showering  on  her  his  love  and  tender 
ness.  As  early  as  her  ninth  year  she  wished  to 
make  her1  profession  of  faith,  but  it  was  not  until 
the  summer  of  1858,  when  nearly  twelve  years  old, 
that  she  became  a  communicant  of  the  church. 
Her  mother,  in  preparing  her  for  this  important 
step,  lost  no  opportunity  of  impressing  the  Word 
of  God  upon  her  child's  conscience,  and  in  dwelling 
upon  the  great  importance  of  a  living  faith  in  the 
Hearer  of  heart-felt  prayers.  Scattered  through 
her  diary,  in  which  she  was  accustomed  to  record 
events,  are  such  humble  and  heart-felt  prayers  as 
that  God  would  teach  her  "  to  be  gentle,"  "  to  be 
kind,"  "to  be  obliging,"  "  to  become  more  gentle," 
"to  do  more  good  to  others,"  and  others  of  simi 
lar  import.  Her  daily  life  was  filled  with  acts  of 
kindness,  courtesy,  and  self-denial  quite  uncommon 
with  the  young.  All  her  devotions  and  good  deeds 
were  done  with  a  willing  spirit  and  a  glad  heart. 
It  is  another  evidence  of  her  true  devotional  spirit 
that  she  never  assumed  righteousness  to  herself,  but 
attributed  her  power  to  do  right  to  the  Lord  alone, 
and  constantly  asked  of  him  greater  strength  to 
merit  his  favor  and  affection. 

Her  elder  sister,  Evelina,  married  General  A.  J. 


Marriage.  219 

Alexander,  November  3,  1864.  This  officer,  it  will 
be  remembered,  commanded  the  First  Brigade  of  the 
Fourth  Cavalry  Division  in  the  Selma  campaign,  and 
it  was  during  this  campaign  that  a  strong  mutual 
attachment  sprang  up  between  Upton  and  Alexan 
der.  This  grew  into  a  close  friendship,  which  had 
an  important  bearing  on  Upton's  after-life ;  for,  by 
reason  of  this  friendship,  the  doors  of  the  hospitable 
mansion  of  Willowbrook  were  to  be  thrown  wide 
open  to  him,  and  here  he  was  to  see  his  future  wife 
growing  in  grace  and  goodly  character. 

General  Alexander  was  stationed,  after  the  close 
of  active  operations,  at  Knoxville,  Tennessee.  Here 
his  duties  permitted  him  to  bring  down  his  young 
wife  to  share  his  army-life,  and  to  give  her  an  op 
portunity  of  witnessing  the  varied  and  exciting 
scenes  incident  to  the  end  of  the  war.  General  Up 
ton's  command  was  stationed  in  the  vicinity,  and  he 
frequently  employed  his  leisure  moments  in  social 
visits  to  his  friend  and  comrade,  to  talk  over  points 
of  tactics,  \vhich  fully  occupied  his  mind  at  that 
time,  or  to  recall  again  the  incidents  connected  with 
their  glorious  campaign  in  Alabama. 

In  the  close  and  informal  association  which  be 
longs  to  camp-life  in  the  army,  knowledge  of  char 
acter  becomes  intimate  and  thorough.  Upton, 
tested  in  this  way  by  the  intuitive  perceptions  of 
a  good  woman,  was  esteemed  for  his  manly  quali 
ties,  and  soon  gained  a  devoted  friend  in  Mrs.  Alex 
ander.  He  accepted  an  invitation  from  his  friends 
to  visit  Willowbrook  at  the  first  favorable  oppor 
tunity,  and  remembered  his  promise  after  he  had 
gone  to  his  new  post  in  Colorado. 


220  Emory  Upton. 

Coming  East  after  having  been  mustered  out  of 
the  volunteer  service,  and  while  awaiting  orders  to 
join  his  battery  in  the  regular  army,  he  availed  him 
self  of  a  visit  home,  to  spend  a  short  time  at  Wil- 
lowbrook,  hoping  to  meet  his  comrade  and  renew 
the  pleasant  associations  of  former  days. 

It  was  near  the  close  of  a  summer's  day  that  he 
for  the  first  time  approached  this  lovely  home.  He 
was  charmed  with  its  quaint  but  home-like  look,  its 
beautiful  surroundings,  and  its  air  of  quiet  peaceful- 
ness.  But  he  was  compelled,  by  the  absence  of  his 
brother  officer,  to  introduce  himself  to  the  large 
family  circle  gathered  there,  and  he  felt  an  almost 
overwhelming  sense  of  embarrassment.  But,  though 
diffident  by  nature  and  somewhat  confused  by  his 
innate  modesty,  he  summoned  to  his  aid  his  self- 
possession,  and  made  the  best  of  his  situation.  The 
members  of  the  family  at  once,  by  their  genial  hos 
pitality,  soon  put  him  at  ease,  and  he  readily  ac 
commodated  himself  to  his  surroundings.  On  this 
occasion  there  were  also  several  guests  from  distant 
cities,  who  had  come  together  in  this  rural  retreat 
for  summer  recreation,  and  the  bevy  of  young  ladies 
might  well  have  bewildered  the  modest  stranger  so 
suddenly  introduced  into  their  circle.  But,  nothing 
daunted  by  numbers,  he  selected  from  the  charming 
group  one  diffident  and  unassuming  like  himself, 
and  in  her  he  soon  found  a  congenial  and  agree 
able  associate.  And  thus  their  first  acquaintance 
began.  She,  innately  conscious  of  his  diffidence, 
exerted  her  womanly  powers  to  interest  him ;  and 
he,  responding,  gratefully  appreciated  her  sincere 
and  hearty  welcome.  Subjects  of  mutual  interest 


Marriage.  221 

brought  them  into  closer  sympathy  as  they  strolled 
together  along  the  beautiful  shore  of  Owasco  Lake. 
Little  did  they  then  suspect  what  the  future  had  in 
store  for  them ;  nor  could  they  then  perceive  the 
influences  which  were  destined  to  blend  their  lives 
into  one  more  complete  in  sympathy  and  affection. 

So  far  Upton  had  had  but  few  opportunities  to 
cultivate  the  friendship  of  women.  His  active  mili 
tary  career  had  filled  the  interval  between  his  nar 
row  life  as  a  military  student  and  the  broader  intel 
lectual  and  social  life  he  was  then  experiencing. 
His  affections  had  been  centered  upon  the  members 
of  his  own  family.  Filial  and  fraternal  love  satisfied 
the  demands  of  his  heart,  and  he  had  not  yet  awak 
ened  to  the  greater  possibilities  of  human  affection. 
While  the  religious  sentiments  of  his  boyhood  had 
not  yet  been  subjected  to  severe  trial,  they  had  at 
least  pitched  for  him  the  standard  tone  of  honor,  in 
tegrity,  and  proper  behavior  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties.  Estimating  women  by  the  standard  of  his 
much-loved  sisters,  he  eagerly  sought  their  society, 
and  always  yielded  to  them  the  reverence  and  re 
spect  with  which  good  men  regard  them. 

But  now,  all  unconsciously,  there  was  growing 
in  him  that  love  of  woman  born  of  gratitude  for  her 
sympathy,  of  respect  for  her  intellect,  and  of  admi 
ration  for  her  personal  beauty.  She,  too,  was  at 
tracted  and  drawn  to  him  by  his  soldierly  manliness, 
and  intuitively  appreciated  his  worth,  veiled  though 
it  might  be  by  his  modest  and  simple  bearing.  She 
soon  learned  of  his  gallantry  in  battle,  of  his  devo 
tion  to  duty,  and  of  his  unswerving  faithfulness  ; 
so  that  during  this  visit  of  Upton  their  brief  asso- 


222  Emory  Upton. 

elation  resulted  in  a  mutual  interest  in  each  other, 
and  a  desire  for  more  intimate  acquaintance.  They 
parted  with  kindly  feeling,  wholly  unconscious  that 
their  future  lives  were  to  be  no  longer  separate. 

In  the  following  January  they  unexpectedly  met 
in  New  York,  while  she  was  journeying  to  Wash 
ington  to  spend  the  winter  and  spring.  Here  Up 
ton  sought  her  frequently,  and  could  not  conceal 
from  himself  the  growth  of  his  regard  and  his  in 
creasing  pleasure  in  her  society.  He  was  charmed 
and  fascinated  with  the  sweet  and  holy  influences 
that  seemed  to  surround  her,  and  his  intellect  was 
gratified  by  the  evidences  of  her  culture. 

But  in  the  intimate  association  which  followed 
this  renewed  friendship  there  came  more  complete 
knowledge  of  each  other's  character,  and  an  awaken 
ing  to  realities  of  the  utmost  importance  to  both. 
In  a  worldly  point  of  view,  Upton's  life  had  been 
one  of  marked  success.  Honors  and  advancement 
in  his  profession  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  in 
recognition  of  his  brilliant  services.  Commendation 
from  high  quarters  had  flattered  his  self-esteem. 
Personal  ambition  had  well-nigh  usurped  the  con 
trol  of  his  manhood,  and  had  almost  suffocated  the 
true  humility  of  the  earnest  Christian.  The  doubts 
and  questionings,  which  so  insidiously  attack  and 
quite  often  overthrow  the  citadel  of  faith,  had  laid 
siege  to  Upton's  religious  belief.  Not  fully  con- 
scious  himself  of  the  danger  to  which  his  faith  was 
exposed,  he  was  honest  in  the  expression  of  his 
doubts.  He  had  witnessed  suffering  and  distress, 
he  had  personal  knowledge  of  the  triumph  of  wrong 
doers  and  of  the  humiliation  of  the  good,  and  un- 


Marriage.  223 

consciously  he  had  given  a  resting-place  in  his  mind 
to  doubts  of  God's  providence  and  God's  justice. 
Though  these  doubts  and  questionings  had  not  yet 
taken  root,  he  had  permitted  them  to  enter,  and  had 
in  a  measure  defended  their  insidious  arguments. 

In  their  intimate  personal  friendship  the  maiden 
soon  learned  that  her  hero  seriously  questioned  the 
truth  of  those  tenets  of  her  faith  which  she  valued 
more  than  life,  and  without  which  she  could  have 
no  hope  of  eternal  salvation.  She  soon  recognized 
his  danger,  and  she  earnestly  prayed  often  that  God 
would  occupy  anew  his  rightful  domain  in  the  heart 
of  him  who  so  deeply  interested  her.  Under  God's 
providence  this  weak  child,  strong  in  the  faith,  was 
destined  to  lead  him  to  his  trial,  and  bring  him  out  of 
it,  humbled  and  weakened,  but  purified.  She  could 
never  consent  to  yield  up  her  life  to  one  in  whom 
the  peace  of  God  had  not  found  an  abiding-place. 
Later  she  wrote  to  him  as  follows : 

WILLOWBROOK,  October  13,  1867. 

.  .  .  To-day  is  communion  Sabbath,  and  I  have 
been  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  there  once  more 
have  partaken  of  his  dying  love.  I  always  try  to 
spend  some  time  in  preparing  for  this  solemn  ordi 
nance,  and  at  this  season  in  particular  I  have  been 
frequently  led  to  think  of  what  you  told  me  last 
spring  about  your  spiritual  state,  and  I  have  deeply 
mourned  over  it.  Having  once  known  the  blessed 
ness  of  being  a  child  of  God  and  coming  to  his 
table,  I  truly  believe  that  you  can  not  be  willing  to 
give  him  up,  and  once  more  cast  your  lot  with  the 
world,  the  enemies  of  Christ  our  Saviour. 


224  Emory  Upton. 

Indeed,  from  a  remark  you  made  last  winter  on 
returning  from  witnessing^  the  communion  service, 
as  well  as  the  many  conversations  I  have  had  with 
you,  I  can  not  but  think  you  have  really  the  right 
ideas  and  feelings  on  the  subject  of  religion.  But 
you  have  suffered  yourself  to  be  led  away,  your  un 
derstanding  to  be  darkened,  and  your  faith  and  con 
fidence  in  God's  justice  to  be  shaken.  A  great  re 
sponsibility  rests  on  you ;  you  are  believed  to  be  a 
professor  of  religion.  I  have  heard  this  from  sev 
eral  sources ;  also  of  the  decided  stand  you  took  on 
the  Lord's  side  while  at  West  Point,  and  of  the  in 
fluence  of  your  example  there. 

Never  was  I  more  shocked  and  astonished  than 
when  I  heard  from  your  own  lips  the  admission 
that  your  faith  in  God's  justice  had  been  shaken,  and 
that  you  no  longer  felt  that  you  were  a  Christian. 
One  of  the  strongest  bonds  in  my  friendship  for  you 
was  the  feeling  that  you  could  sympathize  with  me 
on  the  subject  nearest  my  heart,  and  that  I  could 
therefore  trust  you  as  I  would  not  men  of  the  world. 
I  can  not  believe  that  God  will  leave  his  wander 
ing  child  to  perish,  and,  though  it  may  be  through 
much  tribulation,  he  will  bring  you  back  to  the 
fold.  Already  he  has  sent  you  a  sorrow  which,  I 
pray  God,  may  be  sanctified  to  the  good  of  your 
soul.  I  have  given  you  one  of  my  greatest  treas 
ures,  my  own  Bible,  which  has  never  left  me  before ; 
may  it  be  a  comfort  to  you,  and  the  truths  contained 
therein  be  the  means  of  bringing  you  once  more  into 
the  kingdom  !  God  is  ready  to  receive  all  who  repent 
and  come  to  him.  Though  your  sins  be  as  scarlet, 
they  will  be  blotted  out  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb. 


Marriage.  225 

For  many  months  I  have  seldom  closed  my  eyes 
without  praying  for  you,  my  friend,  and  I  feel  that 
I  can  not  bear  to  see  you  shutting  yourself  out  from 
God's  favor  without  making  this  last  effort  to  assure 
you  that  some  one  cares  and  prays  for  your  soul. 
This  must  be  my  excuse  for  this  letter,  for  I  feel  too 
sinful  to  advise  or  caution  others.  I  have  faith  to 
believe  that  the  prayers  offered  this  day,  while  at 
the  table  of  the  Lord,  will  be  heard  and  answered. 

This  letter  was  received  by  Upton  when  he  was 
on  duty  at  Paducah,  Kentucky,  and  it  had  an  im 
portant  influence  upon  him.  He  saw  clearly  the 
beautiful,  child-like  faith  which  animated  this  pure 
maiden,  and  he  could  not  deny  in  his  inmost  soul 
the  truths  which  she  brought  so  vividly  to  his  mind. 
Then  ensued  the  conflict  of  conflicts.  The  powers 
of  self-love,  personal  ambition,  worldly  favors  and 
honors,  were  arrayed  against  the  silent  influences  of 
God's  merciful  providence.  As  in  all  critical  com 
bats,  the  struggle  was  long  continued,  uncertain  at 
times,  fierce  and  terrible,  but  when  it  was  ended, 
although  weak  and  sorely  wounded,  Upton  came 
from  it  purified.  Thenceforward  these  powers  of 
evil  could  have  no  further  dominion  over  him  ;  this 
particular  temptation  had  assailed  him :  he  had 
fought  it  and  gained  the  victory,  and  never  again 
could  his  faith  in  God's  providence  be  assailed.  This 
faith  not  only  regained  its  former  abiding-place  in 
his  heart,  but  had  also  gained  possession  of  the  cita 
del  of  his  reason.  It  became  then  the  standard  by 
which  he  regulated  his  thoughts  as  well  as  his  out 
ward  actions. 


226  Emory  Upton. 

Upton's  interest  in  his  fair  correspondent  was 
not  content  to  rest  at  friendship.  Admiration, 
affection,  love,  shade  each  into  the  other,  grow  one 
from  the  other,  and  have  no  line  of  demarkation. 
What  can  be  more  beautiful  in  this  life  than  the 
awakening  of  such  an  interest  in  both  hearts,  its 
growth  nourished  by  the  sweetest  influences  of  com 
panionship,  and  its  ultimate  development  in  the 
holy  love  of  marriage?  Who  can  picture  the 
changes  in  their  wondrous  variety  as  this  affection 
grows  in  power  and  strength  until  as  love  it  encom 
passes  the  soul,  and  seeks  sole  possession  as  the 
greatest  of  God's  gifts  and  blessings  ?  Who,  that 
watches  the  influences  of  a  happy  marriage,  the 
gradual  growth  into  unity  from  diversity,  and  even 
the  assimilation  of  features  as  life  continues,  can 
doubt  that  this  heavenly  gift  of  marriage  is  most 
holy  ?  Now  this  young  maiden  was  well  worthy, 
mentally  and  personally,  of  all  General  Upton's  de 
votion.  Tall  and  slender,  with  a  graceful  figure, 
and  well-shaped  head,  crowned  with  a  wealth  of 
golden  hair,  the  greatest  charm  of  her  face  was  not 
so  much  in  its  oval  outline  and  regular  features,  as 
in  the  exquisite  beauty  of  her  eyes. 

Her  well-balanced  mind  was  so  cultivated  and 
trained  as  to  fit  her  for  the  most  important  duties 
of  life.  To  a  substantial  and  practical  education, 
such  culture  was  added  as  gave  beauty  and  orna 
ment  to  the  expression  of  her  thoughts.  Her  love 
of  poetry  and  familiarity  with  the  best  literature 
gave  a  charm  to  her  conversation  and  correspond 
ence. 

She   was  deeply   religious,   and   possessed   the 


Marriage.  227 

power  of  infusing  into  the  minds  of  those  with 
whom  she  associated  a  reverence  for  those  things 
which  she  herself  held  sacred ;  but  though  habit 
ually  thoughtful  and  highly  devotional  in  her  daily 
life,  she  delighted  in  all  that  was  joyous,  loved 
society,  and  was  a  most  appreciative  listener  to 
those  whose  conversation  was  interesting  and  in 
structive — her  modesty  leading  her  rather  to  hear 
what  others  said  than  to  take  part  in  general  con 
versation.  Her  retiring  nature,  united  to  an  ex 
tremely  amiable  disposition  and  a  sound  judgment, 
drew  all  hearts  to  her. 

Such  was  the  woman  and  such  the  man  to  whom 
had  come  the  oft-repeated  experience.  There  could 
be  but  one  sequel.  He  earnestly  begged  of  her  the 
greatest  boon  that  woman  may  give  unto  man,  the 
acknowledgment  of  her  love  : 

"  She  listened  with  a  fitting  blush, 

With  downcast  eyes  and  modest  grace  ; 
For  well  she  knew  he  could  not  choose 
But  gaze  upon  her  face." 

With  the  approbation  of  her  parents,  she  be 
came  engaged  to  him  on  the  i6th  of  November, 
1867. 

Upton,  arranging  matters  in  accordance  with 
his  changed  conditions  of  life,  applied  for,  and  ob 
tained,  a  year's  leave  of  absence,  from  November 
29,  1867,  with  permission  to  go  beyond  the  sea,  in 
tending  to  devote  the  greater  portion  in  Europe  to 
the  study  of  the  military  art,  especially  that  relating 
to  tactics.  He  was  thus  enabled  to  spend  the 


228  Emory  Upton. 

Christmas  holidays  at  Willowbrook,  where  a  large 
family  party  had  gathered  to  enjoy  the  festivities. 
He  soon  became  an  intimate  in  the  family  circle, 
and  endeared  himself  by  his  worth  to  all,  and  his 
courtship  suffered  at  first  no  disturbance  in  its 
happy  course.  But  the  bright  anticipations  which 
fora  time  promised  happiness  to  the  maiden,  almost 
suddenly  gave  place  to  anxious  forebodings  on  the 
part  of  those  near  and  dear  to  her.  She  had  always 
had  reasonably  good  health,  and,  although  not 
physically  robust,  she  had  never  been  the  cause  of 
anxiety.  The  indisposition  that  now  for  the  first 
time  gave  rise  to  serious  questionings  was  thought 
to  be  but  temporary.  Yet  even  before  her  mar 
riage,  when  in  happy  ignorance  of  the  near  approach 
of  illness  and  suffering,  there  seemed  at  times  to 
have  been  a  shadowing  forth  of  possible  disappoint 
ment  and  unhappiness.  In  a  letter  written  to  him 
before  her  marriage  the  following  passage  occurs, 
to  which,  after  her  early  death,  Upton  frequently 
referred : 

.  .  .  Just  at  twilight  I  went  into  the  library, 
and,  sitting  down  before  the  lovely  wood-fire,  I  gave 
myself  up  to  my  favorite  diversion  of  building  cas 
tles  in  the  coals.  I  love  to  spend  the  twilight  in 
this  way,  thinking  of  pleasant  things  in  the  past,  of 
dear  friends,  and  dreaming  such  bright,  beautiful 
dreams  of  the  future,  full  of  high  and  noble  resolves 
of  doing  for  others,  gaining  (through  efforts  to 
make  others  happy)  happiness  to  myself,  pondering 
how  I  can  make  my  life  worth  the  living.  Then  as 
the  ashes  fall  and  cover  for  a  time  the  bright  coals 


Marriage.  229 

into  which  I  have  been  gazing,  and  obscure  the 
light  by  which  I  have  seemed  to  view  my  future, 
the  thought  comes  to  me  that  thus  may  some  of 
the  brightest  of  my  anticipations  be  clouded  and 
quenched  by  adversity  and  sorrow. 


They  were  married  on  the  iQth  of  February, 
1868,  in  the  little  parish  church  near  the  homestead, 
where  she  had  so  often  worshiped.  The  wedding 
festivities  were  graced  with  the  presence  of  many 
gallant  officers,  who  came  to  congratulate  their 
comrade,  and  to  hope  that  he  might  enjoy  all  the 
blessings  of  peace  and  happiness  in  his  new  step  in 
life. 

After  a  short  visit  to  Upton's  home,  the  happy  , 
pair  made  their  preparations  to  sail  for  Europe 
in  the  hope  that  the  healing  influences  of  the  balmy 
climate  of  Southern  France  and  Italy  might  com 
pletely  restore  her  health,  which  could  not  well 
withstand  the  severe  winters  of  our  Northern  States. 
They  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  7th  of  March  in 
the  French  steamer  Napoleon  III  for  Brest,  which 
port  was  reached  on  the  igth  of  March.  During 
the  passage  his  wife  needed  constant  care,  and  even 
Upton's  gentle  ministrations  could  only  alleviate 
the  discomforts  of  the  voyage.  She  suffered  from 
neuralgia,  and  reached  France  greatly  exhausted. 
After  a  short  stay  in  Paris,  he  moved  her  by  easy 
stages  to  the  south  of  France,  making  short  delays 
at  Lyons  and  Marseilles.  From  the  latter  place  he 
proceeded  to  Sorrento,  arriving  there  on  the  24th 
of  April,  giving  her  every  attention  on  the  journey 
that  the  most  devoted  love  could  inspire. 


230  Emory  Upton. 

The  parting  of  Mrs.  Upton  from  her  mother  in 
New  York  was  most  affecting,  and  the  latter,  full  of 
tender  solicitude  placed  in  her  child's  hands,  before 
saying  a  last  farewell,  the  following  letter,  which, 
filled  with  the  outpourings  of  a  mother's  love, 
touched  most  deeply  the  hearts  of  both  husband 
and  wife: 

NEW  YORK,  March  7,  1868. 

MY  DEAREST  EMILY:  In  taking  leave  of  you  I 
feel  that  you  can  no  longer  look  to  me  for  guidance, 
and  that  hereafter  you  must  be  impelled  to  duty  by 
the  dictates  of  your  own  heart  and  conscience.  I 
would  therefore  earnestly  pray  for  the  abiding  in 
fluences  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  lead  you  into  all  truth. 
You  go  forth  from  your  home  without  one  of  your 
own  kindred  to  sympathize  with  you  and  help  you 
to  watch  over  yourself.  You  lean  upon  a  mortal 
arm  even  when  you  trust  all  to  your  tender  and  de 
voted  husband ;  and  it  is  only  in  commending  you 
to  "  Him  who  sees  the  end  from  the  beginning " 
that  I  can  find  rest  in  this  time  of  anxiety.  You  are 
in  the  hands  of  the  Great  Physician.  His  healing 
touch  can  restore  you  to  perfect  health,  and  I  recom 
mend  you  to  exercise  the  strongest  faith  in  him. 
Come  with  the  confidence  of  a  little  child  to  Jesus ; 
tell  him  all  your  weakness ;  how  much  you  need 
to' be  strengthened;  what  a  journey  lies  before 
you,  and  plead  with  him  for  his  abiding  presence. 
Your  strength  will  lie  in  a  sense  of  your  weakness. 
Cultivate  self-reliance  ;  I  can  do  all  things  through 
Christ  strengthening  me. 

I  believe  in  overcoming  disease  by  strong  reso 
lution  ;  by  this  I  do  not  mean  that  you  should  make 


Marriage.  231 

spasmodic  efforts  to  do  what  is  beyond  your 
strength.  Such  exertions  will  be  followed  by  nerv 
ous  prostration ;  but  never  be  discouraged,  how 
ever  weak  you  may  feel.  Your  help  is  in  God. 
He  can  strengthen  you  from  time  to  time  as  you 
need.  Keep  your  feet  firmly  planted  on  the  Rock 
of  Ages.  He  is  now  teaching  you  an  important 
lesson  by  making  you  sensible  of  your  weakness ; 
submit  patiently  to  his  dealings  with  you,  but  never 
lose  your  hold  on  that  arm  that  moves  the  world. 

And  now,  dear  Emily,  let  me  say  that  I  have 
been  much  gratified  by  the  evidences  I  have  had 
since  I  left  home  that  your  husband  is  held  in 
high  repute  among  men.  I  accept  the  honor  paid 
to  him  as  a  testimony  to  his  diligent  and  faithful 
performance  of  duty,  and  thus  far  it  is  to  be  valued  ; 
but,  my  dear  child,  watch  against  the  temptations 
to  be  elated  by  the  praise  of  poor,  dying  mortals. 
Carry  through  all  your  journey  the  beautiful  text 
which  you  repeated  to  me  when  we  made  our  first 
journey  together,  "  Man  looketh  on  the  outward  ap 
pearance,  but  the  Lord  looketh  upon  the  heart." 
And  when  you  receive  the  kind  and  flattering  at 
tentions  which  may  be  lavished  upon  you  and  your 
husband,  and  which  perhaps  you  do  not  deserve 
more  than  others  whose  names  are  not  recorded  on 
the  "  roll  of  honor,"  ask,  "  What  shall  I  render  unto 
the  Lord  for  all  his  benefits?"  You  are  not  your 
own ;  you  are  bought  with  a  price  and  bound  to 
serve  God,  and  I  would  have  you  offer  the  bread 
of  life  to  all  who  show  you  kindness.  Go  forth  as 
a  servant  of  God,  be  faithful  to  him,  and  he  has 
said,  "  They  that  honor  me  I  will  honor." 


232  Emory  Upton* 

Will  you  sometimes,  dear  Emily,  at  the  twilight 
hour,  read  over  what  I  have  written  in  the  stillness 
of  my  chamber  this  morning?  Oh,  what  tender 
recollections  throng  my  memory  as  I  review  the 
precious  years  when  you  have  been  my  Emily  !  God 
has  given  you  grace  to  be  through  your  whole  life 
a  dutiful,  obedient  child,  and  I  shall  ever  cherish  a 
sweet  memory  of  your  childhood  and  youth  ;  but  no 
hour  is  so  precious  to  me,  in  the  review  of  our 
loving  intercourse,  as  the  sunset  of  the  Sabbath,  and 
the  time  when  we  gathered  as  a  family  for  com 
munion  with  our  dear  heavenly  Father  on  Friday 
afternoon.  May  your  heart  ever  be  drawn  to  our 
Bethel  on  the  weekly  return  of  the  hour  when,  in 
the  past,  God  has  so  often  met  us  and  blessed  us ! 
May  you  return  to  us,  my  dear  Emily,  with  a  ma 
tured  Christian  character,  with  no  taint  of  worldli- 
ness,  and  may  we  be  permitted  to  rejoice  together 
over  your  experience  of  the  love  of  God  to  you ! 

I  shall  ever  be  your  devoted  mother. 

This  tender  epistle,  which  so  fully  portrayed  the 
Christian  mother's  heart-felt  wishes,  and  the  fullness 
of  her  maternal  love,  helped  the  daughter  to  bear 
her  acute  bodily  suffering  with  greater  fortitude. 
She  felt  more  keenly  her  helplessness  because  of  her 
husband's  devotion,  and  she  prayed  earnestly  to 
be  restored  to  health  for  his  sake,  taking  every  pre 
caution  that  art  and  science  could  devise  to  reach 
this  much-wished-for  result.  But  all  efforts  were 
in  vain,  and  no  permanent  cure  was  established. 
The  alternations  of  hope  were  followed  by  many 
misgivings,  and  in  August  they  returned  to  Wilow- 


Marriage,  233 

brook  to  remain  until  October,  and  thence  to  Key 
West  for  the  winter. 

Upon  the  expiration  of  Upton's  leave  of  absence 
his  duty  called  him  to  his  post  at  Memphis,  and  he 
left  his  wife  at  Key  West  under  the  care  of  her  de 
voted  sister  Nelly. 

Nearly  five  months  elapsed  before  he  saw  his 
wife  again.  Her  frequent  letters  gave  him  constant 
hope,  for  she  made  much  of  any  slight  improve 
ment,  and  dwelt  but  little  upon  less  favorable  symp 
toms.  His  professional  duties  and  military  studies, 
together  with  his  ignorance  of  the  serious  nature 
of  her  illness,  and  the  hope  her  letters  inspired, 
united  in  helping  him  bear  this  separation  manfully. 
He  awaited  with  great  anxiety  information  as  to 
the  destination  of  his  regiment,  which  was  soon  to 
be  moved  from  Memphis,  in  the  hope  that  its  new 
station  would  permit  him  to  send  her  the  joyous 
recall  she  was  so  longingly  awaiting.  He  thus  con 
veys  the  good  news  to  his  sister  : 

MEMPHIS,  March  28,  1869. 

I  am  very  happy  this  evening,  because  next  Sun 
day  I  shall  meet  my  wife  in  New  Orleans.  She 
leaves  Nassau  to-morrow,  and  by  a  happy  chance 
she  will  find  at  Havana  a  steamer  which  left  Balti 
more  the  same  day  that  the  steamer  via  Nassau  left 
New  York,  and  upon  which  she  will  take  passage 
for  New  Orleans. 

Instead  of  our  regiment  going  to  Arizona,  as  I 
learned  at  first,  its  destination  is  Atlanta.  The 
climate  is  good,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  my  dear 
wife  will  derive  great  benefit  from  this  location. 


234  Emory  Upton. 

I  hope  that  a  sojourn  of  three  or  four  years  will 
be  sufficient  to  re-establish  her  health.  I  am  not 
sure  that  I  will  not  be  in  command  of  the  garri 
son  at  Atlanta,  but  that  is  not  a  matter  of  much 
importance  so  long  as  I  can  remain  in  Georgia.  I 
wish  a  warm  and  uniform  climate.  Were  it  not 
for  the  actual  condition  of  my  dear  Emily's  health, 
I  would  not  hesitate  to  go  anywhere,  but  under 
the  present  circumstances  my  first  care  must  be  for 
her. 

For  a  short  time  they  were  reunited,  and  happi 
ness  seemed  to  hold  them  in  its  keeping.  At  his 
new  station  at  McPherson  Barracks,  Atlanta,  every 
thing  appeared  favorable  to  her  recovery.  She  un 
packed  her  household  goods,  and  took  great  pleas 
ure  in  adorning  and  beautifying  their  new  home. 
The  garrison  was  a  large  one  after  the  arrival  of 
the  Eighteenth  Infantry  from  the  Plains,  and  she 
had  the  companionship  of  many  of  her  own  sex, 
the  wives  of  officers,  who  enchanted  her  with  their 
cheerfulness  and  pleasant  manners  under  what  would 
be  to  most  ladies  trying  discomforts.  But  the  glad 
spirit  of  the  wife  could  not  long  overcome  the  ever- 
increasing  and  ever-present  shadow  of  her  physical 
weakness.  On  the  3Oth  of  June  she  was  compelled 
to  seek  again  the  tender  nursing  of  her  mother  in 
her  struggle  for  life,  and  hurried  her  toward  Willow- 
brook.  Here  she  remained  until  early  in  Novem 
ber,  when  the  approach  of  wintry  weather  forced 
her  to  turn  again  toward  Nassau.  She  never  again 
saw  her  home,  for  her  gentle  spirit  took  leave  of 
earth  in  the  early  days  of  the  spring. 


Marriage.  235 

Her  husband  took  entire  charge  of  her  in  this 
last  voyage,  but  the  exigencies  of  the  service  com 
pelled  him  to  leave  her  after  a  short  stay,  and  he 
returned  in  the  December  steamer.  He  hardly 
realized,  as  he  parted  from  her,  that  he  was  never 
to  look  upon  her  fair  face  again  in  life,  but  was 
buoyed  up  by  the  hope  that  he  would  again  bring 
her  back  to  home  and  happiness  when  the  spring 
was  well  established.  Her  constant  letters  alter 
nately  gave  him  hope  and  distress,  but  when  the 
sad  news  came  finally,  he  needed  all  of  his  Chris 
tian  faith  and  fortitude  to  recognize  the  truth  that 
"  He  doeth  all  things  well." 

After  leaving  his  wife  at  Nassau,  he  had  re 
turned  on  the  expiration  of  his  leave  to  his  post 
at  Atlanta.  Just  as  he  was  arranging  for  his  de 
parture  for  Nassau  in  March,  he  was  apprised  by 
a  telegram,  by  way  of  Havana,  dated  March  29th, 
that  she  was  failing  rapidly,  and  that  he  could  not 
possibly  reach  her  before  it  was  too  late.  So 
quickly  did  her  disease  progress  that  he  had 
scarcely  time  to  realize  her  imminent  danger 
before  he  was  made  aware  of  his  bereavement. 
She  died  at  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
3oth  of  March,  in  the  full  exercise  of  her  Christian 
faith. 

With  unexpected  strength  she  had  held  on  to 
life  until  the  incoming  steamer  had  landed,  not  ex 
pecting,  but  yet  hoping  for  her  husband's  presence, 
and  anxious  to  get  his  last  loving  message. 

Her  attending  physician,  Dr.  Kirkwood,  who 
was  also  a  valued  personal  friend,  in  writing  to 
General  Upton,  says : 


236  Emory  Upton. 

NASSAU,  June  26,  1870. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  I  have  had  no  heart  to 
write  to  you  before  now,  since  the  death  of  your 
dear,  good,  beautiful  wife,  as  all  commonplace  con 
dolence  would,  for  such  an  irreparable  loss,  be  out 
of  place,  and  incomprehensible  to  you.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  you  have  regretted  extremely  that  you 
were  not  with  her  during  her  last  days,  but  as  there 
was  no  decided,  nor  indeed  apparent  change  until 
about  ten  days  before  her  death,  it  was  impossible 
for  you  to  have  reached  here,  or  to  have  even  com 
municated  with  you.  About  two  months  before 
her  death,  Nelly  and  I  consulted  about  the  expe 
diency  of  sending  for  you,  but  as  nothing  indicated 
that  Mrs.  Upton  might  not  live  for  three  or  even 
six  months  longer,  we  considered  it  not  advisable 
to  send  for  you  before  the  time  you  had  arranged 
for  coming  ;  and  when  your  wife  expressed  a  desire 
that  you  should  not  be  sent  for,  we  did  not  feel  our 
selves  warranted  in  so  doing,  especially  as  I  must 
have  told  you  what  I  told  Nelly,  and  what  I  told 
Mrs.  Martin  before  leaving  Willowbrook,  that  there 
was  no  possible  chance  of  Emily's  recovering.  The 
sad  truth  would  come  all  too  soon  when  it  could  no 
longer  be  concealed.  Your  dear  wife  did  not  really 
realize  thoroughly  her  state  for  more  than  a  week 
or  ten  days  before  her  death,  and  I  think  it  was  a 
blessing  she  did  not,  as  in  her  case  no  warning  was 
necessary  to  prepare  her  for  the  end,  as  her  beauti 
ful  life  had  been  so  perfect  and  good  that  little 
change  was  necessary  to  convert  her  to  what  she  is 
now — an  angel.  But  the  main  thing  in  the  matter 
of  your  absence  is  in  this,  that  she  really  suffered 


Marriage.  237 

less,  I  believe,  in  dying,  than  she  would  have  done 
if  you  had  been  present ;  for  the  pain  of  parting 
would  have  been  increased  tenfold,  and  she  expressed 
herself  very  decidedly  to  that  effect  the  day  before 
she  died,  when  she  was  suffering  very  much.  As  I 
was  sitting  by  her  bedside  she  said,  "  Oh,  I  am  so 
glad  that  Upton  is  not  here  to  witness  this,  it  would 
add  so  much  to  both  our  pain  in  parting ! "  and 
added  several  similar  expressions,  showing  her  con 
viction  that  it  was  better  for  both  that  you  were 
not  present,  and  I  am  convinced  that  your  presence 
would  have  made  her  last  parting  from  this  world 
more  painful  and  bitter  for  her,  and  infinitely  more 
agonizing  to  you  ;  therefore  I  think  you  should  con 
sider  the  matter  in  the  same  light  as  she  did,  and 
believe  that  "  whatever  is  is  best."  Then  she  had 
every  care  that  loving  and  sympathizing  friends 
could  give.  Every  person  who  had  the  happiness 
of  knowing  your  dear  wife  gave,  if  he  could  nothing 
more,  his  love  and  kindest  sympathy.  Indeed,  I 
never  knew  any  person  who  received  so  much  gen 
eral  love  and  esteem,  and,  I  may  safely  add,  or  who 
deserved  it  more. 

Upton  was  indeed  bereaved.  Nothing  but  his 
firm  religious  faith  could  have  sustained  him  in 
the  trying  months  that  followed.  The  memory  of 
his  wife  was  kept  fresh  and  pure,  and  her  influence 
on  his  life  never  for  a  moment  failed  him.  But 
his  after-life,  although  devoted  to  the  conscientious 
discharge  of  his  duties,  lacked  that  rounded  full 
ness  that  would  have  graced  and  perfected  it  had 
it  been  given  him  to  live  it  with  his  chosen  wife. 


238  Emory  Upton. 

In  time  he  regained  his  wonted  spirits,  to  all  out 
ward  appearance,  but,  to  those  who  were  permitted 
to  penetrate  his  inmost  thoughts,  the  growth  in 
spiritual  manhood  was  known  to  be  real  and  pro 
gressive. 

After  the  first  severe  trial,  he  never  yielded  to 
rebellious  thoughts,  but  acknowledged  that  "  He 
doeth  all  things  well."  He  never  for  a  moment  for 
got  his  beloved  wife,  nor  permitted  her  image  to  fade 
from  his  mind.  He  kept  her  memory  fresh  and  pure, 
dwelling  on  her  virtues,  her  love,  and  her  inheritance 
as  a  child  of  God.  This  led  him  to  believe  her  still 
living,  yet  waiting  for  him,  kept  him  pure,  more  at 
tentive  to  his  religious  duties,  and  caused  him  to 
seek  opportunities  of  helping  others  to  obtain  the 
peace  of  mind  that  had  found  a  lodging  in  his  soul. 
His  weekly  letters  to  her  mother  down  to  the  day  of 
his  own  death  are  filled  with  the  noblest  sentiments 
and  records  of  the  purest  conduct ;  all  unconsciously 
told  with  the  humility  and  sincerity  of  a  man  in  whom 
"  the  peace  of  God  "  has  found  a  resting-place. 

It  is  unquestionably  the  most  marked  tribute  to 
the  greatness  and  priceless  value  of  the  true  love  of 
a  wife  for  her  husband.  It  came  to  him  at  a  time 
when  the  glory  of  his  profession  had  reached  its 
highest  limit,  and  when  without  it  he  might  have 
let  go  the  substance  of  his  faith  for  the  shadowy 
possession  of  mere  human  praise,  and  the  temporal 
ities  of  a  worldly  life  of  ambition.  He  was  merci 
fully  directed  to  center  his  thoughts  and  his  love  on 
higher  treasures  than  those  of  earth,  and  his  life 
gave  striking  evidence  that  it  was  in  accord  with 
his  religious  belief. 


Marriage.  239 

The  following  letters  exhibit  the  trustful  spirit 
of  the  Christian  who  alone  can  bear  up  under  such 
severe  trials,  and  show  how  Upton,  through  his 
chastening,  grew  in  meekness  and  grace  : 

WlLLOWBROOK,  May  n,  1870. 

MY  DEAR  PARENTS:  Mrs.  Martin  and  I  will 
leave  to-morrow  morning  for  New  York  on  our 
way  to  Atlanta,  where,  with  God's  blessing  attend 
ing  us,  we  shall  arrive  Saturday,  the  2ist  I  shall 
remain  there  about  ten  days,  and  then  break  up, 
preparatory  to  establishing  myself  at  West  Point. 
We  shall  go  via  Washington,  and  return  via  Charles 
ton  and  the  sea  to  New  York.  Nelly  arrived  last 
Friday  from  Nassau,  quite  worn  in  body  and  mind. 
She  passed  a  most  trying  month  in  Nassau,  mostly 
because  she  had  no  one  to  whom  she  could  confide 
her  griefs,  and  from  whom  she  could  receive  heart 
felt  sympathy.  All  the  accounts  she  brings  of  my 
dear  Emily  convey  consolation.  She  tells  us  that 
Emily  passed  a  most  happy  winter ;  that  she  suffered 
far  less  at  Nassau  than  she  did  at  home  last  summer, 
and  the  last  ten  days  of  her  illness  were  not  of  that 
painful  nature  we  had  apprehended.  I  strive  to 
bow  to  this  affliction,  and  to  acknowledge  in  it  the 
goodness  of  God ;  yet  I  selfishly  long  for  my  dar 
ling.  I  know  this  feeling  to  be  wrong,  since  Emily, 
having  finished  her  labors,  has  simply  been  called 
to  her  heavenly  rest.  She  was  prepared  to  go ; 
her  life  was  complete,  and  God  has  called  her  to 
himself.  I  know  that  in  her  death  I  have  been 
drawn  nearer  to  Christ,  and  that  I  can  now  lay  hold 
of  the  plan  of  salvation  as  I  never  could  before. 


240  Emory  Upton. 

Surely  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  the  promise  of 
a  blessed  immortality,  rob  death  of  its  sting,  and  if 
prepared  I  can  now  see  that,  with  St.  Paul,  we  all 
ought  to  be  able  to  say  that  "for  me  to  live  is 
Christ,  and  to  die  is  gain." 

Those,  my  dear  parents,  who,  like  you,  have 
nearly  run  the  race  of  life,  ought  to  look  forward 
with  joy  and  thankfulness  to  the  dawning  of  eternal 
life,  and  I  pray  that  with  you  we,  as  a  family,  may 
all  soon  be  partakers  of  the  joys  prepared  for  those 
that  love  God.  With  tender  love,  my  dear  father 
and  mother,  Your  affectionate  son, 

EMORY. 

ATLANTA,  May  22,  1870. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER  :  Mrs.  Martin  and  I  will  leave 
here  a  week  from  to-morrow,  so  as  to  take  at  Charles 
ton  the  steamer  of  the  3ist,  which,  with  God's  bless 
ing,  will  land  us  in  New  York  June  3d.  Mother  bore 
the  journey  here  very  well.  She  stopped  over  last 
Sunday  at  Westchester,  rested  a  day  in  Washing 
ton,  and  one  in  Knoxville.  We  arrived  here  in 
good  health  Saturday  morning. 

The  feeling  of  desolation  has  again  come  over 
me,  as,  in  entering  my  home,  I  realize  that  the  loved 
one  who  made  it  so  happy,  my  precious  Emily,  has 
gone  from  me  forever.  But  God  can  help  me  to 
bear  this  sorrow,  and,  while  now  life  offers  no  at 
tractions,  I  know  that  when  again  in  active  duty, 
employed  in  instilling  in  the  minds  of  the  nation's 
future  defenders  ideas  of  devotion  to  duty  and  dis 
cipline,  I  shall  experience  consolation  in  the  thought 
that  I  am  again  useful  in  the  world.  Here  I  am  in 


Marriage.  241 

the  midst  of  a  thousand  evidences  of  Emily's  love 
for  me.  It  was  at  this  desk  my  heart  flowed  out  to 
her  daily  in  the  letters  which  used  to  comfort  her 
poor  heart.  But  all  is  changed.  She  is  hidden 
from  me,  and  already  violets,  blooming  over  her 
sacred  form,  offer  their  daily  fragrance  unto  Heaven. 
I  am  not  tempted  to  arraign  the  goodness  of  God. 
1  can  humbly  thank  him  for  lending  me,  even  for  so 
short  a  time,  his  angelic  child,  who,  under  his  chas 
tening  hand,  brought  me  back  to  a  knowledge  of 
the  truth,  and  with  her  I  can  say,  "  Bless  the  Lord, 
O  my  soul,  and  forget  not  all  his  benefits." 
ii 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

COMMANDANT   OF   CADETS. 

GENERAL  UPTON,  upon  being  mustered  out  of 
the  volunteer  service  in  April,  1866,  resumed  his 
rank  of  captain  in  the  Fifth  Regiment  of  Artillery 
of  the  regular  army.  In  the  mean  while  favorable 
recommendations  had  been  sent  to  the  War  Depart 
ment  urging  that  his  services  should  not  be  over 
looked  in  the  contemplated  reorganization  of  the 
army.  From  the  Executive  of  his  own  State  the 
following  strong  indorsement  of  his  services  was  no 
less  flattering  to  his  friends  than  it  was  deserved  by 
himself : 

STATE  OF  NEW  YORK,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 

ALBANY,  November  17,  1865. 

HON.  E.  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 

SIR:  I  have  the  honor  to  recommend  that  in  the 
reorganization  of  the  regular  army  Brevet  Major- 
General  E.  Upton  may  be  appointed  to  a  position 
commensurate  with  his  experience,  abilities,  and 
distinguished  services.  As  a  representative  of  this 
State  our  people  have  taken  a  just  pride  in  his  brill 
iant  and  highly  honorable  record  in  the  field. 

The  troops  under  the  immediate  command  of 
General  Upton  have  captured  twenty  colors,  thirty- 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  243 

nine  guns,  and  over  six  thousand  prisoners,  as  ap 
pears  from  the  official  reports.  He  has  been  three 
times  wounded,  and  has  had  a  number  of  horses 
killed  under  him.  I  earnestly  desire  that  his  meri 
torious  and  patriotic  services,  extending  through 
the  entire  war,  may  receive  proper  recognition  by 
conferring  as  high  rank  and  important  command  as 
may  seem  justly  his  due. 

Very  respectfully, 

R.  E.  FENTON. 

On  the  28th  of  July,  1866,  he  was  offered  and 
accepted  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel  of  the 
Twenty-fifth  Regiment  of  Infantry.  He  passed  his 
examination  with  credit  on  the  loth  of  October,  and 
was  commissioned  to  date  from  the  day  of  his  ap 
pointment.  This  substantial  reward  and  recogni 
tion  of  his  services  during  the  war  was  acknowl 
edged  by  all  who  knew  Upton,  and  were  acquainted 
with  his  career,  as  well  deserved.  But  in  the  great 
reduction  that  attended  the  reorganization  of  the 
regular  army,  there  were  many  officers  who  had 
held  high  commands,  had  displayed  creditable  mili 
tary  ability,  and  who  naturally  expected  to  receive 
due  recognition  in  the  reorganization  of  the  army. 
Some  were  offered  rank  but  little  higher  than  that 
which  they  had  gained  by  the  slow  process  of  lineal 
promotion,  and  some  were  wholly  passed  over.  A 
number  of  these  had  had  longer  service  than  Upton, 
and  had  held  as  high,  if  not  higher,  commands.  Of 
course  the  distribution  of  the  prizes  which  was 
made  was  held  by  these  gentlemen  and  their  friends 
to  be  unfair.  Individual  instances  may  certainly  be 


244  Emory  Upton. 

cited  which,  without  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all 
the  controlling  circumstances,  would  appear  to  con 
firm  even  the  harshest  criticism  that  could  be  made. 
For  instance,  an  officer  of  fifteen  years'  service  be 
fore  the  commencement  of  the  rebellion  had  attained 
to  the  rank  of  captain  of  artillery,  and  was  in  com 
mand  of  his  company  at  Fort  Moultrie,  and  formed 
with  it  a  part  of  the  garrison  of  Fort  Sumter  in  its 
defense  by  Major  Anderson.  This  captain  had  seen 
service  in  Mexico,  and  had  been  twice  brevetted 
for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  in  the  battles 
which  preceded  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Mexico 
by  General  Scott.  He  gained  the  full  rank  of 
brigadier-general  of  volunteers  early  in  1862,  and 
the  brevets  of  all  the  grades  up  to  and  including 
that  of  major-general  in  the  regulars  and  volun 
teers.  He  was  a  most  gallant  officer,  and  full  of 
earnestness,  courage,  and  devotion  to  duty  under 
the  most  trying  circumstances  of  the  war.  His  act 
ive  service  and  exposure  to  every  danger  incident 
to  war  were  second  to  none.  Yet,  when  the  war 
ended,  his  lineal  rank  in  the  artillery  was  still  that 
of  captain,  and  upon  being  mustered  out  of  the 
volunteer  service  he  returned  to  the  command  of 
his  company  of  artillery  on  the  Florida  coast  in  the 
fall  of  1865. 

While  such  cases  appear  to  give  color  to  the  cry 
of  partisan  feeling  with  which  the  selecting  and 
appointing  powers  were  charged,  it  is  to  be  re 
marked  that  no  possible  assignment  could  have  been 
made  against  which  similar  adverse  criticism  might 
not  with  apparent  justice  have  been  urged.  And 
so  far  as  Upton  himself  was  concerned,  it  is  quite 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  245 

certain  that  his  advancement  was  a  just  and  proper 
tribute  to  his  eminent  military  ability  and  gallant 
services,  and  that,  but  for  the  rule  requiring  ap 
pointees  from  the  regular  army  in  the  same  grade 
to  take  rank  according  to  date  of  previous  commis 
sion,  he  would  have  been  a  colonel,  or  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  lieutenant-colonels.  He  was  recom 
mended  by  General  Grant  for  the  higher  grade, 
but,  as  the  names  were  arranged  according  to  pre 
vious  regular  army  rank,  his  was  at  the  end  of  the 
list.  The  President  afterward  interpolated  two 
names,  and  thus  pushed  Upton's  down  into  those  of 
the  lieutenant-colonels,  where  they  were  again  ar 
ranged  according  to  previous  regular  army  rank, 
which  put  him  nearly  at  the  foot  of  the  list,  His 
subsequent  labors  in  his  profession  reflected  great 
credit  upon  the  American  service,  and  brought  in 
creased  honor  to  his  name. 

While  on  duty  at  Atlanta  he  was  privately  in 
formed  by  the  authorities  in  Washington  that  the 
President  had  selected  him  as  the  next  commandant 
at  West  Point,  and  that  he  was  to  hold  himself  in 
readiness  to  relieve  Colonel  H.  M.  Black,  then  com 
mandant,  June  30,  1870,  the  expiration  of  his  term 
of  service.  This  gratifying  assurance  of  the  esteem 
and  confidence  of  the  War  Department  was  fully 
appreciated,  and  he  eagerly  anticipated  the  possi 
bilities  that  would  come  to  him  in  the  discharge  of 
his  important  trust.  He  thought  of  the  pleasure  it 
would  bring  to  his  beloved  wife,  who  he  knew 
would  enter  warmly  into  all  his  plans  for  the  im 
provement  of  the  young  soldiers  intrusted  to  his 
care. 


246  Emory  Upton. 

But  his  fondest  anticipations  were  by  her  death 
at  once  sadly  overclouded,  and  this  bereavement 
almost,  for  a  time,  overwhelmed  him,  and  before  he 
reported  for  duty  at  West  Point  he  had  passed 
through  the  severest  trial  that  a  Christian  man  has 
to  suffer,  and  was  by  it  the  better  fitted  to  meet  the 
requirements  of  his  new  station. 

The  official  head  of  the  Military  Academy  is  a 
superintendent,  having  the  local  rank  of  a  colonel 
of  engineers,  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  At  the  time  of  which  we  write  the 
law  had  been  so  amended  as  to  permit  the  selection 
of  superintendent  to  be  made  from  the  whole  army, 
whereas  it  had  previously  been  limited  to  the  Corps 
of  Engineers.  The  Academy  was  then  under  the 
superintendency  of  General  Pitcher,  the  first  selec 
tion  under  the  new  act,  and  he  had  already  served 
in  that  capacity  for  four  years  when  General  Upton 
reported  to  him  as  the  commandant  of  the  Corps 
of  Cadets.  An  officer  of  high  rank  of  the  Inspector- 
General's  Department  was  the  inspector  of  the 
Academy,  who  reported  directly  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  and  was  the  official  channel  between  that 
functionary  and  the  superintendent.  The  superin 
tendent  has  the  immediate  command  and  govern 
ment  of  the  institution.  He  directs  the  studies, 
academic  duties,  and  field  exercises,  and  renders  to 
the  War  Department  all  required  reports,  returns, 
and  estimates  concerning  the  Academy. 

For  the  successful  progress  of  the  institution 
during  his  administration  he  must  be  endowed  with 
more  than  ordinary  ability,  possess  great  tact  and 
firmness  of  purpose,  and  such  inherent  qualities  as 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  247 

to  command  the  respect  and  affection  of  his  subor 
dinates. 

He  should  be  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the 
special  influence  of  the  different  branches  of  instruc 
tion  in  the  development  of  the  scholarship  of  the 
cadets,  and  should  direct  with  judgment  the  opera 
tions  of  the  various  departments,  so  that  no  undue 
prominence  shall  be  given  one  to  the  detriment  of 
another.  On  the  other  hand,  he  should  interpose 
to  check  the  tendency  always  found  in  educational 
institutions  toward  a  disproportionate  enlargement 
of  any  department,  due  to  the  zeal  of  its  professor. 

His  relation  to  the  cadets  is  of  the  greatest  im 
portance  in  the  exaction  of  discipline.  Supervising 
constantly  all  breaches  of  regulations,  he  wields  a 
powerful  lever  for  the  moral  culture  of  the  students. 
Strict  impartiality  in  his  dealings  with  them  inspires 
confidence  in  the  certainty  that  punishment  will  fol 
low  infractions  of  the  regulations,  and  that  proper 
commendation  will  be  ensured  by  good  behavior. 
It  is  essential  that  the  most  thorough  accord  should 
exist  in  the  relations  of  the  superintendent  and  com 
mandant  of  cadets. 

This  latter  officer  has  the  immediate  command 
of  the  Battalion  of  Cadets,  and  is  the  instructor  in 
the  tactics  of  the  three  arms  of  the  service  and  in 
the  rules  of  military  police,  discipline,  and  adminis 
tration.  His  example  should  be  that  of  the  ideal 
soldier,  officer,  and  gentleman.  He  should  cultivate 
soldierly  honor  among  the  cadets  until  it  attains 
vigorous  growth.  He  should  rebuke  with  severity 
the  first  tendency  to  prevarication  or  dishonesty  in 
word  or  act.  With  a  system  of  divided  responsi- 


248  Emory  Upton. 

bility,  which  ultimately  rests  on  one  of  two  com 
rades,  he  should  control  all  by  strict  and  increasing- 
exactions. 

To  make  his  government  successful  he  should  be 
endowed  with  the  highest  soldierly  qualities  in  per 
sonal  bearing  at  drill,  and  even  in  every  act  while 
subject  to  the  vision  of  his  corps. 

The  departments  of  instruction  are  presided 
over  by  professors,  commissioned  by  the  President 
as  officers  of  the  army,  and  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  They  are  the  only  permanent  officers  of 
the  institution,  and  their  duties  pertain  wholly  to 
instruction,  studies,  and  other  matters  of  a  purely 
academic  character.  Finally,  a  number  of  officers 
of  the  army  belonging  to  the  various  corps  and 
arms  are  detached  from  their  customary  duties  and 
sent  to  the  Academy  for  a  tour  of  four  years'  ser 
vice  as  assistants  in  the  several  branches  of  instruc 
tion.  It  will  be  seen  from  this  outline  that  the 
organization  of  the  Academy  is  not  unlike  the  execu 
tive  and  legislative  branches  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment. 

The  superintendent  is  the  president  for  four  or 
more  years,  and  after  his  tour  expires  he  rejoins 
his  command.  While  in  office  he  is  supreme,  under 
the  regulations.  The  professors  act  as  a  senate,  a 
permanent  body  exercising  a  conservative  influence 
in  methods  and  in  the  character  of  instruction.  The 
army  officers,  fresh  from  active  service,  like  the 
representatives  of  Congress,  bring  with  them  the 
existing  sentiment  of  the  army,  and  return  to  it  that 
of  the  Academy  when  they  again  rejoin  their  com 
mands. 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  249 

The  exacting  duties  of  the  commandant  can  best 
be  understood  by  detailing-  the  current  business  to 
which  his  attention  is  directed.  His  office,  in  a 
building  situated  in  the  area  of  barracks,  is  centrally 
located  with  respect  to  his  command.  At  reveille, 
which  occurs  at  6  A.  M.  during  study-time,  or  from 
September  ist  to  June  2oth,  cadets  are  required  to 
rise,  dress,  and  appear  in  ranks  in  the  area  of  bar 
racks  before  the  reveille  ceases.  Rolls  are  called  by 
the  cadet  first  sergeant  of  each  company,  absentees 
reported  to  each  cadet  captain,  who,  in  turn,  reports 
to  the  cadet  officer  of  the  day.  The  latter,  after  re 
porting  to  the  army  officer,  an  instructor  of  tactics, 
in  charge,  personally  seeks  each  delinquent,  and 
notifies  him  of  his  reported  absence.  On  breaking 
ranks,  each  cadet  repairs  to  his  room,  makes  his 
bed,  and  the  room  orderly,  in  addition  sees  that  the 
room  is  ready  for  inspection.  This  inspection  is 
performed  by  cadet  inspectors  of  subdivision,  em 
bracing  two  floors  of  barracks,  or  eight  rooms. 
Any  departure  from  the  provisions  of  regulations  is 
noted  on  the  orderly  report-book.  Breakfast  roll- 
call  takes  place  thirty  minutes  after  reveille,  and 
after  breakfast  study-hours  begin.  The  comman 
dant  appears  in  his  office  at  7.30  A.  M.,  from  and  after 
which  time  cadets  may  seek  interviews  with  him  to 
explain  any  delinquencies  with  which  they  may 
have  been  reported  in  the  preceding  twenty-four 
hours.  In  these  interviews  the  utmost  particularity 
of  manner  and  bearing  on  the  part  of  the  cadet  is 
exacted.  He  knocks  at  the  door  of  the  comman 
dant's  office,  waits  the  invitation  to  enter,  and  stands 
uncovered  and  at  attention  while  he  states  in  clear 


250  Emory  Upton. 

and  concise  language  the  object  of  his  visit.  It  is 
in  these  personal  interviews  that  the  commandant 
learns  the  characteristics  of  the  cadets.  His  explan 
ations  may  be  frank  or  guarded,  he  may  be  open  or 
reserved,  but  he  builds  up  by  his  behavior  at  the 
frequent  visits  the  personal  impression  which  the 
commandant  attaches  to  him  in  the  four  years  of 
his  service  as  a  cadet.  Instead  of  seeking  a  personal 
interview,  he  may  submit  a  written  explanation  of 
his  delinquency,  and  in  thus  giving  a  written  ex 
pression  to  his  motives  and  conduct  he  opens  to 
the  commandant  an  inner  view  of  his  character.  A 
careful  study  of  each  cadet  leads  the  commandant 
to  estimate  the  capability  of  the  cadet  to  exercise 
the  duties  of  command,  and,  when  this  estimate  is 
confirmed  by  those  of  his  assistants,  the  command 
ant  recommends  to  the  superintendent  a  list  taken 
from  those  who  have  served  a  year,  for  appoint 
ments  as  corporals  in  the  battalion  organization — as 
sergeants  from  those  who  have  served  two  years, 
and  as  lieutenants  and  captains  from  those  who  have 
served  three  years.  These  are  the  prizes  for  good 
conduct,  careful  attention  to  duty,  studious  habits, 
and  aptitude  for  the  profession  as  indicated  by 
their  personal  bearing  and  attention  to  drill  and 
discipline. 

Each  army  officer,  after  orderly  hours,  inspects 
the  barrack-rooms  of  his  company  with  a  good  deal 
of  particularity.  The  regulations  which  govern  the 
cadet  occupants  are  very  precise  and  minute.  Even 
the  smallest  article  of  clothing,  under-wear,  bedding, 
equipment,  or  accoutrement,  is  so  arranged  as  to  be 
readily  seen  by  the  inspector.  The  minute  atten- 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  251 

tion  paid  to  these  matters  furnishes  the  basis  of  the 
majority  of  reported  delinquencies,  and  has  its  use 
in  building  up  an  attention  to  detail  that  is  consid 
ered  essential  in  military  life.  It  is  not  regarded  as 
a  mark  of  serious  unadaptability  for  the  service  to 
be  occasionally  lacking  in  these  respects ;  but,  as 
these  irregularities  give  demerit  when  not  satisfac 
torily  accounted  for,  they  affect  the  general  stand 
ing  of  the  cadet  in  his  class,  and  militate  somewhat 
against  a  soldierly  reputation  in  the  battalion  or 
ganization. 

The  control  and  supervision  of  the  cadets  are 
under  the  commandant  and  his  assistants  during  the 
entire  twenty-four  hours,  except  when  the  cadet  is 
at  recitation.  Then  the  professors,  with  their  assist 
ants,  are  responsible  for  discipline  and  proper  mili 
tary  bearing,  and  offenses  occurring  are  brought  to 
the  notice  of  the  superintendent.  The  military  drills 
and  exercises  are  regulated  and  conducted  by  the 
commandant.  They  take  place  at  such  regular  and 
stated  times  as  give  them  the  character  of  enforced 
exercises  and  recreation  from  study. 

It  must  be  apparent  to  even  a  casual  observer 
that  the  tone  of  the  Corps  of  Cadets  will  be  deter 
mined  by  the  character  and  disposition  of  the  com 
mandant  and  his  associate  officers.  While  it  is  true 
that  no  serious  mutiny  could  arise  and  remain  long 
unsubdued,  yet  it  is  quite  possible  that  an  inefficient 
and  weak  commandant  could  work  great  disaster 
to  the  moral  tone  of  the  Academy.  To  verify  this 
statement  it  is  necessary  to  know  what  at  present 
exists  and  has  for  a  long  time  existed  in  regard  to 
this  moral  tone.  Considering  the  whole  body  of 


252  Emory  Upton. 

young  men  as  a  community,  with  their  customs  and 
unwritten  laws,  which  have  been  passed  down  year 
by  year,  from  class  to  class,  let  us  inquire  what  is 
considered  as  vital  and  important  in  their  common 
sentiment.  The  upper  or  first  class,  from  whom 
the  commissioned  officers  of  the  battalion  are  select 
ed,  represent  the  accumulated  bearing,  dignity,  and 
experience  of  the  community.  The  prevailing  sen 
timent  of  this  class  is,  for  the  time  being,  that  of  the 
corps.  They  conceive  that  the  good  name  of  the 
corps  is  in  their  keeping,  and  they  jealously  guard 
it  as  their  own.  From  past  years  they  have  re 
ceived  one  thing  of  prime  value — the  principle  that 
a  cadet's  word  is  to  be  taken  unquestioned.  To  lie, 
prevaricate,  or  steal,  are  actions  that  no  cadet  could 
be  guilty  of  without  at  once  being  put  beyond  the 
pale  of  comradeship,  and  subjected  to  complete  os 
tracism.  Of  the  commission  of  such  serious  crimes 
the  authorities  would  at  once  be  informed  by  a 
spontaneous  impulse,  and  the  most  severe  manifes 
tation  of  wounded  personal  feeling  would  be  dis 
played  should  such  a  case  occur.  The  perfect  trust 
that  exists  among  comrades,  their  faith  in  one  an 
other's  word,  the  reliance  on  one  another's  charitable 
assistance  in  distress,  all  serve  to  give  this  trait  a 
healthy  growth  and  a  real  existence.  Other  viola 
tions  of  regulations,  such  as  intoxication,  absence 
from  quarters,  visiting  other  rooms,  smoking,  or 
"  frolicking,"  while  they  may  receive  no  encourage 
ment  from  the  great  majority,  are  regarded  in  a 
light  altogether  different.  The  punishment  may 
fall  upon  the  delinquents,  and  personal  expostula 
tion  may  be  used  among  friends,  although  they  are 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  253 

not  crimes,  but  peccadilloes,  as  estimated  by  the 
general  sentiment. 

Every  year  over  a  hundred  young  men,  between 
the  ages  of  seventeen  and  twenty-two,  come  from 
all  parts  of  the  country,  having  habits  of  all  kinds 
—natures  that  are  more  or  less  cultured  in  morals, 
and  tendencies  that  are  as  diverse  as  the  conditions 
that  have  produced  them.  To  bring  this  large 
fraction  of  the  corps  to  realize  the  proper  sentiment 
required  by  the  profession  of  arms,  is  a  labor  of 
great  delicacy,  and  yet  of  the  greatest  moment.  It 
is,  therefore,  a  wise  provision  that  the  selection  of 
these  two  officers  who  bear  this  great  responsibility 
should  rest  upon  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  he  should  be  carefully  advised  as  to  his 
nominations  for  these  positions. 

The  ideal  standard  of  discipline  of  the  Corps  of 
Cadets,  and  which  it  seems  possible  to  attain  accord 
ing  to  the  system  so  admirably  designed  by  Gen 
eral  Thayer,  may  be  described  as  follows  :  It  is  pre 
sumed  and  supposed  possible,  in  these  days  of  en 
lightenment,  that  every  young  man  entering  West 
Point  can  be  made  to  perceive  that  he  is  the  recip 
ient  of  a  nation's  bounty,  and  that  his  acceptance 
of  it  places  him  under  an  honorable  obligation  to 
fulfill  all  the  requirements  that  are  exacted  of  him. 
A  denial  of  this  obligation,  or  a  design  to  evade  its 
just  requirements,  when  either  becomes  evident  to 
the  authorities,  should  bring  about  a  separation  of 
such  an  individual  from  the  benefits,  and  permit 
another  to  enjoy  what  he  declines.  Let  us  suppose, 
then,  that  a  hundred  young  men  enter,  fully  im 
pressed  with  the  solemnity  of  the  important  trust 


254  Emory  Upton. 

confided  to  them,  and  of  their  obligations  under 
that  trust.  There  is  no  question  that,  should  the 
governing  powers  be  all  that  they  ought  to  be,  such 
a  sentiment  could  be  cultivated  and  supported  that 
the  regulations,  minor  as  well  as  important,  would 
be  obeyed  from  a  sense  of  duty  and  a  sense  of  per 
sonal  responsibility.  The  true  function  of  the  offi 
cers  on  duty  at  the  Academy  would  then  be  instruc 
tion  in  its  broadest  sense — instruction  in  morals,  in 
drill,  discipline,  studies,  and,  in  a  broader  view,  of 
their  relations  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States. 

Violations  of  regulations  would  occur  of  neces 
sity,  but  they  \vould  only  arise  from  carelessness, 
from  forgetfulness,  a  lack  in  systematic  arrangement 
of  mind,  and  not  from  intention  or  deliberate  pur 
pose.  Such  violations  would  be  attended  by  cor 
rective  but  not  punitive  measures,  and  the  demerit 
roll  would  clearly  exhibit  the  very  quality  of  the 
man  for  which  such  rolls  ought  to  be  established. 
Every  violation  of  regulations  should  then  have 
its  appropriate  demerit,  which  should  never  be  re 
moved  if  the  regulation  in  question  had  been  broken. 
Is  the  system  of  responsibility  such  as  to  make  this 
a  possibility  ?  Let  us  see.  As  a  battalion  organiza 
tion  the  commandant  is  the  colonel  or  official  head. 
Four  army  officers  personally  command  the  com 
panies  ;  four  cadet  officers  are  appointed  as  captain 
and  lieutenants  in  each  company ;  the  company  has 
also  its  appropriate  cadet  sergeants  and  corporals. 
At  drill,  parade,  or  other  battalion  or  company  for- 
mations,  no  violation  of  regulations  can  occur  with 
out  the  notice  of  a  responsible  officer.  Let  him  be 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  255 

held  responsible.  In  barracks,  during  study-hours, 
the  system  of  divided  responsibility  is  such  that 
there  is  but  one  of  two  men  who  is  responsible  for 
the  preservation  of  good  order.  Hold  him  to  it, 
without  inquiry  as  to  the  actual  perpetrator  of  the 
offense,  and  this  system  will  yield  the  best  results. 
Let  it  be  understood  that  the  responsibility  and  its 
punishment  for  all  offenses  will  be  at  once  placed 
upon  the  individual  who,  by  his  office,  is  responsi 
ble,  and  ^then  there  is  brought  into  full  power  the 
restraining  influence  of  the  honorable  desire  of 
young  men  to  protect  their  comrades  in  the  dis 
charge  of  duty.  Punishment  means,  then,  disaster 
to  a  comrade,  and  its  infliction  can  only  be  avoided 
by  preventing  its  cause. 

Under  the  methods  generally  pursued,  the  whole 
energy  of  the  authorities  is  directed  to  detect  the 
guilty  actor,  and  this  calls  into  being  the  bold  front 
of  combination  of  a  governed  class  against  the  gov 
ernors.  No  matter  to  which  side  temporary  success 
comes,  a  feeling  of  discontent  will  pervade  both 
sides  alike  while  true  discipline  is  impaired. 

Examples  of  the  martinet  have  been  frequent  at 
West  Point — report  and  punish  being  the  rule,  "  in 
struct  and  correct "  the  exception.  The  delight, 
whether  real  or  apparent,  at  the  detection  of  some 
trivial  breaking  of  rules  is  made  manifest  to  the 
certain  lowering  of  discipline. 

It  is,  therefore,  essential  that  these  wrards  of  the 
nation  shall  be  governed  while  in  their  probationary 
period  of  tutelage  by  just  and  honorable  soldiers, 
who  stand  in  their  profession  as  models  worthy  of 
emulation.  Experience  and  history  both  unite  in 


256  Emory  Upton. 

testifying  that  all  cases  of  real  insubordination  have 
their  origin  in  the  want  of  tact,  narrow-mindedness, 
or  inefficiency  of  the  constituted  authorities  of  the 
Academy  for  the  time  being.  Any  other  supposi 
tion  as  to  the  cause  of  such  troubles  is  untenable 
when  one  considers  the  vast  power  which  the  au 
thorities  may  use  in  the  correction  of  abuses.  Five 
hundred  and  forty  dollars  a  year,  affording  the 
means  of  a  comfortable  support,  of  a  complete 
equipment  in  clothing,  books,  and  necessary  mate 
rial,  for  a  sound  and  valuable  preliminary  education 
for  a  noble  profession,  and  a  guarantee  of  a  com 
mission  in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States, 
are  the  strong  levers  by  which  good  government 
and  a  willing  obedience  can  be  secured,  not  only 
from  three  hundred  and  fifty  young  men,  but  from 
a  vastly  greater  number.  Let  us,  in  the  light  of  the 
above,  study  the  career  of  General  Upton  while  ex 
ercising  his  function  as  commandant  of  cadets. 

He  reported  for  duty  July  i,  1870,  and  took 
command  of  the  corps  when  it  was  in  camp.  His 
brilliant  career,  combined  with  his  soldierly  bear 
ing,  made  at  once  the  best  impression  upon  the 
young  men  confided  to  his  charge,  and  they  soon 
learned  that  he  knew  how  to  command.  The  mili 
tary  drills  improved,  the  bearing  of  the  cadets 
became  more  military,  and  his  quick,  prompt 
movements  found  a  ready  response  in  their  own 
quickened  motions.  Nothing  occurred  during  the 
encampment  to  mar  the  pleasant  relationship  that 
soon  grew  into  mutual  confidence  and  respect.  At 
every  drill  the  commandant  was  on  the  ground, 
supervising  but  not  interfering  in  the  functions  of 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  257 

his  subordinates.  Camp  was  broken  as  usual  in 
the  latter  part  of  August,  and  barrack  and  study 
life  began  in  earnest  on  the  ist  of  September.  The 
battalion-drills  soon  exhibited  to  the  corps  that  they 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  thorough  tactician ; 
and  it  was  not  long  before  the  evolutions  of  this 
organization  exhibited  a  perfection  that  enhanced 
the  pride  of  the  cadets  as  much  as  it  contributed 
to  the  pleasure  of  all  the  officers  of  the  Academy 
and  visitors  who  witnessed  them. 

The  utmost  harmony  seemed  to  prevail.  Minor 
changes  incident  to  all  new  administrations  were 
made  without  friction,  and  everything  gave  promise 
of  a  successful  and  peaceful  tour  of  service  for  four 
years.  Thoughts  of  uninterrupted  labor  in  the 
details  of  his  professional  work  filled  Upton's  mind, 
and  no  one  could  have  predicted  the  trouble  that 
afterward  appeared.  The  January  examination  was 
approaching,  and  only  minor  delinquencies  existed 
in  the  corps.  The  first  serious  disturbance  of  his 
administration  occurred  on  the  2d  of  January,  1871. 
A  brief  summary  of  the  circumstances  is  as  fol 
lows  : 

New-Year's-day  falling  on  Sunday,  the  next  day, 
Monday,  January  2d,  was  observed  as  a  holiday, 
and  the  ordinary  duties  of  the  Academy  were  sus 
pended.  A  hop  had  been  granted  to  the  first  and 
second  classes,  and  visiting  privileges  in  barracks 
to  the  third  class  ;  but  the  fourth  class  remained 
under  the  customary  restrictions,  because  its  exam 
ination  was  to  begin  at  9  A.  M.  on  the  morning  of 
the  3d  of  January. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  fact  that  the  majority 


258  Emory  Upton. 

of  the  cadets  would  not  be  required  to  be  present 
in  their  rooms  after  evening  call  to  quarters,  a 
cadet  of  the  fourth  class  determined  to  absent  him 
self  from  his  quarters,  and,  at  some  risk,  visit  the 
neighboring-  village  of  Highland  Falls.  In  the  esti 
mation  of  the  older  cadets,  this  action  would  not  be 
considered  dishonorable,  although  it  constitutes  a 
violation  of  an  important  regulation,  and  in  case  of 
detection  would  be  followed  by  the  serious  punish 
ment  of  suspension  for  a  year,  or  complete  dis 
missal.  But  the  cadet  went  further  than  this,  and 
overstepped  the  boundary  of  recognized  morals, 
by  arranging  with  his  room-mate  to  falsely  report 
that  his  absence,  in  case  it  should  be  discovered, 
was  a  permissible  and  proper  one.  Discovery  did 
follow,  the  false  report  was  made,  its  falsity  was  de 
tected,  and  both  young  men  were  arrested.  Asso 
ciated  with  them,  another  cadet  of  the  same  class 
was  also  detected  in  a  similar  action. 

Had  nothing  occurred  to  interfere  with  the 
proper  course  of  justice,  the  action  of  the  authori 
ties  would  have  been  as  follows  :  Charges  would 
have  been  preferred,  and  a  trial  ordered  before  a 
general  court-martial,  followed  by  a  sentence  of  dis 
missal,  in  the  event  of  the  substantiation  of  the 
charges.  Or  the  resignation  of  the  cadets  would 
have  been  accepted,  to  prevent  publicity  and  mor 
tification  to  the  friends  and  relatives  of  the  offend 
ing  cadets.  A  mitigation  of  the  sentence  of  dis 
missal  might  have  been  made  by  the  authorities  at 
Washington,  as  had  been  done  in  several  preceding 
similar  cases. 

When  the  facts  in  these  cases  were  known  to 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  259 

the  members  of  the  first  class,  an  almost  spon 
taneous  feeling  of  indignation  took  possession  of 
them  which  carried  them  beyond  the  bounds  of  dis 
cipline.  They  violated  the  regulations  in  several  im 
portant  particulars.  Thus,  they  met  as  a  class  and 
deliberated  upon  the  action  they  should  take.  They 
decided  to  drive  these  guilty  cadets  from  the  Acad 
emy,  and  on  the  following  night,  at  twelve  o'clock, 
their  determination  was  put  into  execution,  without 
the  slightest  suspicion  being  aroused  in  the  mind 
of  any  officer  of  the  Academy.  At  orderly  hour  on 
the  next  morning  a  committee  of  this  class  informed 
General  Upton  of  their  action,  and  awaited  their 
punishment  for  the  proceedings  which  they  had 
originated  and  effected.  They  gave  certain  rea 
sons  as  a  justification  of  their  course.  They  stated 
"  that  the  reputation  of  the  corps  had  been  suffering 
a  long  time  under  the  imputation  that  the  mem 
bers  were  not  as  truthful  or  as  honorable  as  they 
had  been  before,  and  that  too  many  cases  of  this 
character  had  recently  come  to  light ;  they  be 
lieved  it  was  necessary  to  place  some  seal  of  con 
demnation  upon  such  conduct,  and  therefore  they 
had  decided  as  a  class  that  the  only  way  they 
could  do  that  was  by  telling  these  persons  to  leave 
the  post — that  they  would  not  have  them  in  the 
corps."  They  stated  "  that  they  went  to  the  rooms 
of  these  cadets  and  informed  them  of  this,  took  them 
up  the  back  road  near  Fort  Putnam,  gave  them 
citizens'  clothes,  fifty  dollars  in  money  to  support 
them  until  they  could  get  assistance  from  their 
friends,  and  then  told  them  to  leave."  They  stated 
further  "  that  it  was  a  transaction  of  the  whole  class, 


260  Emory  Upton. 

that  they  were  alike  responsible,  and  were  perfectly 
willing  to  tell  everything  that  had  occurred  ireely, 
so  that  the  authorities  would  be  in  possession  of  all 
the  evidence  and  particulars  of  the  affair." 

The  commandant  immediately  reported  this  to 
the  superintendent,  and  directed  the  first  class  to 
submit  at  once  in  writing  the  evidence  on  Avhich  the 
action  of  the  class  had  been  based.  He  did  not 
consider  it  necessary  to  put  the  whole  class  in  ar 
rest,  for  the  reason  that  whatever  was  to  be  done 
should  be  done  in  a  very  deliberate  manner,  and 
there  was  plenty  of  time  to  consider  what  steps 
should  be  taken  in  the  premises. 

In  obedience  to  the  direction  of  the  comman 
dant  the  following  paper  was  sent  in  on  the  next 
day: 

WEST  POINT,  N.  Y.,  January  5,  1871. 

SIR  :  We  have  taken  a  step  of  some  boldness, 
but  not  of  precipitation,  as  we  fully  considered  the 
consequences  of  our  act  before  accomplishing  it, 
and  were  urged  to  it  by  motives  which  we  be 
lieved  to  be  commendable  and  to  the  advantage  of 
the  Corps  of  Cadets. 

The  evidences  against  the  cadets  were  taken  into 
account  and  fully  weighed,  and  we  thought  their 
conduct  was  such  as  would  justify  our  course  of 
action. 

.  .  .  The  events  to  which  the  foregoing  state 
ments  relate  occurred  on  the  2d  day  of  January,  1871. 
The  above  is  the  evidence  upon  which  we  acted, 
and  it  showed  conclusively  to  our  minds  that  such 
men  as  these  were  unfit  to  bear  the  name  and  be 
the  associates  of  gentlemen,  and  were  a  disgrace  to 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  261 

the  uniform  which  they  wore.  Moreover,  from  the 
manner  in  which  some  members  of  the  fourth  class 
have  been  conducting  themselves  of  late,  and  the 
utter  disregard  of  the  truth  which  they  have 
evinced,  we  judged  that  a  severe  example  was 
necessary  to  amend  this  laxity  of  principle,  and  that 
were  the  matter  to  be  conducted  by  the  first  class 
it  would  have  a  more  decided  effect  upon  them  than 
would  a  regular  process  by  the  proper  authorities, 
for  their  prevarications  would,  to  a  great  extent? 
screen  them  from  the  eyes  of  the  latter,  while  little 
or  nothing  could  be  concealed  from  those  who  have 
every  opportunity  of  witnessing  and  hearing  of 
their  misdemeanors.  These  are  the  motives  which 
urged  us  to  the  conception  of  our  project,  and  the 
execution  of  the  decided  step  which  we  adopted. 
We  are,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 

COMMITTEE 
Representing  the  First  Class. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  General  Upton  dis 
patched  one  of  his  officers  to  Highland  Falls  to 
bring  the  three  cadets  back  to  West  Point,  but  they 
had  gone,  one  to  Jersey  City  and  the  other  two  to 
Poughkeepsie.  On  the  5th,  word  was  received  as 
to  their  whereabout,  and  the  same  officer  pro 
ceeded  by  first  train  on  the  6th  to  Poughkeepsie, 
and  brought  back  two  of  them.  After  an  interview 
with  the  commandant,  during  which  he  clearly 
stated  to  them  the  nature  of  the  charges  against 
them  for  lying,  and  the  character  of  the  proof  which 
could  be  submitted  to  substantiate  the  charges,  they 
both  offered  their  resignations.  These  resignations, 


262  Emory  Upton. 

not  having  the  consent  of  their  parents,  as  required 
by  the  regulations,  were,  however,  forwarded  by 
the  commandant  approved,  with  the  recommenda 
tion  that  the  requisite  parental  consent  be  waived 
in  both  cases,  because  of  the  delay  and  useless  mor 
tification  it  would  occasion.  The  resignations  were 
accepted,  to  take  effect  on  January  gth. 

On  the  loth  of  January,  the  superintendent,  hav 
ing  fully  investigated  the  matter,  issued  an  order  in 
which,  while  he  concedes  that  the  motive  which 
animated  the  members  of  the  first  class  originated 
from  a  praiseworthy  source,  he  expressed  his  strong 
disapproval  of  their  assumption  of  power,  and  as 
signed  to  them  punishment. 

On  the  8th  of  January,  a  resolution  was  intro 
duced  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  passed 
on  the  1 2th,  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs 
be  empowered  to  send  for  persons  and  papers  to  in 
vestigate  said  matters  of  the  expulsion  and  subse 
quent  enforced  resignation  of  certain  cadets,  and  to 
report  the  facts  to  the  House,  with  such  recommen 
dation,  by  bill  or  otherwise,  as  the  facts,  in  their 
opinion,  may  warrant,  and  the  committee  shall  have 
leave  to  report  at  any  time. 

The  January  examinations,  which  began  on  the 
3d  of  the  month,  were  permitted  to  continue  unin- 
terrupted  until  their  close,  before  the  Congressional 
Committee  began  their  investigation.  This  was  in 
accordance  with  the  request  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  of  the 
House. 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  263 

Three  members  of  this  committee,  Joel  F.  Asper, 
Jasper  Packard,  and  H.  W.  Slocum,  were  appointed 
a  sub-committee,  and  on  the  2;th  of  January  pro 
ceeded  to  West  Point  to  investigate  the  affair. 
They  sat  two  days,  and  examined  all  parties  con 
cerned,  and  on  the  7th  of  February  submitted  their 
report. 

The  principal  points  in  their  report,  to  which 
our  attention  for  the  purposes  of  this  memoir  is 
needed,  are  these : 

After  stating  that  the  committee  found  no  great 
difficulty  in  ascertaining  the  facts  in  the  case,  as  the 
War  Department  and  the  officers  and  cadets  at  the 
Academy  promptly  placed  at  their  disposal  every 
means  and  facility  in  their  power  to  enable  them  to 
make  a  thorough  and  ample  investigation,  they  re 
ported  the  facts  substantially  as  above  given.  They 
add,  referring  to  the  action  of  the  superintendent 
and  commandant : 

Nothing  further  was  done  with  the  offenders. 
No  arrests  were  made,  no  charges  preferred,  nor 
has  any  action  been  taken  by  the  War  Depart 
ment. 

The  cadets  of  the  first  class  engaged  in  this 
transaction  have  been  kept  on  duty  as  before,  have 
charge  of  the  cadets  in  the  lower  classes  as  cap 
tains  and  lieutenants,  and  are  daily  engaged  in 
assisting  to  train  and  discipline  the  corps.  .  .  .  The 
reasons  which  induced  the  sudden  outburst  of  mob 
spirit  in  the  first  class  seem  to  be  either  incompre 
hensible,  or  spring  from  some  cause  which  your 
committee  have  been  unable  to  fathom.  Your  com- 


264  Emory  Upton. 

mittee  examined  several  of  the  officers  on  duty  at 
the  post,  but  the  only  reason  they  could  assign  was 
that  the  authorities  there  had  not  been  properly 
supported  in  their  efforts  to  preserve  order  and  an 
enforcement  of  discipline.  The  sum  of  the  testi 
mony  on  this  point  was,  that  discipline  at  the 
Point  was  as  good  as,  or  rather  better  for  the  last 
six  months  than,  formerly.  And  if  this  be  true,  its 
former  condition  must  have  been  deplorable.  The 
officers  immediately  in  charge  of  the  first  class  join 
in  the  report  that  this  class  have  been  more  than 
usually  amenable  to  discipline ;  have  had  a  high 
standing  for  good  and  orderly  conduct.  The  offi 
cers  of  the  Academy  knew  nothing  of  the  transac 
tion,  nor  have  they  approved  or  in  any  way  in 
dorsed  it.  "  In  a  military  point  of  view  "  they  have 
utterly  condemned  it.  They,  however,  speak  of 
the  "  motive  of  the  first  class  as  good."  Your  com 
mittee  have  made  a  statement  of  all  the  facts  they 
could  gather,  and  they  believe  them  full  enough 
for  a  proper  understanding  of  the  transaction,  and 
report  them  to  the  House  in  obedience  to  the  reso 
lution,  and  it  now  remains  to  make  such  a  recom 
mendation  as  they  believe  the  facts  will  demand  : 

i.  As  to  the  officers,  the  committee  believe  that 
the  superintendent  of  the  Academy  and  the  com 
mandant  of  the  Corps  of  Cadets  failed  to  properly 
appreciate  the  gravity  of  the  offense  committed  by 
the  first  class,  and  showed  a  disposition  to  avoid  a 
proper  investigation  and  punishment  of  the  gross 
breach  of  discipline  and  violation  of  regulations 
committed  by  the  class.  In  their  urgent  recom 
mendations  for  the  immediate  acceptance  of  the 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  265 

resignations  of  [the  cadets  implicated],  they  disre 
garded  the  following  regulation  of  the  Academy  : 

"  Par.  165.  A  cadet's  resignation,  if  he  be  under 
age,  must  be  accompanied  by  a  written  consent  of 
his  parent  or  guardian." 

2.  Their  conduct  in  advising  these  cadets  to 
resign  before  any  notice  had  been  taken  of,  or  in 
vestigation  ordered  into,  the  outrage  of  which  they 
had  been  the  victims,  is  censurable.  Their  failure 
to  take  prompt  action  for  the  punishment  of  the 
offending  class,  by  arresting  the  guilty  cadets  and 
preferring  charges  against  them  for  a  court-mar 
tial  ;  their  official  expression  of  a  belief  that  the  class 
were  actuated  by  "  good  motives  "  in  their  unlaw 
ful  action ;  and  their  continuance  of  the  first  class 
on  duty  as  cadet  officers  to  enforce  the  discipline 
of  the  Academy,  amount,  in  the  opinion  of  the  com 
mittee,  to  a  virtual  sanction  of  the  riotous  proceed 
ings  of  the  class,  and  an  encouragement  of  the  repe 
tition  of  the  offense.  The  position  thus  assumed  by 
the  officers  is  subversive  of  the  discipline  of  the 
Academy.  It  will,  if  maintained,  place  the  govern 
ment  of  the  institution  in  the  hands  of  the  first  class 
whenever  they  see  fit  to  constitute  themselves  the 
judges  of  the  delinquencies  of  the  members  of  the 
other  classes,  and  will  thus  destroy  all  subordina 
tion  and  respect  for  law  in  the  Corps  of  Cadets. 
The  conduct  of  the  officers  shows  a  lack  of  com 
prehension  of  the  principles  of  military  discipline, 
surprising  in  officers  of  long  and  honorable  service 
in  the  army.  The  only  thing  that  can  be  said  in 
extenuation  of  their  action  is  the  fact  that  their 
efforts  to  maintain  discipline  heretofore  seem  not  to 

12 


266  Emory  Upton. 

have  been  properly  sustained  by  the  authorities  at 
Washington  and  that  sentences  of  courts-martial 
providing  for  the  dismissal  of  cadets  have  almost 
invariably  been  remitted.  .  .  . 

The  published  report  of  the  committee  contain 
ing  this  censure  reached  West  Point  February  8th, 
and  on  the  Qth  the  superintendent  and  commandant 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  inspector  of 
the  Academy.  The  letter  was  written  by  General 
Upton,  and  concurred  in  by  General  Pitcher : 

The  Military  Committee  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  in  their  report  to  that  honorable  body  in 
reference  to  the  expulsion  from  the  Military  Acad 
emy  of  [certain]  cadets  by  the  first  class,  having 
charged  the  superintendent  of  the  Academy  and  the 
commandant  of  the  Corps  of  Cadets  with  having 
"failed  to  properly  appreciate  the  gravity  of  the 
offense  committed  by  the  first  class,  and  showed  a 
disposition  to  avoid  a  proper  investigation  and 
punishment  of  the  gross  breach  of  discipline  and 
violation  of  the  regulations  committed  by  the 
class " ;  having  charged  them  with  the  offense  of 
having  "  disregarded  the  following  regulations  of 
the  Academy :  '  A  cadet's  resignation,  if  he  be  under 
age,  must  be  accompanied  by  a  written  consent  of 
his  parent  or  guardian ' " ;  having  charged  that 
"  their  conduct  in  advising  these  cadets  to  resign 
before  any  notice  had  been  taken  of,  or  investiga 
tion  ordered  into,  the  outrage  of  which  they  had 
been  the  victims,  is  censurable  ;  their  failure  to  take 
prompt  action  for  the  punishment  of  the  offending 
class,  by  arresting  the  guilty  cadets  and  preferring 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  267 

charges  against  them  for  a  court-martial ;  their  offi 
cial  expression  of  a  belief  that  the  class  were  actu 
ated  by  good  motives  in  their  unlawful  action,  and 
their  continuance  of  the  first  class  on  duty  as  cadet 
officers  to  enforce  the  discipline  of  the  Academy, 
amount,  in  the  opinion  of  the  committee,  to  a  verbal 
sanction  of  the  riotous  proceedings  of  the  class,  and 
an  encouragement  of  the  repetition  of  the  offense  "  ; 
having  further  charged  that  "  the  position  thus  as 
sumed  by  the  officers  is  subversive  to  the  discipline 
of  the  Academy,"  and  that  "  the  conduct  of  the  offi 
cers  shows  a  lack  of  comprehension  of  the  princi 
ples  of  military  discipline." 

The  undersigned,  the  superintendent  of  the  Mili 
tary  Academy  and  the  commandant  of  the  Corps 
of  Cadets,  availing  themselves  of  the  rights  granted 
by  the  ninety-second  article  of  war,  respectfully 
demand  that  a  court  of  inquiry  be  ordered  to  inves 
tigate  their  conduct,  with  a  view  to  being  brought 
to  trial  by  a  general  court-martial  should  there  be 
found  to  be  any  facts  to  sustain  the  charges  made 
against  them  by  the  Military  Committee. 

At  the  time  the  sub-committee  was  at  West 
Point  investigating  the  expulsion  of  the  cadets 
named,  all  the  facts  connected  with  their  expulsion 
were  in  the  possession  of  the  Honorable  Secretary 
of  War,  the  head  of  the  Military  Academy. 

Without  any  connection  whatever  with  the  un 
lawful  act  of  the  first  class,  it  became  the  duty  of 
the  commandant  of  cadets  to  prefer  charges  against 
[certain]  cadets  for  making  false  reports,  or  what  is 
commonly  called  "  lying." 

As  integrity  and  truthfulness  must  be  the  basis 


: :  ;  Emory  Upton. 

of  the  character  of  every  worthy  and  reliable  offi 
cer:  as  all  frauds,  false  musters,  embezzlements,  or 
misapplication  of  public  funds  can  only  be  perpe 
trated  under  the  false  certificate  of  an  officer,  the 
crime  of  official  falsehood  has  always  been  regarded 
as  one  of  the  most  serious  in  the  military  calendar, 
and  has  no  less  punishment  than  dismissal. 

Falsehood  was  the  charge  against  the  three 
cadets.  The  Honorable  Committee  state  that  ••  two 
of  the  cadets  freely  admitted  their  offenses,  and  from 
circumstances,  and  the  character  of  the  boys, 
they  do  not  believe  them  destitute  of  either  manli 
ness  or  integrity." 

As  nearly  all  officers  in  the  course  of  their 
lives  hold  positions  of  great  pecuniar}'  trust,  the 
superintendent  and  commandant,  in  the  interest 
of  the  Government,  hold  that  the  vice  of  lying-  is 
incompatible  with  integrity,  and  that  when  a  ca 
det  is  guilty  of  the  offense  of  falsehood  the  Gov 
ernment  should  be  spared  the  expense  of  educating 
him. 

The  three  cadets  named  admitted  their  guilt, 
and,  as  had  been  often  done  before,  they  were,  in 
kindness  to  themselves  and  friends,  advised  to  re 
sign  to  avoid  the  disgrace  inevitably  attending  a 
trial  by  court-martial. 

As  the  responsible  parties  for  good  order  and 
military  discipline,  the  undersigned  feel  and  know 
that  a  false  impression,  diligently  cultivated,  pre 
vails  throughout  the  country  as  regards  the  disci 
pline  and  subordination  of  the  Corps  of  Cadets. 
This  impression  will  be  strengthened  by  the  report 
of  the  Military  Committee. 


-i  of 


:  :  :"_ir^ir':  '-n  litir   :~r_il  adioBL,  dk 


-^:-"re s:en.  2-d 

•  2JD.  oZ'ini  re 


:-:::~~:r:t-r  ~i.s  i:  ir»  e?:  r  rin:  less  tV.?.r> 

ii^rs..  izd   i-  sessicn  less  T'-.?.TI  egrt. 

-.17  :e  si:  5    ::  lit  ccodiici  od  lie  frst 

:r:*j;.ri    izTe?ri^r^t;oi2    "5riH    sio^r    that 

T:^]  2.cr:~  VTILS   r:::  2  siz..r   rreiri  of 


.~.  -       -- 

srZ'.ifr.  rt?  n  i.ntir  cTf-rr  oUb-cial  scr-  zzid 
:  :~:-t  :  reliere  vie  sr^ni  ^i>:  -pea  their 
ons  is  i~:ers:  :T  if  ci^*  c:  ^e 


270  Emory  Upton. 

tary  discipline,  to  receive  the  legal  punishment  due 

to  so  grave  an  offense. 

T.  G.  PITCHER, 

Colonel  First  Infantry ', 

Brevet  Brigadier-General,  United  States  Army, 
Superintendent  Military  Academy. 

E.  UPTON, 

Lieutenant-Colonel  First  Artillery, 

Brevet  Major-General,  United  States  Army, 

Commandant  of  Cadets. 

As  the  authorities  at  Washington  took  no  action, 
and  as  no  court  of  inquiry  was  ordered  in  the  case, 
it  is  presumed  that  they  were  not  dissatisfied  with 
the  conduct  of  the  two  officers  throughout  the 
whole  affair,  or  did  not  see  how  it  could  be  bettered 
by  a  court  of  inquiry.  The  resolution  of  the  Mili 
tary  Committee  was  never  passed  by  Congress,  and 
the  matter  finally  rested.  Two  of  the  implicated 
cadets  were  returned  to  the  Academy  in  the  follow 
ing  June :  one  became  a  diligent  and  praiseworthy 
cadet,  graduated  with  good  standing,  and  entered 
the  service ;  the  other  did  not  ultimately  graduate, 
but  failed  at  a  subsequent  examination. 

The  foregoing  matter  is  of  interest  to  us  only  in 
the  light  it  casts  on  General  Upton's  character,  and 
the  way  in  which  he  performed  his  duty  as  com 
mandant  of  cadets.  There  can  be  no  question  that 
in  every  respect  his  dealings  with  the  delinquent 
three  cadets  were  manly  and  considerate,  but  not 
in  accord  with  the  requirements  of  the  regulations. 
Under  no  circumstances  of  personal  feeling,  or  sym 
pathetic  interest,  could  he  overlook  a  departure 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  271 

from  the  truth  so  glaring  as  here  indicated,  without 
dealing  a  deadly  blow  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
Academy.  In  such  cases  the  individual  interests  of 
the  cadet  must  suffer,  and  no  plea  that  it  is  but  the 
first  slip,  and  that  it  will  not  recur,  should  be  given 
a  moment's  consideration.  The  moral  well-being 
of  three  hundred  other  young  men,  and  much  more 
the  official  integrity  of  the  whole  army,  is  too  price 
less  a  trust  to  be  endangered  or  put  in  jeopardy  on 
any  purely  personal  grounds. 

But  his  course  with  reference  to  the  first  class  is 
open  to  criticism.  He  recognized  the  unlawfulness 
of  their  action,  and  no  doubt  felt  the  difficulty  of 
deciding  upon  so  intricate  a  case  as  was  presented 
for  his  judgment.  It  is  only  in  the  light  of  after- 
events  that  we  are  enabled  to  see  clearly  the  best 
course.  It  often  happens  in  an  orderly  and  law- 
abiding  community  that  some  peculiarly  revolting 
crime  calls  forth  almost  spontaneously  the  cry  for 
speedy  vengeance,  and  the  infliction  of  lynch  law. 
But  when  the  passions  cool,  and  reason  once  more 
prevails,  while  the  act  may  be  justly  condemned,  no 
one  would  in  sound  reason  desire  to  have  the  actors 
subjected  to  the  penalty  that  the  letter  of  the  law 
demands.  Had  the  commandant  at  the  first  informa 
tion  of  the  illegal  action  of  the  first  class  promptly 
placed  them  in  arrest,  he  would  by  this  act  at  once 
have  put  his  seal  of  condemnation  upon  this  great 
est  of  military  crimes.  The  responsibility  of  their 
punishment  or  release  would  have  at  once  been 
transferred  to  higher  authority.  Such  would  un 
questionably  have  been  the  course  pursued  by  an 
officer  of  less  self-reliance  or  even  of  less  ability  as 


272  Emory  Upton. 

a  soldier  than  was  General  Upton.  His  very  quali 
ties  which  we  esteem  and  admire  caused  him  to  go 
beyond  the  proper  function  of  his  office,  for,  what 
ever  may  have  been  the  action  of  the  superintend 
ent,  Upton  should  at  once  have  arrested  the  cadets 
of  the  first  class  who  made  known  to  him  in  his 
office  what  they  had  done,  and  followed  this  action 
by  an  immediate  report  to  the  superintendent,  re 
questing  his  sanction  and  confirmation.  A  court  of 
inquiry,  at  once  applied  for,  would  have  brought 
out  all  the  facts,  and  a  court-martial  have  sentenced 
and  caused  to  be  inflicted  the  proper  punishment. 

The  severe  strictures  of  the  sub-committee  on 
Upton's  conduct  do  not  seem  to  be  warranted  by 
an  impartial  view  of  the  case.  He  nowhere  upholds 
the  conduct  of  the  first  class,  but  condemns  it. 
Being  an  official  subordinate  to  the  superintendent, 
he  was  not  responsible  for  their  punishment  one 
moment  after  the  latter  knew  officially  of  the  action 
of  the  class.  His  position  does  not  warrant  any 
interpretation  of  independency.  Responsibility  at 
taches  to  his  office  only  so  far  as  its  functions  ex 
tend.  It  was  the  superintendent  who,  in  an  official 
order,  qualified  the  motives  of  the  class  as  "good," 
although  it  may  be  inferred  that  Upton  agreed  with 
him  in  this  view.  Doubtless  the  gratification  he  ex 
perienced  in  perceiving  the  estimate  of  the  class  for 
the  honor  of  the  corps  in  respect  to  truth-telling  had 
its  influence  in  blinding  him  to  the  enormity  of  its 
departure  from  the  essential  principle  of  military 
subordination. 

The  history  of  an  administration  in  the  govern 
ment  of  young  men  is  brief  or  voluminous  accord- 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  273 

ing  as  the  ordinary  routine  is  unbroken  or  not  by 
incidents  that  vary  from  the  usual  happening.  But 
in  either  case  the  important  daily  work  to  them 
goes  on  unceasingly.  The  time  of  seed-planting  is 
usually  quiet  and  peaceful.  It  is  only  when  the 
grain  has  ripened  that  we  can  judge  whether  the 
early  spring  labor  has  been  thorough  or  indiffer 
ent. 

At  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  of 
February,  1871,  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  Dialectic 
Hall,  over  the  sally-port  of  barracks.  The  weath 
er  was  bitterly  cold,  the  thermometer  marking  six 
degrees  below  zero,  and  the  wind  was  blowing 
strongly  from  the  northwest.  Not  more  than  ten 
minutes  had  elapsed  since  the  smoldering  fire  had 
broken  out  into  flames,  before  the  long-roll  brought 
every  cadet  into  ranks  in  the  area.  The  fine  effects 
of  discipline  were  soon  manifested  in  the  prompt 
and  vigorous  way  in  which  the  whole  corps  took 
their  respective  stations  to  fight  the  fire.  Despite 
these  prompt  measures  the  whole  upper  floor  of 
the  great  stone  barrack-building  was  destroyed, 
but  because  of  their  alertness  the  Academic  build 
ing  containing  valuable  models  and  apparatus  was 
saved,  and  the  ordinary  work  went  on  after  a  sin 
gle  day's  intermission.  In  a  congratulatory  order 
issued  by  General  Upton,  then  acting  as  superin 
tendent  during  General  Pitcher's  temporary  ab 
sence,  he  says : 

"  It  is  with  pleasure  that  the  acting  superintend 
ent  announces  to  the  Corps  of  Cadets  his  own  and 
the  general  commendation  elicited  by  their  action 


274  Emory  Upton. 

at  the  fire  yesterday  morning.  No  higher  proof  of 
their  discipline  could  have  been  given.  In  the  per 
fect  order  that  prevailed  during  the  whole  fire,  in 
the  cheerful  obedience  to  every  order,  in  endur 
ance  under  extreme  cold,  in  the  very  energy,  de 
termination,  and  bravery  with  which  they  fought 
the  flames  for  three  hours,  resulting  in  averting  a 
great  disaster  to  the  Academy,  the  cadets  have 
given  a  pledge  of  gallant  devotion  to  duty  which 
the  Government  can  not  fail  to  appreciate." 

During  General  Upton's  tour  of  duty  at  West 
Point  he  had  the  honor  to  command  the  Corps  of 
Cadets  on  a  tour  away  from  the  Academy.  This 
was  on  the  occasion  of  the  second  inauguration  of 
President  Grant,  March,  1873.  The  Secretary  of 
War  had  decided  to  order  the  cadets  to  Washing 
ton  to  do  honor  to  the  occasion  and  to  express  in 
this  way  his  gratification  to  them  for  their  good 
conduct  and  marked  improvement  in  military 
bearing  and  discipline.  He  took  the  greatest 
pride  in  these  young  soldiers  and  wished  to  ex 
hibit  them  in  their  organized  capacity  to  the 
citizens  gathered  at  Washington  from  all  parts 
of  the  country.  The  young  men  acquitted  them 
selves  handsomely,  and  received  a  perfect  ovation 
during  their  entire  visit.  They  left  West  Point 
March  2d,  crossed  the  river  on  the  ice,  and,  return 
ing  on  the  7th,  recrossed  in  the  same  manner — an 
evidence  that  the  weather  was  not  spring-like  in 
character. 

Upton's  work  as  commandant  may  be  consid 
ered  in  its  two  divisions ;  that  relating  to  the  in- 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  275 

struction  in  drill  and  tactics,  and  that  in  the  devel 
opment  of  character  and  in  the  cultivation  of  honor 
and  integrity. 

With  respect  to  the  first,  we  may  dismiss  it  in  a 
few  words.  The  battalion  reached  a  state  of  great 
efficiency  in  its  drill.  No  finer  sight  can  be  im 
agined  than  the  superb  marching  and  exact  evolu 
tion  of  the  cadets  under  his  care,  at  parade,  drill, 
or  review.  Their  splendid  physical  development, 
their  elastic,  springy  step,  erect  bearing  and  sol 
dierly  appearance,  happily  tempered  the  rigidity 
and  stiffness  which  usually  accompany  troops  in 
their  ordinary  movements  and  evolutions. 

In  the  more  important  but  less  noticeable  de 
partments  of  education  he  had  himself  much  to 
learn,  and  many  difficulties  to  overcome.  We  have 
seen  that  at  the  end  of  his  first  six  months  of  duty 
he  had  the  bitter  lesson  taught  him  that  serious 
trouble  may  arise  when  least  expected,  and  that 
existing  sentiment  can  only  be  modified  by  patient 
labor  and  a  rational  education  to  a  higher  concep 
tion  of  duty.  He  found  existing  a  practice,  where 
by  pledges  were  exacted  of  the  fourth  class  not  to 
engage  in  hazing  the  members  of  the  next  coming 
class,  under  forfeiture  of  their  furlough  privileges. 
A  strong  disbeliever  in  such  means  to  enforce  right 
action,  he,  early  in  the  spring,  recommended  to 
the  superintendent  the  abrogation  of  the  pledge 
system,  and  asserted  his  belief  that  obedience  to 
the  regulations  in  this  respect  could  be  had  from 
higher  motives ;  and,  his  recommendation  being 
favorably  considered,  the  pledges  were  never  again 
exacted. 


276  Emory  Upton. 

It  seems  to  be  common,  to  most  of  those  who 
are  charged  with  the  immediate  government  of 
young  men,  to  wish  to  know  every  thought  by 
which  they  are  swayed  and  every  act  which  results 
therefrom — the  idea  being  that,  possessed  of  this 
knowledge,  the  power  they  control  can  best  be 
used  to  reward  the  good  and  punish  the  guilty. 
But  they  forget  that  although  the  Almighty,  in  the 
possession  of  this  great  knowledge,  governs  man 
kind  by  giving  to  his  creatures  a  perfect  exercise 
of  free-will,  that  they  may  either  obey  the  law  to 
their  benefit  or  disobey  to  their  distress,  yet  he 
has  never  imparted  this  great  power  to  any  of  his 
creatures.  The  founders  of  the  Academy  have 
wisely  guaranteed  to  its  pupils  the  rights  and  privi 
leges  of  trial  by  court-martial,  and  the  civil  law  has 
bestowed  upon  them  the  rights  of  freemen,  by 
which  their  privileges  are  maintained  until  convic 
tion  under  the  law  is  satisfactorily  determined.  To 
illustrate,  it  is  a  matter  of  history  that  at  one  time 
a  superintendent,  to  carry  out  this  principle,  in 
creased  largely  the  number  of  officers  supervising 
the  cadets,  lodged  them  in  barracks,  and  required 
them  to  report  every  violation  of  regulations  that 
came  under  their  notice.  His  motive  was  per 
fectly  pure,  for  he  wished,  so  to  speak,  to  have  his 
eyes  upon  the  corps  at  all  times — to  be  a  father  to 
them — to  warn  them  before  it  became  too  late  to 
save  themselves  from  the  consequences  of  their 
numerous  lapses  from  perfect  deportment,  and  by 
his  power  of  removing  demerit  to  prevent  their 
ultimate  discharge  from  the  Academy  for  miscon 
duct.  Yet  what  was  the  result  ?  It  could  easily 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  277 

have  been  foretold  by  any  interested  party.  This 
undue  supervision,  and  what  appeared  to  them 
espionage,  broke  down  at  once  all  sense  of  per 
sonal  responsibility.  Demerit  increased  frightfully. 
The  area  of  barracks  was  full,  every  Saturday  after 
noon,  of  cadets  on  punishment  for  trivial  violations 
of  regulations,  and  a  false  sentiment  of  duty  and  of 
responsibility  was  rapidly  permeating  the  corps,  to 
its  great  detriment. 

The  same  result  is  effected  whenever  a  knowl 
edge  of  every  action  going  on  in  a  body  of  young 
men  is  obtained  in  any  other  manner  than  by  the 
open  and  free  inspection  of  the  properly  consti 
tuted  authorities.  Any  attempt  to  make  a  comrade 
inform  upon  his  neighbor,  unless  it  is  done  in  the 
line  of  his  duty,  is  not  to  be  commended,  but  such 
report  must  come  in  all  cases  from  a  sense  of  duty 
and  responsibility  attaching  to  the  office  which  the 
reporting  officer  holds. 

General  Upton  at  one  time  seems  to  have  held 
views  contrary  to  those  expressed  above.  Deeply 
sensible  of  the  great  charge  resting  upon  him,  he 
conceived  that  his  duty  required  him  to  ascertain 
in  cases  of  marked  disorder  who  were  guilty  by 
requiring  testimony  in  the  matter  from  comrades 
who  might  be  cognizant  of  the  affair  in  question, 
holding  that,  as  this  course  would  be  warrantable 
in  the  case  of  soldiers,  it  was  likewise  warrantable 
in  the  case  of  cadets.  It  is  to  his  credit  that  he 
soon  saw  the  fallacy  of  his  judgment,  and  forbore 
putting  this  engine  of  mischief  into  action.  Had 
he  been  less  liberally-minded,  this  drag-net  method 
of  gaining  information  of  whatever  abuses  might 


278  Emory  Upton. 

be  prevalent  would  unquestionably  have  resulted 
in  a  degradation  of  the  sense  of  honor,  and  have 
made  during  his  administration  the  temptation  to 
deceive  and  prevaricate  greater  than  it  was  possi 
ble  for  young  men  to  withstand. 

In  such  a  body  of  young  men,  where  truth,  prin 
ciple,  and  integrity  are  valued  so  highly,  it  is  not 
difficult  for  any  one  to  live  according  to  his  princi 
ples,  be  they  as  pure  and  high  as  they  may.  All 
that  is  required  by  the  sentiment  of  the  corps  is 
consistency  in  principle  and  conduct.  To  the  ex 
istence  of  this  sentiment  the  fact  that  so  large  a 
number  of  cadets  openly  profess  to  be  religiously 
inclined,  and  who  are  respected  in  their  opinions, 
must  be  attributed. 

For  many  years  a  prayer-meeting  twice  a  week, 
supported  and  controlled  by  the  cadets  themselves, 
and  varying  in  number  from  fifty  to  seventy-five, 
has  existed.  General  Upton  gave  his  strong  sup 
port  to  this  organization,  frequently  met  with  them, 
encouraged  the  timid,  and  supported  all  by  his 
words  and  countenance.  At  chapel  he  was  always 
present,  and  his  practical  religious  life  and  hum 
ble  Christian  profession  were  potent  influences 
to  the  young  men  who  knew  of  his  marked  mili 
tary  success.  It  exhibited  to  all  of  them  the  per 
fect  compatibility  of  his  life  of  devotion  to  his 
profession  with  his  earnest  desire  to  receive  the 
instruction  and  preparation  for  the  higher  life  to 
come. 

Nothing  of  especial  moment  marked  the  remain 
der  of  his  career  as  commandant  at  West  Point.  So 
thorough  was  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  279 

governing  authorities  at  Washington,  that  he  was 
retained  a  year  beyond  the  ordinary  tour  of  service, 
or  five  years  in  all.  His  work,  taken  as  a  whole, 
was  one  of  marked  success.  The  lessons  which  he 
instilled  into  the  youthful  minds  are  now  being 
applied  by  his  pupils  in  their  career  as  officers 
wherever  the  fractions  of  the  army  are  located. 
None  can  think  of  him  or  of  his  precepts  or  exam 
ple  without  gratitude  for  the  high-minded,  soldierly, 
and  Christian  earnestness  with  which  he  supported 
truth  and  frowned  upon  whatever  was  low  and 
paltry. 

In  the  summer  of  1871,  General  Thomas  H. 
Ruger,  colonel  of  the  Eighteenth  Infantry,  suc 
ceeded  General  Pitcher  as  superintendent,  and  in 
Upton  the  new  superintendent  found  a  zealous, 
upright  officer,  and  a  hearty  supporter  of  his 
government.  The  Academy  continued  in  a  ca 
reer  of  well-being  that  is  creditable  to  both  gen 
tlemen  for  their  sterling  ability  and  judicious  gov 
ernment. 

During  all  this  time  Upton  snatched  every  mo 
ment  that  could  be  spared  from  his  exacting  duties 
as  commandant  in  revising  his  tactics,  and  in  the 
duties  of  the  assimilation  which  had  been  intrusted 
to  the  Board  of  which  he  was  the  president. 

His  religious  growth  never  ceased.  The  text  of 
hi^letters  home  exhibited  to  those  near  and  dear  to 
him  how  much  he  dwelt  upon  the  thoughts  relating 
to  his  spiritual  life,  and  how  these  were  the  guiding 
principles  of  his  inner  manhood.  That  these  may 
bear  witness  to  this  side  of  his  character,  a  few  of 
his  letters  are  here  inserted  : 


280  Emory  Upton. 

WEST  POINT,  January  28,  1872. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER  AND  MOTHER  :  At  the  close 
of  a  quiet  and  beautiful  Sabbath,  it  again  gladdens 
my  heart  to  have  the  privilege  of  writing  to  you, 
and  to  convey  those  sentiments  of  duty  and  affection 
which  I  always  feel  toward  you.  Filial  affection  is 
ever  the  similitude  of  the  tender  abiding  love  we 
owe,  as  dutiful  children,  to  our  heavenly  Father, 
who  has  commanded  us  to  "owe  nothing  to  any 
man,  but  to  love  one  another." 

Day  by  day  I  grow  more  thankful  to  God  for 
his  enduring  mercies;  for  the  preservation  which 
he  extends  to  all  whom  I  love.  He  hath  kept  you 
to  be  a  blessing  to  all  your  children,  still  work 
ing  out  in  your  lives  additional  glory  to  himself. 
Thoughts  of  eternal  life  come  to  me  now  like  water 
to  the  thirsty  soul.  I  love  to  meditate  on  the 
heavenly  city  where  Christ  dwells,  and  is  the  light 
of  those  who  believe  in  his  mercy.  "  That  which 
thou  sowest  is  not  quickened  except  it  die,"  and  as 
the  seed  sown  so  shall  be  the  fruit.  The  seed  which 
we  must  all  sow  is  the  life  which  we  have  led  here 
on  earth.  If  our  lives  are  spent  in  glorifying  God, 
in  humbly  doing  his  will,  and  walking  in  his  ways,  it 
will  in  death  be  quickened,  and  again  blossom  in 
eternal  loveliness,  and  ripen  in  the  continual  sun 
shine  of  God's  love.  Purified,  we  shall  then  be  as 
the  images  of  the  heavenly.  "  What  we  shall  be  it 
doth  not  yet  appear;  but  we  shall  be  like  him  "  in 
whose  image  we  are  created.  .  .  . 

May  25,  1873. 

This  beautiful  day  I  can  not  allow  to  pass  with 
out  writing  something  to  you  to  cheer  your  hearts. 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  281 

West  Point  is  again  resuming  its  beautiful  robe  of 
summer,  reminding  those  with  grateful  hearts  of  the 
goodness  and  unchangeableness  of  God,  who  leaveth 
himself  not  without  witness  in  that  he  doeth  us 
good,  and  giveth  us  rain  from  heaven  and  fruitful 
seasons,  filling  our  hearts  with  food  and  gladness. 
Every  day  of  my  life  my  faith  in  the  unseen  and 
eternal  world  grows  stronger  and  stronger.  I  real 
ize  more  and  more  the  nature  and  sufficiency  of 
that  sacrifice  which  our  blessed  Saviour  made  upon 
the  cross  for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world.  With  his 
everlasting  arms  to  support  us  we  ought  always  to 
press  forward  for  the  mark  of  the  high  prize  of  the 
calling  of  God,  realizing  that  no  yoke  is  imposed 
upon  us,  but  that  in  obeying  his  will  and  command 
ments  we  are  walking  in  the  perfect  law  of  liberty. 
I  love  to  dwell  upon  the  glories  of  the  unseen  world, 
where,  all  being  in  harmony  with  God's  will,  there 
will  be  no  need  of  law ;  where  love  in  its  fullness 
will  unite  all  hearts  in  praise  of  the  goodness  of  the 
Father  of  us  all. 

June  i,  1873. 

MY  DEAR  MOTHER  :  *  Every  word  of  your  last 
Sunday  letter  has  made  its  lasting  impression  upon 
me.  This  morning  at  church  we  heard  a  sermon 
the  text  of  which  was  so  applicable  to  us  that  it  has 
been  running  in  my  mind  ever  since — "  Wait  pa 
tiently."  A  peculiar  tenderness  always  comes  over 
me  when  I  enter  the  Lord's  holy  temple,  and  this 
morning  particularly,  on  which  communion  was 
celebrated  according  to  the  form  of  our  Emily's 

*  Mrs.  Martin. 


282  Emory  Upton. 

blessed  church,  it  seemed  as  if  God  in  his  loving 
kindness  permitted  her  specially  to  draw  near  and 
minister  unto  me. 

It  is  at  such  sacred  times  and  in  such  sacred 
places  that  I  realize  the  full  volume  of  that  tender 
human  love  which  God,  who  spared  not  his  own 
Son,  has  removed  from  me,  and  it  is  at  such  times, 
when  in  the  anguish  of  my  heart  I  can  only  say, 
"  Thy  will  be  done,"  that  I  can  feel  the  full  import 
and  comfort  of  the  words,  "  wait  patiently."  Yes, 
my  dear  mother,  wait  patiently.  The  thin  curtain 
of  mortality  only  separates  us  from  the  love  which 
shall  be  revealed.  We  shall  but  imitate  the  exam 
ple  of  him  who  waits  patiently  for  all  to  come  unto 
him,  to  triumph  over  all  the  sorrows  which  the 
loving  hand  of  our  Saviour  sends  us. 

I  sometimes  fear  that  your  happiness  is  de 
creased  by  the  proximity  of  the  "  hill-side,"  and  that 
the  consciousness  of  being  so  near  the  sacred  dust 
which  you  once  so  tenderly  loved  leads  you  to  seek 
our  precious  Emily  among  the  dead  and  not  among 
the  living  where  Christ  dwells.  Would  that  the 
angels  might  speak  to  you  as  they  spake  to  the  dis 
ciples  who  visited  the  tomb  of  our  Lord,  "  She  is 
not  here,  but  is  risen  "  !  Our  hearts  yearn  for  one 
word  from  her  gentle  lips,  one  smile  from  her  beau 
tiful  eyes  ;  but  let  us  wait  patiently,  for  God  will 
bring  us  to  her,  when  we  shall  behold  her  bearing 
the  image  of  the  heavenly.  Of  all  the  earthly  bless 
ings  with  which  my  life  has  been  crowned,  associa 
tion  with  Emily's  pure  spirit  is  the  one  for  which  I 
can  not  express  to  our  heavenly  Father  the  grati 
tude  I  feel  for  the  unspeakable  gift.  Through  it  he 


Commandant  of  Cadets.  283 

has  led  me  to  the  foot  of  the  cross,  and  to  the 
knowledge  that  the  blood  of  Christ  cleanseth  from 
all  sin.  And  I  feel  again  that  he  has  sent  me  the 
spirit  of  truth,  and  that  he  comforts  me  daily  and 
hourly  by  the  presence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which 
bids  me  wait  patiently  for  the  perfect  love  which 
soon  will  be  revealed. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

MILITARY  OBSERVATIONS  AND  STUDIES  IN  FOREIGN 
LANDS. 

IN  the  fall  of  1871  a  conversation  which  General 
Upton  had  with  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State, 
turned  his  thoughts  toward  China  as  a  possible 
field  of  labor  in  his  profession  and  presented  him  a 
prospect  of  substantial  advancement  and  an  in 
crease  in  his  material  possessions.  He  entertained 
no  idea  of  becoming  a  "  soldier  of  fortune,"  but 
rather  that  his  talents  might  be  worthily  employed 
in  developing  the  military  resources  of  a  great  em 
pire,  which  would  react  most  beneficially  upon  the 
interests  of  his  own  country.  Properly  appreciat 
ing  General  Upton's  adaptability,  and  in  hearty 
accord  with  his  ambition,  Mr.  Seward  did  not  hesi 
tate  to  set  the  wheels  in  motion,  and,  no  doubt, 
after  consultation  with  the  President,  and  with  his 
sanction,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  our  minis 
ter  in  China : 

AUBURN,  N.  Y.,  October  31,  1871. 

His  Excellency  Mr.  Low. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  The  observation  of  political 
affairs  which  I  made  in  China  confirmed  me  in  the 
opinion  that  I  had  previously  entertained,  that  it  is 
for  the  interest  of  civilization  to  encourage  the  ex 
isting  government,  and  lead  it  gently,  though  firmly, 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        285 

in  the  way  of  modern  progress,  in  conformity  with 
the  laws  of  nations. 

As  a  necessary  part  of  this  policy,  it  seemed  to 
me  that  the  Chinese  Government  ought  to  be 
shown  how  to  organize  its  military  force  on  the 
principles  of  modern  science  and  economy.  As 
that  government  has  already  adopted  Western  prin 
ciples  and  guidance  in  the  collection  of  revenues 
derived  from  foreign  commerce,  so  it  seems  to  me 
that  it  would  be  equally  wise  for  them  to  confide 
the  organization,  training,  and  discipline  of  the  im 
perial  army  to  some  competent  military  man  to  be 
taken  from  the  West. 

Speaking  of  this  subject  with  Major-General 
Emory  Upton,  of  the  United  States  Army,  I  have 
found  him  not  only  entirely  agreeing  with  me  in 
opinion,  but  also  willing  to  assume  the  great  task  if 
he  should  be  required  to  do  so. 

Although  he  is  quite  a  young  man,  he  has  at 
tained  a  most  conspicuous  place  by  his  brilliant 
achievements  in  our  late  civil  war,  not  less  than  by 
his  eminent  service  as  an  organizer,  tactician,  and 
disciplinarian.  It  was  through  the  exercise  of  these 
powers  that  he  has  been  called  a  year  ago  to  be  the 
superintendent  of  our  only  national  Military  Acad 
emy  at  West  Point. 

Inspired  by  a  high  and  chivalrous  desire  to  be 
useful  where  his  talents  can  be  best  employed,  he 
would  resign  his  present  position  and  engage  to 
devote  himself  for  five  years  to  the  service  of  the 
Chinese  Government  in  the  capacity  I  have  indi 
cated,  with  the  consent  of  our  own  Government, 
and  on  the  application  of  the  Government  of  China. 


286  Emory  Upton. 

This  suggestion  is  made  to  you  by  myself  through 
the  permission  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  with  his  favor. 

If  in  your  judgment  the  suggestion  seems  a 
practicable  one,  and  you  know  no  reason  to  the 
contrary,  will  you  in  your  own  way  lay  it  before 
Prince  Kung  for  the  consideration  of  the  Chinese 
Government  ? 

I  think  it  proper  to  add  that  inasmuch  as  the 
preceding  proposal  would  involve  not  merely  the 
sacrifice  of  one  of  the  highest  positions  of  the 
United  States  Army,  but  also  its  ultimate  advan 
tage  for  life,  General  Upton  would  expect  an  in 
demnity  for  those  losses.  Such  an  indemnity,  I 
think,  would  require  a  sum  not  less  than  $150,000, 
to  be  paid  in  hand,  together  with  an  annual  com 
pensation  and  salary  for  five  years  sufficient  for 
his  maintenance  in  the  rank  to  be  assigned  to  him. 

I  am,  my  dear  Mr.  Low,  with  great  respect, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

A  careful  investigation  of  the  political  and  so 
cial  condition  of  China  soon  demonstrated,  how 
ever,  that  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  this  great 
change  to  be  effected.  The  following  letter  from 
the  American  minister,  written  to  one  of  General 
Upton's  friends,  gives  his  conclusions,  which  had 
been  officially  communicated  in  more  formal  lan 
guage  : 
PEKING,  February  29,  1872. 

In  further  answer  to  your  note  of  the  28th  of  Oc 
tober,  regarding  the  feasibility  of  procuring  from 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        287 

the  Chinese  Government  a  position  for  General 
Upton  as  "  instructor  in  the  art  of  war/'  I  have  to 
say  that  I  can  give  small  encouragement  that  such 
a  thing  is  probable  or  possible  at  the  present  time. 

That  you  may  the  better  understand  my  rea 
sons  for  this  opinion,  some  facts  in  regard  to  the 
present  organization  of  the  Chinese  military  forces 
may  be  useful. 

With  the  exception  of  the  troops  immediately 
in  and  about  Peking,  the  military  forces  of  the  em 
pire  are  made  up  of  separate  armies  that  have  been 
raised  and  organized  by,  and  are  practically  under 
the  control  of,  the  several  high  provincial  officers — 
each  viceroy  being  held  responsible  by  the  Impe 
rial  Government  for  a  suitable  quota  of  troops  to 
maintain  order  within  his  own  jurisdiction,  and,  in 
case  of  extreme  emergency,  to  help  suppress  insur 
rection  or  repel  invasion  in  other  provinces.  Theo 
retically,  all  the  officers  are  directly  the  appointees 
of  the  emperor ;  practically,  they  are  selected  by 
the  several  viceroys  whose  nominations  are  simply 
approved  by  the  central  government. 

At  the  present  time  all  the  foreigners  employed 
in  instructing  troops  in  the  art  of  war  are  subject 
to  provincial  authority  and  control.  They  are  little 
better  in  point  of  rank  and  position  than  "  drill- 
sergeants,"  a  position  which,  if  not  degrading,  can 
not  be  considered  honorable.  Even  General  Ward 
and  Colonel  Gordon,  who  were  employed  to  as 
sist  in  putting  down  the  Taeping  rebellion,  were 
engaged  and  paid  by  the  viceroy  at  Nanking, 
although  the  Central  Government  gave  to  them  a 
tacit  but  not  real  imperial  position. 


288  Emory  Upton. 

The  arsenals  at  Shanghai,  Foochow,  Nanking, 
and  Tientsin  are  exclusively  under  provincial  con 
trol,  and  the  gunboats  that  have  been  built  at  those 
places  and  are  now  in  commission  are  essentially 
under  the  control  of  the  viceroys  within  whose 
jurisdiction  they  were  built. 

For  more  full  particulars  as  to  the  almost  com 
plete  independence  of  the  provinces,  I  beg  to  refer 
you  to  a  dispatch  of  mine  to  the  State  Department 
(No.  40,  of  January  10,  1871). 

In  view  of  this  state  of  things  there  does  not 
seem  to  be  any  chance,  at  present,  to  secure  for 
General  Upton  a  position  that  I  could  approve  or 
that  he  would  accept,  nor  do  I  think  that  there  is 
the  least  chance  for  the  better  until  the  emperor 
shall  have  attained  his  majority  and  assumed  his 
proper  functions  as  sovereign  de  facto.  He  may 
then  give  his  attention  to  reorganizing  the  military 
forces,  for  the  purpose  of  creating  (what  there  is 
now  only  in  name)  an  imperial  army. 

Should  such  a  move  be  made  (which  is  not  im 
possible),  there  would  then  be  an  opportunity  for 
an  officer  like  General  Upton  to  occupy  a  position 
that  would  be  respectable  for  himself  and  useful  to 
the  Chinese  Government. 

I  note  what  Governor  Seward  says  in  his  note 
about  the  monetary  indemnity  that  would  be  prop 
er  as  an  equivalent  for  abandoning  the  position  the 
general  now  holds  in  our  army  ;  and,  while  I  can 
not  say  that  the  sum  named  would  be  extravagant, 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  would,  in  any  event, 
be  possible  to  get  this  Government  to  accede  to 
such  terms.  This,  however,  is  not  important,  for, 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        289 

until  there  is  some  change  for  the  better  in  the 
general  status  of  things  here,  the  whole  thing  is  im 
practicable. 

This  matter  has  been  maturely  considered  in  all 
its  bearings,  in  the  hope  that  some  means  could  be 
devised  by  which  I  could  see  my  way  clear  to 
gratify  General  Upton's  ambition,  do  a  favor  to  the 
Chinese  Government  and  people,  increase  our  in 
fluence,  and  at  the  same  time  gratify  the  personal 
desires  of  the  President  and  yourself.  I  regret  that 
I  am  forced  to  the  opposite  conclusion  for  the  rea 
sons  herein  stated,  and  many  others  no  less  sound 
in  my  opinion.  I  have  written  this  with  entire 
frankness  and  freedom,  believing  that  the  general, 
as  well  as  yourself,  would  rather  know  the  exact 
position  than  to  have  me  hold  out  hopes  that  will 
be  likely  to  prove  delusive. 

When  the  emperor  assumes  the  reins  of  power, 
I  shall  not  fail  (provided  I  am  still  here)  to  keep 
this  matter  in  remembrance  ;  nor  will  any  effort  be 
spared  to  bring  about  a  state  of  affairs  which  would 
justify  an  officer  of  General  Upton's  character  and 
ability  accepting  a  military  position  under  the  Gov 
ernment.  I  shall  inclose  a  copy  of  this  to  General 
Upton» 

The  result,  however,  was  of  great  professional 
benefit  to  General  Upton,  for  he  had,  with  his  usual 
vigor  and  earnestness,  set  himself  to  study  the  ne 
cessities  of  China,  and  had  thought  out  in  an  or 
derly  way  the  proper  methods  of  procedure,  in 
case  he  should  be  called  upon  to  attack  the  prob 
lem  ;  so  that  when  some  years  afterward  he  visited 
13 


290  Emory  Upton. 

China  in  a  professional  capacity  at  the  head  of  a 
military  commission,  and  the  matter  was  again 
brought  to  his  attention  by  Mr.  Shepherd,  our  con 
sul  at  Tientsin,  he  wrote  out  the  following  plan 
while  he  was  very  much  engaged  in  his  laborious 
duties,  and  sent  it  with  an  explanatory  letter,  at  the 
same  time  expressing  his  readiness  to  undertake  its 
management : 

SHANGHAI,  October  28,  1876. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHEPHERD  :  In  pursuance  of  your 
suggestion,  I  send  you  a  plan  of  a  Military  Academy 
for  China.  It  is,  of  course,  but  an  outline  of  the 
main  features  of  such  an  institution,  the  details 
being  too  numerous  to  mention.  I  have  thought 
much  of  the  subject  since  seeing  you,  and  the  more 
I  have  observed  the  condition  of  the  Chinese  army 
the  more  convinced  I  am  that  nothing  but  a  mili 
tary  academy  can  grapple  with  the  difficulty  of  dis 
ciplining  the  fine  material  she  has,  and  which  I 
hardly  need  tell  you  lies  in  her  officers.  No  half 
way  measures  will  suffice.  The  thoroughness  of 
West  Point  is  required,  and,  under  the  system  I 
have  indicated,  it  can  be  attained.  ...  I  am  told 
that  there  are  probably  from  three  to  four  hundred 
boys  between  the  ages  of  seventeen  and  twenty-one 
who  know  sufficient  English  to  begin  the  course  of 
study.  But,  if  not,  the  invitation  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  boys  to  present  themselves  for  examination, 
with  the  promise  of  a  military  education  if  success 
ful,  would  stimulate  such  a  number  to  make  the 
effort  that  the  four  classes  to  pursue  the  course  in 
English  could  easily  be  selected.  .  .  . 

I  have  already  spoken  to  you  in  regard  to  my 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        291 

terms,  which  may  seem  large,  but  in  return  I  can 
help  to  save  China  millions,  and  perhaps  strengthen 
her  for  a  conflict  already  impending.  But  large  a"s 
they  are,  they  would  be  no  temptation  to  me  to  quit 
our  service  without  the  assurance  that  I  could  give 
to  China  a  fine  institution.  I  can  not  afford  to  make 
a  failure ;  and  therefore,  should  you  not  be  able,  in 
the  event  they  want  the  academy,  to  secure  to  me 
the  management  of  the  course  of  study,  and  the  dis 
cipline,  I  would  not  take  service  at  any  price.  .  .  . 
1  would  like  to  help  China  forward  in  the  way  of 
progress,  and,  should  she  summon  me  to  her  serv 
ice,  I  will  give  to  her  ten  of  the  best  years  of  my  life. 

Plan  for  a  Military  Academy  for  China. 

In  view  of  the  powerful  and  encroaching  nations 
of  Russia  on  the  North  and  England  on  the  West, 
also  of  Japan  ambitious  in  the  East,  the  great  want 
of  China  is  an  army  of  not  less  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  men,  organized  and  equipped 
like  the  armies  of  America  and  Europe,  and,  above 
all,  commanded  by  officers  thoroughly  trained  in 
discipline,  tactics,  and  the  art  of  war. 

To  attain  this  end  a  military  academy  should  at 
once  be  established,  based  upon  the  model  of  the 
United  States  Military  Academy  at  West  Point, 
which  is  renowned  throughout  the  world,  and  the 
chief  excellence  of  which  lies  in  giving  a  uniform 
education  to  the  officers  of  infantry,  cavalry,  artil 
lery,  and  the  staff  corps. 

The  duties  of  army  officers  are  so  varied  that  a 
high  standard  of  education  and  training  must  be 
required. 


2 92  Emory  Upton. 

The  engineer  officer,  who  builds  forts,  makes 
maps,  improves  the  navigation  of  rivers,  erects 
levees,  builds  bridges,  and  deals  with  all  kinds  of 
constructions  in  building  materials,  must  have  a 
knowledge  of  all  the  principles  of  civil  and  military 
engineering,  and  of  the  sciences  on  which  the  appli 
cation  of  these  principles  depends. 

The  artillery-officer  must  know  how  to  make 
cannon,  small-arms,  powder,  and  ammunition,  so  as 
to  be  able  to  superintend  the  erection  of  arsenals 
and  the  manufacture  of  munitions  of  war.  He  must 
also  be  familiar  with  the  theory  and  practice  of  ar 
tillery,  so  that  on  the  field  of  battle  he  may  com 
mand  his  guns  to  the  greatest  advantage. 

The  officers  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  in  common 
with  those  of  the  artillery  and  engineers,  must  be 
familiar  with  the  tactics  of  all  the  arms,  and,  as 
emergencies  constantly  require  them  to  assume  the 
duties  of  officers  of  artillery  and  engineers,  they 
should  evidently  pursue  with  them  the  same  course 
of  study. 

The  above  considerations  indicate  a  combina 
tion  of  scientific  and  military  education  as  the  true 
course  of  training  for  an  army  officer. 

Assuming  that  the  cadet  or  student  has  a  com 
petent  knowledge  of  the  language  in  which  the 
books  are  written  at  the  date  of  his  admission,  his 
military  education  may  be  completed  in  four  years, 
as  follows  : 

The  first  year:  To  be  devoted  to  the  study  of 
algebra  (arithmetic  if  necessary),  geometry,  trigo 
nometry,  descriptive  geometry,  and  one  language, 
English  or  French,  preferably  English.  The  mili- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        293 

tary  education  of  the  first  year  to  consist  in  prac 
tical  instruction  in  infantry  tactics,  involving  the 
training-  of  each  cadet  as  a  recruit,  manual  of  the 
piece,  field-artillery,  police  of  quarters,  guard  duty. 

The  second  year :  To  analytical  geometry,  de 
scriptive  geometry,  perspective,  calculus,  topograph 
ical  and  mechanical  drawing,  military  instruction, 
riding  (school  of  the  trooper) ;  infantry  tactics, 
school  of  the  company  and  battalion ;  artillery, 
manual  of  the  piece  of  mounted  battery. 

Third  year:  Analytical  mechanics,  optics,  acous 
tics,  astronomy,  chemistry,  electrics,  geology,  and 
mineralogy.  Military  instruction  :  drill  in  infantry 
tactics,  military  signaling ;  riding,  school  of  the 
platoon  ;  artillery,  manoeuvres  of  heavy  siege  and 
sea-coast  guns,  and  how  to  mount  and  dismount 
them. 

Fourth  year:  Civil  and  military  engineering, 
strategy,  tactics,  grand  tactics  (how  to  move  large 
masses  of  men  on  the  battle-field),  strategy,  or  how 
to  move  large  masses  of  men  when  not  in  sight  of 
the  enemy ;  military  drawing,  fortifications,  etc. ; 
international  and  military  law,  and  theory  of  artil 
lery.  Military  course  :  construction  of  fortifications, 
mines,  trenches,  fascines,  gabions ;  artillery,  infant 
ry,  and  cavalry  drills  in  the  highest  schools. 

The  above  is  the  course  to  be  pursued  to  secure 
the  best  and  most  permanent  results ;  but  it  could 
be  so  modified  as  to  permit  officers  of  infantry  and 
cavalry  to  graduate  in  three  years,  and  artillery 
and  engineers  in  four  years. 

Each  year  the  cadets  should  be  encamped  for 
two  months  to  give  them  mental  relaxation  after  ten 


294  Emory  Upton. 

months  of  study ;  also  to  teach  them  the  practical 
duties  of  camp-life,  such  as  police,  guard,  target- 
practice,  etc. 

The  age  of  cadets  at  date  of  admission  to  be 
from  seventeen  to  twenty-one.  Between  these 
limits  the  mind  is  in  a  molding  condition,  and  can 
best  be  trained  in  studies  and  discipline.  To  com 
mand  with  success  one  must  first  learn  to  obey,  and 
military  obedience,  the  most  exacting  and  necessary 
of  all,  is  a  habit  which  can  not  be  acquired  in  less 
than  three  or  four  years. 

After  mentioning  in  detail  the  officers  necessary 
for  the  academy,  Upton  gives  in  general  terms  their 
respective  duties.  Then  follows  a  list  of  buildings 
and  the  material  required  for  the  proper  accommo 
dation  and  instruction  of  the  cadets,  all  of  which  are 
found  in  the  model  Academy  at  West  Point,  which 
has  served  as  his  type  and  basis.  He  then  proceeds 
as  follows : 

To  inaugurate  the  system  of  military  and  scien 
tific  education,  I  would  respectfully  recommend 
that  the  superintendent  of  the  academy  be  an  officer 
of  high  rank  in  the  Chinese  service.  He  and  his 
staff  would  be  responsible  for  the  construction  of 
the  buildings,  procurement  of  supplies,  instruments, 
etc. 

The  commandant  of  cadets,  his  four  assistants, 
the  nine  professors  and  instructors,  should  be  se 
lected  from  experienced  officers  of  the  American 
Army. 

In   consideration   of  the  fact  that  few,  if   any, 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        295 

scientific  books  used  in  military  education  have  as 
yet  been  translated  into  Chinese,  I  would  recom 
mend  that  for  the  first  six  years  the  studies  be  pur 
sued  in  English.  This  would  enable  the  Chinese 
student  to  acquire  an  exact  knowledge  of  each 
study.  In  the  mean  time  the  entire  course  could 
be  translated  into  Chinese ;  the  American  profess 
ors  would  have  mastered  sufficient  Chinese  to  su 
perintend  recitations,  and  the  classes  graduating 
at  the  end  of  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  years  would 
furnish  Chinese  professors  and  instructors,  who,  un 
der  the  guidance  of  the  American  professors,  would 
gradually  supersede  them  and  be  able  to  assume 
all  of  their  responsibilities.  The  class  entering  the 
fourth  year,  and  all  classes  thereafter,  would  pur 
sue  all  of  these  studies  in  Chinese,  and  be  able  to 
master  them  as  thoroughly  under  native  professors 
as  did  the  latter  under  American  professors.  The 
advantages  arising  from  teaching  the  first  gradu 
ates  in  English  would  not  only  be  apparent  in 
supplying  able  native  professors  and  instructors, 
but  they  would  also  appear  in  opening  to  all  of 
these  classes  the  entire  field  of  foreign  or  modern 
science,  military  history,  strategy,  and  the  art  of 
war.  The  graduates,  too,  would  be  available  as 
translators  of  books  of  science  and  as  interpret 
ers,  and  could  thus  keep  their  government  not 
only  informed  of  military  progress  and  achieve, 
ments  abroad,  but  also  assist  it  in  foreign  diplomacy 
at  home. 

In  starting  the  academy  on  the  English  plan, 
one  year  might  be  gained  while  the  buildings  are 
in  process  of  erection,  by  selecting  fifty  or  more 


296  Emory  Upton. 

cadets  who  already  know  English,  and,  if  they  are 
not  to  be  found  in  China,  that  number  might  be 
ordered  back  from  America.  These  cadets  could 
be  started  on  the  course  the  moment  the  plan  of  the 
academy  is  resolved  upon,  and  would  be  the  first 
class  to  graduate.  At  the  same  time  they  begin 
the  regular  academic  course,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
or  two  hundred  candidates  for  admission  could  be 
gin  the  study  of  English,  and  such  of  these  as  at  the 
end  of  the  year  had  made  sufficient  progress  to  be 
gin  the  academic  course  would  constitute  the  sec 
ond  class.  Two  more  classes  would  have  to  be  pre 
pared  in  this  way,  after  which,  as  before  stated,  all 
other  classes  would  study  in  Chinese. 

To  insure  the  success  of  the  academy,  the  cadets 
should  receive  sufficient  salary,  board,  clothes,  and 
be  supplied  with  books,  lights,  fuel,  and  should  be 
enabled  to  save  enough  to  purchase  an  officer's 
equipment  on  graduation.  Besides,  they  should 
also  upon  graduation  be  entitled  to  a  commission 
in  the  army,  with  sufficient  salary  to  insure  them 
an  honorable  and  useful  life.  Without  such  induce 
ments,  which  are  offered  to  armies  abroad,  cadets 
or  students  would  not  subject  themselves  to  the 
severities  and  hardships  of  military  training. 

The  above  plan  contemplates  the  establishment 
of  a  military  institution  as  thorough  and  permanent 
in  its  results  and  influence  as  the  Academy  of  West 
Point,  which  I  would  guarantee  within  ten  years, 
provided  the  course  of  instruction  and  discipline 
for  the  first  six  years  were  left  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  the  American  commandant  and  professors.  Dur 
ing  the  remaining  four  years  the  academy  would 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        297 

gradually  be  turned  over  to  the  management  of  the 
native  authorities,  it  being  understood  from  the  be 
ginning  that  all  expenditures  should  be  controlled 
by  the  Chinese  superintendent.  The  results  of  the 
academy  as  proposed  may  appear  too  remote  ;  but 
in  connection  with  the  academy  a  camp  of  instruc 
tion  might  be  established,  and  a  brigade,  division, 
or  even  a  corps  d arme'e,  might  be  organized  with 
modern  arms,  tactics,  etc.  These  troops,  as  soon 
as  organized  and  drilled  (which  could  be  done 
under  the  supervision  of  the  American  officers  se 
lected  from  the  Academy),  could  be  sent  wherever 
their  services  are  required,  and  others  take  their 
place  ;  or,  with  an  enlistment  of  five  years,  all  re 
cruits  could  be  sent  to  the  camp  of  instruction, 
where  they  could  be  trained,  drilled,  taught  the 
bayonet  exercise  and  target-practice,  and  then  be 
sent  to  their  regiments. 

A  year  would  suffice  to  organize  any  command 
as  a  division  or  corps,  and  impart  to  it  a  sufficient 
amount  of  instruction  to  enable  it  to  fight  with  suc 
cess  under  good  officers. 

A  camp  of  instruction  for  recruits  would  have 
also  this  advantage,  that  cadets  after  having  learned 
the  tactics  and  principles  of  discipline  could  be 
used  as  instructors,  thus  giving  the  troops  the  bene 
fit  of  their  knowledge,  and  also  giving  the  cadets 
experience  in  commanding  men  even  before  their 
graduation.  The  war  in  America  proved  conclu 
sively  that  a  graduate  fresh  from  the  Academy  was 
able  to  command  a  regiment,  and  many  who  had 
the  opportunity  were  soon  after  made  generals  of 
brigade  and  division.  Such  also  will  be  the  expe- 


298  Emory  Upton. 

rience  of  China  if  in  the  wisdom  of  her  rulers  she 
shall  establish  a  similar  institution. 

General  Upton  while  at  West  Point  turned  his 
thoughts  often  to  the  condition  of  military  affairs  in 
Europe  and  Asia,  and  had  many  a  written  and  per 
sonal  conference  with  General  Sherman  after  the 
latter  had  returned  from  his  military  tour  abroad. 

From  these  frequent  consultations  he  found  that 
the  General  of  the  Army  would  gladly  extend  his 
personal  and  official  influence  to  enable  him  to 
make  an  extended  tour  around  the  world,  so  that 
he  might,  by  personal  study  and  observation,  make 
himself  familiar  with  matters  connected  with  his 
profession,  as  they  existed  among  the  most  promi 
nent  nations  of  the  world.  He  intended  to  apply 
for  a  year's  leave  of  absence,  in  order  to  gain  this 
important  addition  to  his  professional  knowledge ; 
but  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to  Washington  early 
in  October,  1874,  after  he  had  had  a  long  conversa 
tion  with  the  Secretary  of  War  in  regard  to  the  affairs 
of  the  Military  Academy,  in  which  the  Secretary 
took  a  deep  personal  interest,  he  learned  that  there 
was  every  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  authorities 
to  give  him  the  advantage  of  an  official  tour.  By  this 
means  the  avenues  to  the  information  which  he  was 
desirous  of  obtaining  could  be  the  more  readily 
opened,  and  the  Government  could  in  return  get 
the  benefit  of  his  observations,  for  use  in  the  army. 
The  whole  matter  soon  took  definite  shape,  and  it 
was  finally  determined  to  associate  with  him  two 
other  officers,  one  of  the  cavalry  and  the  other  of 
the  artillery  arm  of  the  service.  These  were  Gen- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        299 

eral  George  A.  Forsyth,  major  of  the  Ninth  Caval 
ry,  and  Major  Joseph  P.  Sanger,  captain  First  Ar 
tillery.  Both  were  exceedingly  capable  officers,  had 
seen  hard  service  during  the  civil  war,  and  had  been 
noted  for  their  devotion  to  duty  and  skill  in  their 
respective  corps. 

The  order  constituting  the  commission  was  is 
sued  June  23,  1875,  and,  as  it  outlined  the  duties  and 
controlled  General  Upton's  movements  for  the  suc 
ceeding  eighteen  months,  it  is  here  inserted  : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON  CITY,  June  23,  1875. 

GENERAL  :  On  or  about  June  3Oth  next  you  will 
be  relieved  from  the  Military  Academy. 

Upon  being  so  relieved,  it  is  desired  that  you  pro 
ceed  to  San  Francisco,  California,  visiting  on  the 
route  to  that  city  Salt  Lake  City,  the  mines  ol  Neva 
da,  and  the  Yosemite  Valley ;  that  on  or  about  August 
ist  you  sail  from  San  Francisco  for  Japan  and  China. 
On  reaching  Canton  in  China  you  will  proceed,  via 
Singapore,  to  Calcutta ;  thence  up  the  valley  of  the 
Ganges  to  Peshawer,  and  thence  to  the  Russian  pos 
sessions  at  Tashkend,  by  the  most  practicable  route. 

Should  it,  however,  be  found  impracticable  to 
proceed  to  the  Russian  possessions  from  Peshawer, 
you  will  select  the  most  feasible  route  that  will  en 
able  you  to  reach  Europe.  Having  arrived  in  Eu 
rope,  you  are  required  to  visit  the  camps  of  instruc 
tion  and  military  schools  of  Italy,  Germany,  Aus 
tria,  Russia,  France,  and  England,  and  thence  return 
to  the  United  States. 

The  professional  object  of  this  order  is  to  en 
able  you  to  examine  and  report  upon  the  organiza- 


300  Emory  Upton. 

tion,  tactics,  discipline,  and  the  manoeuvres,  of  the 
armies  along  the  route  mentioned,  and  in  Germany 
the  special  examination  of  the  schools  for  the  in 
struction  of  officers,  in  strategy,  grand  tactics,  ap 
plied  tactics,  and  the  higher  duties  in  the  art  of 
Avar,  and  the  collection  and  compilation  of  such 
other  information  as  might  naturally  be  expected 
to  be  of  utility  to  this  Government. 

During  your  absence  upon  this  duty,  which 
shall  not  exceed  eighteen  months,  you  will  report 
as  nearly  monthly  as  practicable  your  address  to 
the  Adjutant-General ;  and  on  your  return  wTill 
make  a  full,  detailed  written  report  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  upon  all  the  subjects  mentioned  in  this 
communication.  .  .  . 

You  will  report  to  General  Sherman  for  further 
instructions  if  he  desires  to  give  you  any  ;  and  you 
will  be  accompanied  by  Major  George  A.  Forsyth, 
Ninth  Cavalry,  and  by  Captain  J.  P.  Sanger,  First 
Artillery,  who  have  been  detailed  for  that  purpose. 
Yours  very  respectfully, 

WILLIAM  W.  BELKNAP, 

Secretary  of  War. 

Upon  reporting  to  General  Sherman,  the  latter 
addressed  him  the  following  characteristic,  soldier 
ly,  and  friendly  letter : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  July  12,  1875. 

GENERAL  EMORY  UPTON, 

United  States  Army,  present. 
DEAR  GENERAL  :  I  have  read  with  pleasure  the 
letter  of  instructions  to  you  by  the  Secretary  of 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        301 

War,  and  congratulate  you  and  your  associates  on 
having  an  opportunity  such  as  has  never,  in  my 
recollection,  been  enjoyed  by  any  officers  of  the 
army  at  any  former  period  of  our  history.  I  know 
that  you  will  profit  by  it,  and  only  to  suggest  a  few 
thoughts  will  I  venture  to  use  that  part  of  the  letter 
of  the  Secretary  which  requires  you  to  report  to 
me. 

You  and  I  have  already  had  much  correspond 
ence — mostly  private — on  this  very  contemplated 
tour  of  the  world,  so  that  I  think  we  mutually  un 
derstand  each  other.  You  know  that,  about  four 
years  ago,  I  traveled  up  the  Mediterranean  and 
Black  Seas  to  Tiflis,  the  capital  of  the  Russian  Cau 
casus.  Naturally  I  would  like  to  have  you  ap 
proach  Europe  by  that  gateway.  The  objects  of 
interest  in  Japan  and  China  seem  to  me  to  have 
been  well  examined  and  reported  on  by  modern 
travelers.  In  like  manner,  the  armies,  forts,  gar 
risons,  and  camps  of  Europe  seem  to  me  to  have 
been  studied  by  American  officers  and  authors  until 
we  know  all  that  seems  applicable  to  our  system  of 
government  and  people ;  but  Asia,  especially  India, 
Afghanistan,  Persia,  Khokand,  Bokhara,  Turkistan, 
etc. — the  lands  whence  came  our  civilization,  whence 
came  the  armies  of  Xerxes,  Genghis  Khan,  etc. — re 
main  to  us,  in  America,  almost  a  sealed  book,  though 
we  know  that  the  reflux  tide  of  civilization  is  setting 
back  from  Europe  to  those  very  lands.  England 
and  Russia  are  the  two  great  powers  that  are  now 
engaged  in  the  work,  and  you  can  not  devote  too 
much  time  and  study  to  the  systems  of  military 
government  by  which  these  nations  utilize  the  peo- 


302  Emory  Upton. 

pie  and  resources  of  interior  Asia.  I  therefore  ad 
vise  you  to  spend  as  much  time  as  possible  in  Cal 
cutta  and  India ;  cultivate  the  acquaintance  of  the 
officers,  civil  and  military ;  ascertain  how  a  small 
force  of  British  troops,  aided  by  the  native  troops, 
govern  two  hundred  million  people ;  notice  how 
they  quarter,  feed,  and  maintain  their  men,  and 
transport  them  in  peace  and  war ;  then  make  up 
your  mind  how  to  reach  the  Caspian  Sea,  preferably 
all  the  way  by  land. 

There  are  several  routes :  the  one  I  would  prefer 
is  from  Peshawer  through  the  famed  Khyber  Pass 
to  Cabool ;  thence  to  Herat,  to  Teheran,  around  the 
lower  end  of  the  Caspian  Sea  to  Tabreez  and  Mount 
Ararat.  From  Tabreez  I  know  you  will  have  no 
trouble  to  reach  Tiflis,  where  you  meet  a  highly 
civilized  and  refined  people,  with  railroad  to  the 
Black  Sea,  where  you  will  have  choice  of  routes  by 
steamer  to  Odessa  or  Constantinople.  Another 
route  of  equal  interest  would  be  from  Peshawer 
across  the  Hindoo-Koosh  to  Bokhara,  Khiva,  and 
the  Caspian. 

Either  of  these  routes  will  enable  you  to  see  the 
nomadic  nations  of  Central  Asia,  who  are  far  from 
being  barbarous,  but  hold  themselves  as  the  most 
cultivated  people  on  earth.  Their  customs,  habits, 
laws,  and  rules  of  morality  date  far  behind  the  his 
tory  of  Christianity ;  and  I  doubt  not  a  sojourn 
among  them  will  give  you  much  knowledge  that 
will  be  useful  to  us  as  we  come  to  people  the  inte 
rior  of  America. 

Should,  however,  neither  of  these  routes  be 
practicable,  you  can  go  by  rail  to  Bombay,  and  take 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        303 

steamer  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  thence  cross  over 
to  the  Mediterranean  at  Smyrna,  or  to  the  Black 
Sea  at  Trebizond,  whence  steamers  will  convey  you 
to  the  more  agreeable  and  more  familiar  routes  of 
Europe. 

I  will  watch  your  progress  with  intense  interest, 
and  will  be  pleased  to  hear  from  you  at  any  time  at 
your  own  convenience ;  and,  when  you  return,  I 
shall  welcome  you  back,  and  do  all  that  is  in  my 
power  to  enable  you  to  record  your  observations 
and  publish  them  for  our  common  instruction  and 
entertainment. 

With  great  respect,  your  friend, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  General. 

General  Sherman  also,  with  his  usual  hearty 
generosity  and  kindly  feeling,  wrote  personal  letters 
of  introduction,  commending  his  brother  officers  to 
the  Governor-General  of  India,  to  the  Grand  Duke 
Nicholas  at  Tiflis,  in  the  Caucasus,  and  to  other  offi 
cials  and  friends,  bespeaking  for  them  every  courte 
sy  and  assistance.  With  these  and  the  properly  ac 
credited  official  documents  they  set  off  well  equipped 
for  their  tour  around  the  world. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  memoir,  extracts  from 
General  Upton's  letters,  written  to  various  members 
of  his  family  and  relatives,  will  give  a  brief  outline 
of  his  journey,  and  a  much  better  view  of  his  per 
sonal  impressions  and  thoughts  than  any  compila 
tion  of  them  could  possibly  do.  For  these  reasons, 
then,  we  have  culled  from  his  letters  those  bits  that 
serve  to  reflect  him  as  a  man  as  he  journeyed  among 
the  nations  of  Asia  and  Europe: 


304  Emory  Upton. 

(Extracts.) 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  July  27,  1875. 

The  morning  of  the  2oth  we  crossed  the  Sierra 
Nevada.  The  train  stopped  five  minutes  at  Cape 
Horn,  which  is  said  to  be  a  precipice  four  thousand 
feet  high,  but  which  my  experience  in  the  Yosemite 
did  not  confirm.  The  view,  however,  was  very 
fine.  At  Dutch  Flats,  on  the  very  top  of  the  mount 
ains,  we  saw  the  effect  of  hydraulic  mining  for  gold. 
For  miles  the  tops  of  the  hills  had  been  washed  off, 
often  to  a  depth  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet. 
This  is  done  by  conducting  water  for  a  long  dis 
tance  in  pipes  with  such  a  head  that  Avhen  the  water 
is  thrown  against  the  face  of  a  hill,  sand,  gravel,  and 
bowlders  fly  in  every  direction.  The  dislodged 
earth  is  then  conducted  through  troughs  of  water 
where  the  gold  settles  and  is  collected.  The  de 
scent  of  the  mountains  was  rapid,  and  we  soon 
found  ourselves  in  the  Sacramento  Valley,  which  is 
broad  and  flat  as  far  as  the  eye  can  extend.  The 
valley  was  very  dry,  and  made  picturesque  only  by 
the  live-oaks  which  are  scattered  over  its  surface. 

The  night  of  the  2oth  we  spent  at  Merced,  in  the 
San  Joaquin  Valley.  This  is  the  great  wheat-re 
gion  of  California.  With  one  summer  fallow  they 
manage  to  get  two  crops,  the  first  being  put  in  as 
in  the  East.  The  second  is  called  a  volunteer  crop, 
which  is  put  in  by  simply  harrowing  the  stubble  of 
the  first  crop,  the  shelled  wheat  furnishing  the  seed. 
The  wheat-fields  cover  thousands  of  acres.  The 
harvesting  is  done  by  a  machine  called  a  "  header," 
which  merely  clips  the  heads,  that  are  afterward 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        305 

threshed.  These  machines  Avill  cut  from  twenty- 
five  to  fifty  acres  per  day. 

The  morning  of  the  2oth  we  took  outside  seats 
on  the  stage  for  the  Yosemite ;  the  night  we  spent 
at  Clarke's  ranch,  at  the  Big  Tree  Station. 

The  morning  of  the  2ist  we  took  horses,  and 
rode  over  to  the  Mariposa  group  of  big  trees. 
These  were  all  they  had  been  represented.  The 
Grizzly  Giant  was  one  hundred  and  two  feet  in  cir 
cumference,  or  about  thirty  three  feet  in  diameter. 
One  limb  was  estimated  to  be  eight  feet  in  diame 
ter,  or  twenty-four  feet  in  circumference.  The 
trees  are  about  three  hundred  feet  high,  and  as 
straight  as  arrows.  By  the  side  of  them  pines  one 
hundred  feet  high  look  like  riding-whips.  Perhaps 
a  better  idea  of  their  size  will  be  conveyed  by 
stating  that  we  rode  on  horseback  through  the  hol 
low  of  one  which  was  lying  down,  and  also  through 
the  roots  of  one  which  had  been  partially  burned 
out  standing. 

In  a  portion  of  one  of  the  standing  trees  which 
had  been  burned  out  we  concealed  our  four  horses, 
and  there  was  room  for  four  more.  Hidden  in  the 
tree  we  could  have  charged  any  unwary  foe  that 
might  have  crossed  our  path.  There  were  about 
one  hundred  trees  in  the  Mariposa  group,  most  of 
them  in  fine  preservation.  Their  age  is  supposed 
to  be  between  four  and  five  thousand  years. 

Returning  to  Clarke's,  we  took  an  open  carriage 
for  the  valley,  twenty-three  miles  off,  where  we  ar 
rived  about  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

This  valley  was  undoubtedly  formed  by  an 
earthquake,  which,  in  rending  the  mountains,  made 


306  Emory  Upton. 

a  chasm  seven  miles  long  and  many  thousand  feet 
deep.  This  chasm  has  gradually  filled  up  by  falling 
rock,  until  the  bottom  of  the  valley  is  now  within 
four  or  five  thousand  feet  of  the  top,  the  width  be 
ing  about  a  mile.  On  our  left,  as  we  entered  the 
valley,  stood  El  Capitan,  a  perpendicular  mass  of 
granite  thirty-one  hundred  feet  high.  On  our  right 
were  the  "  Three  Graces,"  thirty-seven  hundred  feet 
high.  A  little  farther  on  our  right  was  the  Bridal 
Veil  Fall,  nine  hundred  and  forty  feet.  As  its  wa 
ters  dashed  into  spray,  the  rainbow-colors  played 
in  masses  of  red,  pink,  and  golden  light,  blending 
beauty  and  grandeur  in  a  harmony  enchanting  to 
the  soul.  We  passed  the  night  at  the  Yosemite 
Hotel,  and  on  Friday  morning  we  took  horses  and 
guides  and  rode  to  Mirror  Lake.  In  this  little 
sheet  of  water,  three  acres  in  extent,  embosomed  in 
a  mighty  amphitheatre,  are  reflected,  as  in  a  mirror, 
the  almost  vertical  wall  of  South  Dome,  five  thou 
sand  feet  high ;  Cloud's  Rest,  six  thousand  four 
hundred  and  fifty  feet ;  North  Dome,  thirty-seven 
hundred  feet ;  and  Glacier  Point,  thirty-two  hun 
dred  feet.  As  we  stood  on  its  western  edge,  the 
sun  rose,  gilding  the  peaks  with  streaks  of  gold, 
which,  with  softened  effect,  were  reproduced  in  the 
placid  lake.  From  the  opposite  side  of  the  lake  the 
pale  moon,  still  hovering  over  the  valley,  as  if  loath 
to  quit  the  scene,  reflected  its  silver  image  in  the 
water.  It  seemed  as  if  the  mirror  were  held  in 
God's  own  hand,  that  we  might  doubly  admire  his 
marvelous  works. 

Quitting  the  lake,  which  will  ever  be  a  gem  of 
recollection,  we   returned  to   breakfast,  and   then 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        307 

rode  to  the  Yosemite  Falls,  the  first  of  which  is  six 
teen  hundred  feet,  the  second  six  hundred,  the  third 
four  hundred  feet.  At  the  base  of  the  third  we 
could  look  up  and  see,  apparently,  one  fall  of 
twenty-six  hundred  feet.  The  effect  of  all  this 
grandeur  can  not  be  described.  One  must  visit  the 
valley  to  realize  it.  In  the  afternoon  we  started  for 
Snow's,  who,  with  great  labor,  has  built  a  house  on 
the  plateau,  between  the  Vernal  and  Nevada  Falls. 
The  canon  was  inexpressibly  wild.  Arriving  near 
the  foot  of  the  Vernal  Falls,  four  hundred  feet,  we 
left  the  horses,  and  toiled  up  a  rugged  path  to  the 
summit,  near  which  we  found  Snow's  house,  which 
was,  indeed,  founded  on  a  rock.  Immediately  above 
the  house  was  the  Nevada  Fall,  seven  hundred  feet 
high.  Here  we  again  found  ourselves  in  a  vast  am 
phitheatre.  Taking  my  seat  among  the  rocks  at 
the  base  of  the  Nevada,  I  watched  the  beautiful, 
ever-varying  colors  of  the  rainbow  until  the  sun 
went  down,  when  I  returned  to  the  house.  Near 
by  they  showed  me  where  a  rock  weighing  thou 
sands  of  tons  fell  during  the  earthquake  three  or 
four  years  ago.  A  hundred  people  were  dining  at 
the  time,  most  of  whom  fled  with  precipitation  as 
soon  as  the  clouds  of  dust  permitted  them  to  grope 
their  way.  High  upon  the  face  of  the  Cap  of  Lib 
erty  a  white  patch  marks  the  place  from  which  the 
rock  fell,  breaking  itself  into  atoms  as  it  reached 
the  valley  below.  The  next  morning,  July  24th,  we 
took  horses  and  climbed  the  mountain  to  Glacier 
Point,  which  overlooks  the  entire  valley.  From  its 
summit  projected  a  rock  about  the  size  of  a  dining- 
table.  Creeping  on  all-fours,  I  reached  the  very 


308  Emory  Upton. 

edge,  and,  peering  cautiously  over,  I  found  myself 
looking1  down  a  precipice  thirty-four  hundred  feet, 
or  twice  the  height  of  Cro'  Nest  at  West  Point. 
Had  I  fallen  I  would  not  have  struck  the  rock 
within  two  thousand  feet,  while  what  would  have 
remained  of  me  would  have  been  found  thirty-four 
hundred  feet  below.  The  Merced  River  meandered, 
like  a  silver  thread,  at  our  feet.  To  our  right  were 
the  Vernal  and  Nevada  Falls,  in  front  were  the 
North  and  South  Domes.  To  the  left  were  Yosemi- 
te  Falls,  and  still  farther  El  Capitan,  like  a  mighty 
sentinel,  guarded  the  approach  to  the  valley. 

From  Glacier  Point  we  went  to  Sentinel  Dome, 
forty-five  hundred  feet  high.  Here  we  had  our  last 
view  of  the  valley,  while  beyond  the  Sierra  Ne- 
vadas  were  spread  out  like  a  panorama. 

From  here  we  went  to  Clarke's  ranch,  and  on 
Monday,  the  26th,  arrived  in  San  Francisco.  The 
city  resembles  Chicago,  both  in  its  people  and  the 
character  of  its  buildings.  The  climate  is  a  phe 
nomenon.  The  day  before  our  arrival,  while  riding 
comfortably  on  the  outside  of  the  stage,  the  ther 
mometer  was  106°  in  the  shade.  The  air  was  so 
dry  and  pure,  and  the  evaporation  so  rapid,  that 
there  seemed  to  be  no  tendency  to  perspire.  On 
arriving  at  Oakland  and  San  Francisco  all  was 
changed.  Ladies  were  seen  in  furs,  and  gentlemen 
were  wearing  beaver  overcoats.  Every  morning, 
at  this  season,  heavy  fogs  hang  over  the  city,  which 
clear  away  about  10  A.  M.  The  rest  of  the  day  the 
sun  shines  brightly,  the  temperature  being  comfort 
able  most  of  the  time  for  a  spring  overcoat.  In  fact, 
people  here  say  that  the  summer  is  apparently 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        309 

colder  than  the  winter,  and  therefore  they  wear  the 
same  upper  and  under  clothing  the  year  round. 

GREAT  REPUBLIC, 
LATITUDE  36°  30'  NORTH,  LONGITUDE  178°  EAST, 

Aiigust  15,  1875. 

Thirteen  days  at  sea,  and  yet  only  in  mid-ocean. 
This  will  give  you  some  feeble  conception  of  the 
immense  area  of  the  Pacific.  I  wish  you  could  see 
our  beautiful  ship  as  she  moves  majestically  over 
the  waters.  While  there  is  always  a  heavy  swell, 
we  have  had  nothing  approaching  a  rough  sea. 
The  time  is  passing  rapidly  and  pleasantly.  When 
we  came  on  board  we  appropriated  twenty-four 
days  to  the  voyage,  and  now,  in  this  floating  city 
we  pass  the  time  as  we  would  at  any  place  where 
we  had  resolved  to  spend  a  month.  I  have  never 
seen  anything  like  our  present  experience  in  travel. 
It  is  like  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  launched  on  a  tour 
around  the  world.  Our  table  is  delicious.  We 
have  had  no  excitement  except  yesterday  morning, 
when  a  ship  in  distress  signaled  us.  We  immedi 
ately  lay-to,  wrhen  an  officer  came  on  board  and  an 
nounced  the  fact  that,  having  been  out  for  sixty 
days  from  the  Feejee  Islands  to  San  Francisco,  the 
vessel  was  out  of  provisions.  They  were  not,  how 
ever,  in  danger  of  immediate  starvation,  as  we  found 
out  that  the  cargo  was  composed  of  oranges  and 
cocoanuts.  In  my  portfolio  there  is  a  letter  from 
—  on  the  subject  of  China.  That  dream,  as  I  ap 
proach  the  Flowrery  Kingdom,  loses  none  of  its  en 
chantment.  I  am  still  open  to  propositions  from  the 
Celestials,  but  shall  not  accept  any  which  do  not 
promise  a  fortune.  The  fact  is,  I  have  been  very 


310  Emory  Upton. 

anxious  to  have  Mr.  Stewart  endow  a  national  uni 
versity,  on  the  principle  of  West  Point,  with  the 
munificent  sum  of  ten  millions,  but  I  have  now  con 
cluded  that  I  would  like  to  make  that  sum,  and  then 
establish  the  institution  myself.  There  are,  it  is 
true,  some  difficulties  in  the  way,  but,  after  having 
organized  a  large  imperial  army,  I  may  be  able  to 
convince  Prince  Kung  that  railroads  will  be  neces 
sary  to  transport  troops,  suggest  to  him  that  my 
large  experience  in  riding  on  railroads  will  enable 
me  to  build  them,  and  thus  find  myself  a  railroad 
king  as  well  as  a  military  mandarin  of  high  rank. 
If  successful  in  this  part  of  my  programme,  I  feel 
sure  we  shall  have  a  national  university. 

STEAMER  GREAT  REPUBLIC, 
LATITUDE  36°  3',  LONGITUDE  180°, 
Attgust  16,  1875. 

The  full  moon  looks  down  benignantly  upon  our 
floating  palace  as  she  glides  slowly  over  the  calm 
Pacific.  To-day  is  our  fourteenth  at  sea,  yet  no  one 
seems  ennuied.  We  have  all  settled  down  to  pass 
so  long  a  time  on  board,  and  for  aught  I  see  the 
days  come  and  go  as  rapidly  afloat  as  on  shore.  1 
am  using  every  moment  of  my  time  either  studying 
French,  or  else  reading  up  the  history,  manners,  and 
customs  of  the  countries  we  are  to  visit. 

We  have  only  two  ladies,  one  the  wife  of  an  offi 
cer  of  the  navy,  and  the  other  the  wife  of  a  citizen. 
The  latter  is,  in  my  judgment,  not  the  loveliest  of 
her  sex,  but  seems  to  be  an  impulsive,  warm-hearted 
creature,  one  moment  all  smiles,  and  even  boister 
ous  in  her  mirth,  the  next  pouting  and  humbling 
her  husband,  who  bears  her  freaks  with  patient 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        3 1 1 

resignation,  knowing  that  in  a  moment  the  cloud 
will  be  dissipated,  and  that,  regardless  of  company, 
she  will  smother  him  with  ill-timed  caresses.  Each 
lady  has  her  child  ;  each  child  is  a  son,  and  each 
son  has  for  a  nurse  his  devoted  father.  I  have 
never  known  children  to  be  so  well  cared  for.  They 
live  on  condensed  milk,  and  laugh  and  crow  lustily 
from  morning  till  night.  A  little  girl,  ten  years  old, 
daughter  of  the  new  consul  at  Canton,  is  the  belle 
of  the  vessel.  Navy  officers,  army  officers,  cosmo 
politans,  globe-trotters,  all  pay  her  attention  and 
promenade  with  her  with  as  much  apparent  pleas 
ure  as  with  a  young  lady  of  twenty  years. 

To-night  will  occur  a  painful  event  in  the  history 
of  every  passenger  on  board,  for,  as  we  shall  cross 
the  one  hundred  and  eightieth  meridian  from  Green 
wich,  we  are  to  drop  a  day.  Tuesday,  the  i;th  of 
August,  we  are  to  drop  from  our  calendar.  We  go 
to  bed  Monday,  the  i6th,  and  wake  up  on  Wednes 
day,  the  1 8th.  Were  we  sailing  the  other  way,  we 
should  have  had  two  Tuesdays. 

LATITUDE  35°  15'  NORTH,  LONGITUDE  158°  EAST 
August  22,  1875. 

This  is  our  last  Sunday  on  the  calm  Pacific. 
The  day  has  been  almost  as  beautiful  as  with  you 
on  the  Owasco.  I  have  made  the  day  one  of  rest 
so  far  as  intermitting  my  ordinary  reading,  but 
other  reading  has  engaged  my  attention.  As  we 
are  going  to  the  lands  of  dense  populations,  it  is 
necessary  to  read  up  the  different  religions,  so  to 
day  I  have  looked  into  Buddhism,  Confucianism, 
and  then  into  Christianity,  as  presented  in  the  cy- 


312  Emory  Upton. 

clopaedia.  To  the  latter  the  soul  returns  and  finds 
rest  and  peace.  To-day  I  have  been  deeply  im 
pressed  by  the  relation  of  our  Saviour  to  the  world 
as  the  uniting  link  between  the  human  and  the  di 
vine,  making  through  the  indwelling  of  his  Holy 
Spirit  our  bodies  the  real  temples  of  the  Holy 
Ghost. 

The  Great  Republic  loses  none  of  its  attractions 
on  a  longer  acquaintance.  Last  night  Captain  Cobb 
invited  us  to  make  the  inspection  with  him.  The 
ship  was  in  perfect  order  and  a  model  of  neatness. 
The  kitchen  was  particularly  to  be  commended. 
In  this  large  city  the  one  hundred  sailors  and  two 
hundred  and  seventy-five  Chinamen  never  come  in 
our  way.  We  may  go  into  their  quarters,  but  they 
can  not  come  into  ours. 

YEDDO,  September  7,  1875. 

As  we  are  to  observe  military  affairs  rather  than 
spend  our  time  sight-seeing,  we  lost  no  time  in 
crossing  to  Yeddo,  where  we  arrived  on  Monday, 
August  3Oth.  We  laid  our  papers  before  Mr. 
Bingham  immediately,  but  not  until  Thursday  did 
he  communicate  with  the  Minister  of  War,  who  ap 
pointed  Sunday  as  the  day  of  our  reception.  I  did 
not  like  this,  but  of  course  went,  and  had  a  very 
agreeable  interview,  an  interpreter  serving  as  a 
medium  of  communication.  He  appointed  Wednes 
day  as  the  day  on  which  the  troops  would  be  re 
viewed  before  us,  and  Tuesday  as  the  day  on  which 
a  Japanese  general  would  disclose  the  organization 
of  their  army.  The  poor  man  came  this  morning, 
and  we  had  satisfaction  for  all  our  delay,  for  we 
kept  him  six  hours  and  tortured  him  with  questions 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       313 

which  would  have  puzzled  a  "  Herald  "  interviewer. 
Application  has  been  made  for  presentation  to  the 
Mikado,  but  between  Japanese  Sundays,  every  fifth 
day,  and  official  circumlocution,  I  fear  we  will  be 
on  our  way  to  Peking  before  the  pleasure  of  his 
Majesty  is  known. 

We  have  been  treated  with  great  kindness  by  all 
of  the  American  residents,  who  invite  all  three  of 
us  and  many  friends  to  meet  us  at  tiffins  and  dinners 
and  other  entertainments,  but  all  this  consumes 
time,  which  is  precious  when  so  much  is  to  be 
seen. 

The  Japanese  people  I  like  exceedingly,  and  so 
do  all  who  associate  with  them.  They  are  polite, 
affable,  light-hearted,  gay,  and  affectionate,  and, 
while  sunk  in  many  of  the  vices  of  heathenism,  have 
nevertheless  some  of  the  nobler  traits  of  Christian 
character.  Children  are  never  scolded,  and  from 
the  infant  to  the  aged  all  seem  to  be  happy. 

A  few  days  since  I  went  to  the  Temple  of  Asa- 
kura,  and  there  saw  the  people  cast  their  gifts  into 
the  treasury,  and  then  go  and  kneel  down  to  wood 
and  stone,  the  work  of  men's  hands.  The  god  of 
pain,  a  wooden  image,  had  lost  nearly  all  of  his 
features  by  the  rubbing  he  had  received  in  the  hope 
that  to  touch  the  image  in  the  part  corresponding 
to  the  part  of  the  body  affected,  and  then  apply  the 
touch  to  the  diseased  part,  would  insure  relief.  It 
was  a  sad  sight,  but  I  can  not  believe  it  will  continue 
long.  I  have  seen  evidences  of  depravity  too  re 
volting  to  be  mentioned,  which  nothing  but  God's 
power  can  arrest.  The  religion  of  love  and  the 
hope  of  eternal  life  through  the  Saviour  can  alone 
14 


314  Emory  Upton. 

awaken  the  people  to  a  consciousness  of  their  sins 
and  an  amendment  of  their  lives. 

Japan  is  steadily  progressing  toward  stable  and 
well-regulated  government.  No  reaction  is  feared, 
and  the  people  seem  to  appreciate  many  European 
manufactures  and  customs.  The  Tokido,  or  main 
street,  is  being  rebuilt  in  European  style,  and  the 
stores  are  full  of  European  articles.  For  instance, 
our  umbrella  is  entirely  superseding  the  flat  paper 
umbrella;  you  will  see  ten  of  the  former  to  one  of 
the  latter.  A  Japanese  city  is  expected  to  be  de 
stroyed  by  fire  every  fifteen  years.  If  Yeddo  should 
not  be  an  exception,  it  will  shortly  look  like  a  West 
ern  capital.  Already  it  has  gas  in  the  streets,  and  a 
stage-line,  the  sure  forerunner  of  the  street-car,  is 
running  on  the  Tokido.  But  all  this  is  material 
progress,  and  I  feel  equally  sure  spiritual  progress 
will  keep  pace.  The  fullness  of  time  is  approaching. 
Idols  are  falling  down,  superstitions  are  giving  way, 
but  the  human  heart  endures,  and  must  fix  its  affec 
tions  on  Him  who  gave  his  body  a  ransom  for  all. 
I  am  not  discouraged  ;  one  needs  only  to  visit  a 
heathen  land  to  admit  the  necessity  of  Christ's  mis 
sion  of  peace  and  good-will  toward  men. 

YEDDO,  September  8,  1875. 

I  am  waiting  for  an  officer  to  come  and  escort 
our  party  to  a  grand  review,  and  will  improve  the 
time  in  sending  you  a  few  thoughts. 

We  are  having  a  delightful  time — never  better. 
Socially  we  are  dined  and  tiffined  (lunched)  a  little 
too  much,  but  a  large-hearted  generosity  makes  us 
feel  that  we  are  welcome.  The  country  is  beauti- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       315 

ful ;  every  landscape  is  a  solace  to  the  eyes.  The 
people  are  amiable,  and  so  polite  as  to  make  us  wish 
we  could  imitate  their  manners.  The  servants  are 
the  best.  Houses  are  never  locked,  trunks  can  be 
left  open,  jewelry  and  curios  exposed,  and  neverthe 
less  nothing  will  be  stolen.  It  is  rather  startling  to 
a  foreigner  on  a  hot  day  to  see  nothing  but  bare 
heads,  bare  arms,  bare  bodies,  and  bare  legs.  As 
one  judges  of  the  density  of  a  crowd  by  the  up 
turned  faces,  you  can  imagine  that  this  sans-souci 
exposure  of  the  person  gives  to  a  street  the  appear 
ance  of  being  alive  with  human  beings.  You  must 
not  imagine  that  all  of  the  Japanese  go  about  in  this 
manner ;  many,  and  by  far  the  great  majority,  wear 
dresses  and  robes  very  becoming  to  them.  The 
children  seem  to  enjoy  the  liberty  of  dress  more 
than  any  one  else.  Up  to  four  and  five  years  old 
they  run  about  regardless  of  appearances.  On  our 
way  to  the  great  image  Dai-Butsu  they  stood  in 
the  streets  in  rows  as  naked  as  when  they  were 
born,  saluted  us  with  "  Ohio !  Ohio !  "  and  crowed 
as  lustily  as  so  many  young  roosters. 

September  8,  1875. 

Yesterday  we  had  a  fatiguing  day — a  review  of 
six  battalions  of  infantry,  a  squadron  of  cavalry,  and 
three  batteries  of  artillery.  The  Minister  of  War 
met  us  on  the  ground,  and,  after  the  review  of  in 
fantry  was  over,  excused  himself  till  we  had  seen 
the  artillery,  engineers,  and  arsenal,  when  he  met 
us  in  the  garden  of  the  late  Prince  Mirto,  where  a 
beautiful  breakfast  was  served.  There  were  two 
French  officers  present  besides  our  own  party.  The 


316  Emory  Upton. 

Vice-Minister  of  War  was  of  the  company.  The 
house  (Japanese)  was  one  hundred  and  eighty  years 
old.  The  grounds  were  the  perfection  of  landscape- 
gardening.  In  one  part  was  a  miniature  temple, 
representing  the  oldest  temple  in  the  empire,  at 
Kioto,  and  a  lake,  the  fac-siniile  of  a  lake  in  China. 
There  was  also  a  small  Niagara,  to  which  our  atten 
tion  was  specially  called.  The  dinner — for  such  in 
fact  is  every  tiffin — was  served  in  French  style. 
Conversation  was  not  so  rapid  as  when  interpreters 
are  not  required,  but  still  we  got  on  very  well. 
After  breakfast  (12  M.)  we  went  to  the  barracks, 
hospitals,  etc.,  which  surpass  anything  we  have  in 
America,  and  then  went  to  Yokohama,  where  we 
three  dined  with  General  Van  Buren.  There  were 
present  the  ministers  of  Italy,  Belgium,  and  Eng 
land,  so  that  it  might  be  termed  a  swell  affair. 

September  9,  1875. 

Military  labor  and  festivities  are  very  exhaust 
ing.  We  sail  Saturday  for  Hiogo,  stop  over  there 
a  week  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Osaka  and  Kioto, 
and  then  go  direct  to  Shanghai  and  Peking. 

HIOGO,  September  19,  1875. 

Since  writing  you  our  party  has  been  to  Kioto, 
the  capital  of  the  Mikado  for  the  last  eleven  hun 
dred  years.  The  city  basks  in  a  beautiful  valley, 
surrounded  by  mountains  which  are  covered  with 
Italian  verdure.  As  we  looked  upon  the  city  from 
a  lofty  pagoda  it  seemed  as  if  the  smile  of  Heaven 
rested  upon  the  plain,  teeming  with  life  and  anima 
tion.  We  visited  several  of  the  large  temples,  in 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       317 

which  solemn  stillness  prevails,  only  broken  when 
some  worshiper  rang  a  bell  to  awaken  his  god.  In 
one  temple  there  were  one  thousand  distinct  gilt 
images  of  Buddha.  We  sail  to-morrow  for  Naga 
saki  and  Shanghai.  All  of  October  will  be  con 
sumed  in  the  tour  to  Peking,  and  en  route  to  Hong- 
Kong.  My  health  is  good,  notwithstanding  I  have 
never  worked  harder. 

STEAMER  COSTA  RICA, 
BETWEEN  NAGASAKI  AND  SHANGHAI, 
September  23,  1875. 

Tuesday  morning,  at  three  o'clock,  we  started 
on  steamer  Costa  Rica  for  Shanghai.  The  sail  to 
Nagasaki  was  the  most  beautiful  I  have  ever  seen. 
The  Inland  Sea  is  two  hundred  and  eighty  miles 
long  and  from  four  to  twelve  broad.  Its  shores  are 
bounded  by  mountains  from  one  thousand  to  seven 
thousand  feet  high,  while  the  sea  is  studded  with 
rocks  and  islands,  sometimes  two  thousand  to  three 
thousand  feet  above  its  level.  The  conical  shape 
prevails  among  the  islands,  many  of  them  resem 
bling  in  grace  of  outline  the  sacred  Fusiyama. 
Many  of  the  peaks  are  covered  with  a  crown  of 
verdure,  while  the  slope  descends  in  cultivated  ter 
races  to  the  base,  where  nestle  the  thatched  roofs 
of  villages  and  hamlets.  In  the  distance  we  could 
frequently  see  castles  perched  on  rocks,  looking 
down  menacingly  upon  the  cities  at  their  feet.  But 
the  sea  can  not  be  described.  It  is  the  Hudson, 
with  its  Highlands;  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  its 
Thousand  Islands  ;  Lake  George,  with  its  mountain- 
peaks,  all  overspread  by  an  Italian  sky,  so  soothing 
that  the  soul  seemed  to  bathe  in  rivers  of  pleasure, 


318  Emory  Upton. 

and  to  repose  in  the  fields  of  Elysium.  As  the 
steamer  glided  through  the  tortuous  channels,  each 
turn  of  the  wheel  gave  fresh  delight,  yet  tinged 
with  regret  that  the  floating  scenes  of  beauty  \vere 
every  moment  becoming  only  themes  for  recollec 
tion,  anticipation,  enjoyment,  remembrance,  of  ever- 
varying  and  changing  views.  Such  was  our  voyage 
on  the  Inland  Sea. 

SHANGHAI,  October  24,  1875. 

This  brick  and  mud  city  is  the  capital  of  the 
province  of  Chihili,  of  which  Li-Hung  Chang,  the 
most  powerful  subject  of  the  empire,  is  the  viceroy, 
or  governor-general.  The  only  object  of  military 
interest  is  the  arsenal,  built  by  an  Englishman  named 
Meadows.  It  is  inclosed  by  an  earthen  wall  or 
parapet  for  defense,  and  occupies  a  mile  square. 
At  present  only  Remington  cartridges,  powder,  and 
shell  for  cannon  of  different  calibers,  are  manufact 
ured,  but  machinery  for  Remington  rifles  is  being 
erected. 

In  visiting  any  official  in  China  you  are  invited 
into  a  room,  simply  furnished  with  round  or  square 
tables,  stools,  or  mats,  and  are  then  invited  to  take 
tea,  which  is  always  clear  and  of  the  best  quality. 
This  ceremony  completed,  you  can  proceed  to  busi 
ness.  After  our  inspection  of  the  arsenal,  we  were 
invited  to  dine  with  the  quartermaster-general  of 
the  viceroy.  Putting  on  all  our  war-paint,  with 
our  vice-consul  as  interpreter,  we  proceeded  within 
the  walled  city,  and  arrived  at  his  residence  at  four 
o'clock,  P.  M.  The  furniture  of  the  dining-room  was 
the  same  as  I  have  already  described,  all  the  dishes 
being  served  on  a  round  table  without  a  table-cloth. 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        319 

We  were  provided  both  with  chop-sticks  and  knives 
and  forks,  but  the  dinner  was  exclusively  Chinese. 
The  courses  were  so  many,  and  the  dishes  so  nu 
merous,  that  I  can  not  do  better  than  give  you  a 
bill  of  fare  of  a  dinner  we  ordered  at  a  Chinese  res 
taurant  at  Peking  as  the  most  faithful  approach  I 
can  make  to  a  description : 

CHINESE  DINNER — BILL   OF  FARE. 

First  Course. — Tea. 

Second  Course. — Consisting  of  fruits  and  sweet 
meats,  viz. :  lotus-seed  fried ;  watermelon-seed ;  green 
dates;  prunes;  apples  dried  in  honey  ;  English  wal 
nuts  ;  fresh  apples  ;  pears  and  grapes.  This  course 
remains  on  the  table  throughout  the  dinner. 

Third  Course. — Shrimps  ;  Mongolia  ham,  boiled 
and  cut  up  in  small  slices ;  chicken  ;  wine  made  of 
rice.  The  wine  is  served  hot  in  small  glasses.  Every 
time  the  servant  passes  it,  if  any  remains  in  the 
glasses,  it  is  poured  back  into  the  common  reservoir, 
and  again  poured  back  into  the  glasses.  This  is 
another  instance  of  Chinese  economy. 

Fourth  Course. — Pickled  eggs  (these  are  buried 
for  years  in  clay  and  salt,  and  undergo  a  species  of 
decomposition,  making  them  when  exhumed  resem 
ble  a  dark  gelatinous  substance — taste  them,  "  like  a 
little  man  !  ") ;  pickled  lotus-root ;  skin  of  duck's  feet 
boiled  ;  pickled  sea-weed.  Note. — In  Chinese  cook 
ery  articles  are  always  pickled  in  salt,  never  in  vine 
gar. 

Fifth  Course. — This  course  was  preceded  by 
changing  our  paper  napkins,  and  consisted  of 
plover's  eggs  stewed  with  shark's  fins  and  clabbered 


320  Emory  Upton. 

milk  (delicious) ;  duck-kidneys  ;  sea-weed  ;  jelly  ; 
bamboo-shoots. 

Sixth  Course. — Fish-sinew  soup  ;  mushrooms  and 
water-chestnuts  stewed ;  stewed  fish ;  tripe ;  stewed 
prawns ;  chicken  stewed  in  jelly. 

Seventh  Course. — Duck  smothered  in  jelly  (deli 
cious) ;  jelly  pate;  fluid  fat-meat  hash. 

Eighth  Course. — Duck-feet-skin  stewed  ;  stewed 
mushrooms ;  stewed  snails.  (We  bound  ourselves 
to  taste  of  every  dish.) 

Ninth  Course. — Fish  smothered  in  vinegar  and 
jelly  (good). 

Tenth  Course. — Meat  dumpling  ;  onion  omelette. 

Eleventh  Course. — Vermicelli-soup. 

TwelfthCourse. — Stewed  chicken;  vegetable  soup, 
with  hashed-meat  balls  ;  pork  smothered  in  flour. 

Thirteenth  Course. — Rice-soup  ;  boiled  rice  ;  bul 
lock's  blood  thickened  ;  salt  pickles. 

Fourteenth. — We  go  to  another  table,  and  are 
served  with  tea  and  cigars. — Finis. 

The  dishes  are  generally  brought  in  in  small 
bowls,  one  or  more  at  a  time.  Each  guest  dips  his 
chop-sticks  into  the  common  dish,  and  eats  directly 
from  it,  or  transfers  what  he  wants  to  a  small  saucer 
and  then  eats.  It  would  be  like  placing  one  dish  in 
the  middle  of  a  table,  and  then  each  one  eating  from 
it  with  a  fork.  The  dinner  with  the  quartermaster- 
general  was  interspersed  with  conversation  on  guns, 
cannon,  tactics,  army  organization,  etc.  The  saki, 
or  sam-shu,  as  harmless  as  boiled  milk,  flowed  freely. 
Our  amiable  host  proposed  healths  often,  and  after 
each  one  showed  us  the  bottom  of  his  glass.  When 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       321 

we  arose  from  dinner  it  was  quite  dark.  Four 
soldiers,  with  lanterns,  lighted  us  home,  running 
swiftly  before  our  horses. 

As  we  came  out  into  the  street  an  enterprising 
reporter  of  a  Chinese  paper  interviewed  us,  and  I 
have  no  doubt,  could  we  have  read  his  report,  we 
would  have  been  pleased  with  his  description  of  the 
foreign  visitors. 

This  dinner  was  only  preliminary  to  another. 
At  eight  o'clock  we  dined  with  the  officers  of  the 
United  States  steamer  Monocacy.  These  naval 
heroes  were  rather  forlorn  over  the  prospect  of 
being  frozen  up  for  three  months  in  the  Peiho. 
Since  the  Tientsin  massacres,  foreign  gunboats  stay 
at  Tientsin  summer  and  winter.  We  left  Tientsin 
at  8  A.  M.,  and  arrived  at  the  Taku  forts,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  at  2  p.  M.  Here  we  went  ashore 
to  inspect  the  fortifications.  Word  had  preceded 
us,  so  when  we  arrived  everything  was  in  readiness. 
Flags  floated  upon  the  parapets  of  all  the  forts, 
while  at  the  wharf  and  along  the  route  to  the  quar 
ters  of  the  commanding  general  no  less  than  a  hun 
dred  banners  floated  from  staffs  supported  by  faith 
ful  soldiers  of  the  empire.  "  Terrible  as  an  army 
with  banners  "  was  our  first  impression.  Neverthe 
less,  without  palpitation  we  landed,  rolled  ourselves 
into  carts,  and  proceeded  along  a  line  of  troops.  A 
battalion  of  ten  companies  was  paraded,  the  com 
panies  presenting  arms  successively.  On  approach 
ing  the  sally-port  a  salute  of  three  guns  was  fired. 
With  this  we  had  to  be  satisfied,  as  it  is  the  highest 
salute  in  the  empire.  Troops  without  arms  were 
arranged  in  line  in  front  of  the  general's  quarters, 


322  Emory  Upton. 

who  came  out,  shook  his  own  hands,  then  shook 
ours,  and  motioned  us  to  enter  his  quarters.  Hav 
ing  been  served  with  tea,  we  went  to  see  the  fort, 
which  is  of  mud  or  clay,  made  hard  by  pounding. 
Three  or  four  Krupp  guns,  mounted  upon  cavaliers, 
overlook  all  the  other  guns  of  the  fort.  A  German, 
Mr.  L.  Meyer,  instructs  the  Chinese  in  the  use  of 
their  muskets.  It  was  in  front  of  these  forts,  clumsy 
as  they  appear,  that  three  or  four  English  gunboats 
were  sunk  years  ago.  An  attack  from  the  sea-front 
was  also  bloodily  repulsed.  On  another  occasion 
these  forts  were  taken  from  the  rear,  which  the 
Chinese  regarded  as  a  very  cowardly  proceeding. 
After  looking  at  the  fort,  we  had  taken  our  seats  for 
another  Chinese  dinner,  but  the  whistle  of  the 
steamer  brought  our  visit  to  a  close.  We  went 
back  amid  a  display  of  banners,  the  roar  of  cannon, 
the  clangor  of  trumpets,  invited  our  hosts  to  Amer 
ica,  bade  them  adieu,  and,  Columbus-like,  sailed 
fearlessly  to  sea.  Throughout  our  visit  we  have 
been  treated  courteously  by  the  authorities.  Prince 
Kung  and  the  foreign  ministers  received  us  three 
days  after  our  arrival ;  the  viceroy  and  Li-Hung 
Chang  called  on  us  at  the  American  legation,  and 
sent  his  secretary,  who  goes  as  associate  minister 
to  England,  to  receive  us  at  the  arsenal  and  the 
Taku  forts.  From  this  you  can  see  that  our  official 
experience  has  been  delightful.  From  here  we  go 
to  Hong-Kong,  Canton,  and  Calcutta. 

STEAMER  KASHGAR,  November  13,  1875. 
To-day  finds  us  en  route  from   Hong-Kong  to 
Singapore ;  and,  as  at  sea  we  have  plenty  of  time,  I 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       323 

must  take  up  the  thread  of  our  travels,  which  was 
interrupted  at  Shanghai.  On  October  26th  I  went 
up  the  Yang-tse  River  as  far  as  Chinkiang,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  mouth.  At  this 
point  the  Grand  Canal  crosses  the  river,  making 
Chinkiang  a  great  commercial  center.  The  river  is 
muddy  like  the  Mississippi,  and  at  some  points  is 
ten  miles  wide.  At  Chinkiang  there  is  little  of  in 
terest,  except  an  iron  pagoda,  claimed  to  be  seven 
teen  hundred  years  old.  I  saw  a  few  troops,  dirty 
and  ragged,  armed  with  the  old  smooth-bore  mus 
ket.  The  hills  around  the  city  are  covered  with  the 
graves  of  the  soldiers  killed  in  the  Taiping  rebel 
lion.  A  conical  mound  about  three  feet  high  marks 
each  resting-spot.  On  the  side  of  a  sunken  road, 
one  of  the  coffins  projected.-  Upon  it  the  surviv 
ing  friends  sometimes  place  rice  for  the  deceased. 
After  his  spirit  is  refreshed,  beggars,  and  even  dogs, 
eat  what  is  left.  I  returned  to  Shanghai  on  the 
28th,  and  on  the  2Qth  took  the  beautiful  steamer 
Ava,  of  the  French  Messagerie,  for  Hong-Kong, 
where  we  arrived  Monday,  the  ist,  at  6  A.  M.  The 
voyage  was  pleasant,  though  somewhat  rough. 
For  the  first  time,  since  leaving  San  Francisco,  we 
were  compelled  to  use  racks  at  the  table.  On  No 
vember  ist  we  visited  our  consul,  Mr.  Bailey,  and 
arranged  to  call  upon  the  governor,  and  General 
Colborne,  commanding  the  forces.  The  governor 
was  too  ill  to  receive  us,  but  we  had  a  pleasant  in 
terview  with  the  general,  who  invited  us  to  tiffin 
the  next  day — a  pleasant  occasion,  at  which  we  met 
several  officers  of  the  Eightieth  Regiment.  Wednes 
day,  November  3d,  we  took  the  steamer  for  Can- 


324  Emory  Upton. 

ton,  arriving  there  at  3  P.  M.  Mr.  Geary  gave  me 
a  letter  to  his  house  at  Canton,  where  all  three  of 
us  were  entertained  by  Mr.  Talbot. 

November  fth. — We  visited  in  the  morning  sev 
eral  curio-shops,  where  no  end  of  beautiful  objects 
were  presented  for  purchase.  The  china-shops  were 
particularly  fascinating.  In  the  afternoon  we  vis 
ited  the  arsenal,  and  saw  them  making  guns  of 
varied  descriptions,  among  them  breech-loading 
Spencer  and  Remington  rifles,  six  or  more  feet 
long,  with  a  caliber  of  one  inch.  On  visiting  the 
house  of  the  superintendent,  we  saw  for  an  instant 
his  three  wives,  who  were  gaudily  painted.  He 
offered  us  wine,  and  seemed  pleased  that  we  had 
come  to  admire  his  works. 

On  our  return  we  visited  the  Honan  Temple, 
where,  among  other  things,  they  keep  sacred  pigs, 
so  fat  that  they  can  scarcely  walk.  In  one  of  the 
priest's  rooms  was  a  sewing-machine,  an  evidence 
that  foreign  improvements  are  gradually  being  in 
troduced. 

November  5th. — We  visited  the  house  of  a  wealthy 
Chinese  merchant.  It  was  very  large,  and  had  many 
reception-rooms,  most  of  them  being  furnished  with 
black-wood,  marble-top  tables,  and  chairs.  The  par 
titions  were  frequently  of  carved  wood  and  stained 
glass.  The  ladies'  apartment  we  were  not  permitted 
to  see.  From  the  house  we  went  to  the  military 
examinations,  which  consisted  of  tests  in  archery. 

The  Temple  of  Horrors  is  another  place  of  in 
terest.  It  is  open  to  the  people,  who  are  permitted 
to  see  the  different  forms  of  punishment  adminis 
tered  in  the  empire.  The  figures  are  life-size. 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       325 

One  represented  a  man  being  sawed  in  two 
from  head  to  foot.  He  stands  bound  between 
planks,  one  in  front,  another  in  rear ;  two  men  with 
a  cross-cut  saw  then  begin  at  the  top  of  the  skull, 
and  probably  kill  their  victim  at  the  first  or  second 
stroke. 

Another  represents  a  man  on  his  face  receiving 
the  bamboo.  Three  hundred  blows  usually  para 
lyze  the  lower  limbs,  and  generally  prove  fatal. 

A  third  figure  represents  beheading,  quick  and 
painless. 

A  fourth  represents  a  man  sitting  under  a  red- 
hot  bell,  which  is  lowered  over  him,  thus  roasting 
him  alive. 

A  fifth  is  a  figure  boiling  in  a  caldron  of  hot 
water  or  oil. 

A  sixth  is  the  figure  of  a  man  whose  bones  are 
being  broken  by  a  weight  repeatedly  falling  upon 
him. 

Another  punishment,  not  represented,  is  cutting 
a  man  to  pieces  by  inches,  and  consists  of  cutting 
out  small  pieces  of  flesh  from  time  to  time,  from 
different  parts  of  the  body,  until  the  man  dies. 

Such  are  some  of  the  cruelties  still  practiced 
under  Confucian  civilization. 

From  the  temple  we  went  to  a  prison,  where  we 
saw  poor,  half-starved  creatures,  covered  with  sores 
and  vermin,  who  may  languish  for  years  before 
being  tried  ;  and  thence  went  to  a  court  and  wit 
nessed  a  trial.  The  prisoner,  bound  with  chains, 
kneeled  before  three  judges,  and,  with  face  bowed 
to  the  ground,  not  daring  to  look  at  his  accusers, 
answered  the  questions  put  to  him.  He  was  ac- 


326  Emory  Upton. 

cused  of  stabbing,  which  he  admitted ;  had  he  not 
done  so,  it  is  probable  that  he  would  have  been 
whipped  till  he  confessed.  The  knife  he  used  was 
produced,  and  looked  at  by  his  judges,  who  made 
a  report  to  the  prefect,  by  whom  sentence  was  pro 
nounced. 

These  were  some  of  the  things  we  saw  at  Can 
ton,  which  we  left  on  the  6th,  arriving  at  Hong- 
Kong  at  3  P.  M. 

POINT  DE  GALLE,  CEYLON,  November  25,  1875. 

We  left  Hong-Kong  November  nth,  on  the 
steamer  Kashgar,  and  arrived  at  Singapore  on  the 
i6th.  The  situation  of  the  city  near  the  extreme 
southern  point  of  Asia,  within  two  degrees  of  the 
equator,  makes  it  a  great  distributing  point  from 
which  steamers  proceed  to  Hong-Kong,  the  Philip 
pine  Islands,  Java,  Australia,  Calcutta,  and  Ceylon. 
Being  a  focal  point  for  business,  it  is  no  less  so  for 
races.  There  you  have  the  ubiquitous  Chinese,  the 
ruddy-faced  Englishman,  the  copper-colored  Malay, 
the  swarthy  Hindoo,  the  olive-colored  Portuguese, 
and  many  other  nationalities.  The  government  is 
English,  the  architecture  European,  modified  to 
suit  the  tropics.  The  weather  is  not  so  hot  as  it  is 
many  degrees  to  the  north.  Longer  nights  and  fre 
quent  showers  cool  the  air,  and  make  the  climate 
habitable  for  men  of  all  nations. 

You  need  only  glance  at  the  map  to  see  the  far- 
reaching — you  might  say  overreaching — foresight 
of  the  English  Government.  Recognizing  the  vast 
wealth  of  the  East,  and  the  importance  of  opening 
up  all  of  Asia  for  her  manufactures,  she  has  seized 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        327 

every  strategic  point  commanding  the  channel  of 
commerce  from  Western  Europe  to  Eastern  Asia. 
Gibraltar,  Malta,  Aden,  Perim,  commanding  the 
only  channel  at  the  mouth  of  the  Red  Sea  ;  Ceylon, 
Penang,  Singapore,  and  Hong-Kong — are  all  in  her 
possession. 

Wherever  there  is  a  strait,  she  lays  her  iron 
grasp  upon  it.  Her  acquisition  of  Perim  was  inter 
esting.  A  French  naval  commander,  it  is  said,  was 
sent  to  seize  it  in  the  name  of  his  government. 
Being  invited  to  dine  on  board  a  vessel  in  an  Eng 
lish  squadron,  he  indiscreetly  revealed  his  mission, 
when  an  officer  at  the  table  recollected  to  have  for 
gotten  something,  excused  himself,  and,  while  the 
Frenchman  was  regaled  with  wine,  dispatched  a 
ship  to  capture  the  barren  rock,  the  importance  of 
which  had  not  before  occurred  to  them.  When  the 
Frenchman  arrived  he  found  the  cross  of  St.  George 
floating  over  the  coveted  prize,  and  with  it  the  com 
mand  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  the  Suez  Canal,  had 
passed  into  the  hands  of  his  hereditary  enemies. 

With  all  their  diplomacy,  one  can  not  fail  to 
admire  English  pluck  and  enterprise.  In  the  East 
her  foundations  are  of  granite.  At  every  seaport 
her  government  or  consular  buildings  loom  up  as 
emblems  of  her  mighty  power.  The  heathen  look 
upon  them  and  tremble;  while  Europeans  and 
Americans  are  made  to  feel  that,  however  great 
may  be  their  countries,  in  Asia  they  must  take  a 
subordinate  position. 

We  left  Singapore  at  4  P.  M.  on  the  i;th,  sailed 
through  the  straits  of  Malacca,  and  arrived  at  Pe 
nang  at  10  A.  M.  on  the  iQth.  It  is  a  city  of  about 


328  Emory  Upton. 

sixty  thousand,  mostly  natives  and  Chinese.  We 
drove  through  tropical  scenery  to  a  waterfall  about 
four  hundred  feet  high,  the  only  object  of  interest 
in  the  place.  The  celebrated  Banca  tin-mines  are 
near  Penang.  The  Hindoos  at  Penang  are  the 
handsomest  men  in  figure  we  have  yet  seen.  Tall, 
erect,  lithe,  clean-climbed,  they  are  models  of  sym 
metry  and  action. 

We  sailed  from  Penang  on  the  2oth,  about  9 
p.  M.,  and  on  the  2ist,  in  the  bay  of  Bengal,  crossed 
the  antipodes  of  Willowbrook  and  Batavia.  The 
bay  was  as  placid  as  a  lake,  but  the  weather  was 
hot,  compelling  us  to  sleep  on  deck.  We  arrived 
here  yesterday,  the  24th,  and  in  a  drive  to  Waka 
Walla,  the  only  point  of  interest,  passed  the  banana, 
the  cocoanut,  the  nutmeg,  the  cinnamon,  the  clove, 
and  other  fragrant  trees,  which  reminded  us  that 
we  were  in  the  land  of  spices. 

DELHI,  December  10,  1875. 

From  Ceylon  we  sailed  to  Bombay,  where  the 
only  special  object  of  interest  I  visited  was  the  Hos 
pital  for  Lepers.  But  the  form  of  leprosy  was  not 
that  as  "  white  as  snow  "  described  in  the  Script 
ures  ;  it  appeared  rather  to  be  a  decomposition  of 
animal  tissue,  resulting  in  loss  of  the  fingers  and 
toes,  and  even  of  the  hands  and  feet.  Nothing  but 
the  desire  to  see  so  ancient  a  disease  tempted  me 
to  look  upon  these  hopeless  unfortunates. 

December  2d. — We  lunched  with  Sir  Philip  Wood- 
house,  Governor  of  the  Bombay  Presidency,  and  at 
6.30  P.  M.  left  for  Delhi. 

Providing  ourselves  with  wraps  and  pillows,  we 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        329 

passed  a  comfortable  night  in  the  compartment-cars, 
which  are  so  arranged  as  to  give  each  passenger 
a  lounge  to  himself.  The  morning  of  the  3d  we 
found  ourselves  on  the  great  plains  of  India,  over 
which  we  have  already  traveled  two  thousand  miles. 

The  country  is  entirely  different  from  what  I 
had  anticipated.  Far  from  being  tropical  in  its 
vegetation,  over  the  route  we  have  traveled  (via 
Allahabad),  it  resembles  the  plains  of  Illinois.  Here 
and  there  groups  of  trees,  looking  like  the  live-oak 
of  the  South,  diversify  the  landscape,  and  give  to 
the  country  the  appearance  of  a  vast  park.  A  small 
portion  of  the  soil  is  cultivated,  and,  but  for  the 
censuses  carefully  taken  by  the  English  Govern 
ment,  we  could  not  believe  that  India  possesses  a 
population  of  more  than  two  hundred  millions. 
Even  the  valley  of  the  Ganges  is  sparsely  settled, 
its  mud-villages  appearing  at  great  distances  from 
each  other.  After  two  days'  ride  in  the  cars  we 
arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  4th  at  Lucknow,  fa 
mous  for  its  siege  during  the  mutiny  of  1857.  We 
spent  Sunday  the  5th  at  Lucknow,  and  on  the  6th 
visited  the  Memorial  Garden,  and  Church,  at  Cawn- 
pore.  In  the  garden  is  a  statue  of  the  Angel  of 
Mercy  placed  over  the  well,  into  which  were  cast 
the  remains  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  women 
and  children  who  were  massacred  by  the  mutineers. 

Leaving  Cawnpore  at  2.30  P.  M.,  we  arrived  at 
Agra  at  11.30  P.  M.  On  the  morning  of  the  /th  we 
visited  the  fort,  which  is  by  far  the  grandest  mass 
of  masonry  I  have  ever  seen.  Its  walls,  built  of 
red  sandstone,  are  seventy  feet  high,  and  are  flanked 
with  circular  bastions,  giving  it  a  contour  of  grace, 


330  Emory  Upton. 

strength,  and  grandeur.  Within  its  inclosure  are 
the  palaces  of  the  Mogul  emperors,  also  the  cele 
brated  Pearl  Mosque.  From  the  fort  we  drove  to 
the  Taj-Mahal,  a  tomb  of  white  marble  built  by  the 
Emperor  Shah  Jehan  in  memory  of  his  wife.  It 
stands  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  so  beautiful  in 
design  and  proportion  as  to  excite  the  admiration 
of  the  world.  In  traveling  in  the  East,  no  less  than 
in  Europe,  one  sees  that  all  of  the  noblest  works  of 
art  have  been  inspired  by  religion  and  love. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  7th  we  drove  over  to 
Futtehpore  Sikree,  a  distance  of  twenty-one  miles, 
where  we  spent  the  night  amid  the  ruins  of  the  city 
founded  by  the  great  Akbar.  On  the  8th  we  re 
turned  to  Agra,  visiting  en  route  the  tomb  of  Akbar, 
saw  again  the  Taj  by  moonlight,  and  left  at  10  p.  M. 
for  Delhi. 

On  arriving  at  Allygur  I  left  Forsyth  and  San- 
ger,  who  continued  on  to  Delhi,  while  I  went  to 
Moradabad  to  see  Miss  -  — ,  and  deliver  to  her  the 
presents  sent  to  her  by  her  mother  and  friends. 
She  is  doing  a  noble  work  as  a  medical  missionary, 
has  her  dispensary  in  the  city,  and  visits  all  the  sick 
women  who  send  for  her.  On  my  way  back  I 
stopped  an  hour  at  Chundowsee,  where  the  Method 
ist  Mission  was  holding  its  annual  conference.  Mr. 
Parker  met  me  at  the  depot,  and  drove  me  to  the 
camp  where  services  were  just  closing.  In  a  large 
tent  were  gathered  about  seventy  converted  Hin 
doos  and  Mohammedans,  of  whom  thirty-five  were 
ministers.  After  service  I  went  to  Mr.  Parker's 
tent,  and  was  warmly  welcomed  by  all  the  mem 
bers  of  the  mission,  ladies  and  gentlemen.  Their 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        331 

zeal  and  devotion,  and  the  success  which  is  attend 
ing  them  in  establishing  schools,  circulating  the 
Scriptures,  and  especially  in  forming  a  native  min 
istry,  afford  encouraging  evidence  that  Christianity 
is  steadily  advancing  in  India. 

Leaving  Chundowsee  at  9.20  I  arrived  here  this 
morning  at  7.30. 

DELHI,  December  17,  1875. 

Upon  arriving  at  Delhi  on  the  morning  of  the 
7th,  Major  Sanger  was  dispatched  to  Lord  Napier's 
headquarters  with  the  letter  of  General  Sherman, 
to  ascertain  at  what  hour  we  could  call  and  pay 
our  respects.  The  message  was  answered  by  Cap 
tain  Kennedy,  who  came  to  our  hotel,  and  invited 
us  to  dine  with  Lord  Napier  in  the  evening.  We 
found  him  in  camp,  most  comfortably  established, 
bright  fires  crackling  on  the  hearths,  the  tents  be 
ing  furnished  with  sofas  and  easy-chairs.  Ladies 
lent  their  graceful  presence,  making  us  feel  that  we 
were  in  a  palace  rather  than  a  camp.  Lord  Napier 
is  a  splendid  soldier,  and  a  man  of  most  easy  and 
affable  manners.  The  dinner  was  served  as  nicely 
as  in  permanent  quarters. 

The  next  day  we  were  invited  to  accompany 
the  "  Chief,"  as  the  staff  officers  designate  their  com 
mander,  to  a  review  of  a  division  of  infantry.  The 
appearance  of  the  men  was  excellent.  British  and 
native  infantry  stood  side  by  side,  the  latter  emu 
lating  the  precision  and  steadiness  of  their  white 
comrades.  The  marching,  both  in  quick  and  double 
time,  was  exceedingly  good ;  while  the  alternation 
of  the  helmet  and  turban  imparted  peculiar  interest 
to  the  scene.  This  review,  short  as  it  was,  showed 


332  Emory  Upton. 

us  the  perfection  of  English  discipline,  which  I  have 
always  admired.  The  men  in  ranks  stood  firm,  and 
would  no  more  have  raised  a  hand  than  a  cadet  at 
inspection.  After  the  review  we  witnessed  a  sup 
posed  attack  of  a  village,  according  to  the  Prussian 
system.  The  skirmishers  went  forward  in  succes 
sive  lines,  rushing  from  position  to  position,  as  if 
thus,  under  the  fire  of  an  enemy,  they  could  be 
made  to  obey  every  impulse  of  their  leaders. 

Sunday,  i2th. — I  attended  morning  and  evening 
service  at  St.  James's  church.  The  observance  of 
the  Sabbath  is  a  noticeable  feature  in  the  English 
army.  There  is  no  Sunday-morning  inspection, 
neither  morning  nor  evening  parade.  Instead  of 
these  military  exercises,  there  is  a  church  parade, 
attended  by  all  of  the  men.  The  members  of  dif 
ferent  denominations  are  then  marched  to  their  sev 
eral  churches  ;  after  which,  the  only  duty  of  the  day 
is  attendance  at  roll-call. 

Notwithstanding  this  absence  of  display,  dis 
cipline  of  the  highest  type  prevails — so  high,  in  fact, 
that  a  second  holiday  per  week  (Thursday)  does 
not  seem  to  impair  it. 

Monday,  December  ijtk. — Attended  a  review  of 
the  division  of  artillery  at  Bussunt.  The  distance 
from  Delhi  to  Bussunt  is  ten  miles,  which  we  drove 
in  a  carriage,  with  the  understanding  that  horses 
would  be  supplied  us  on  our  arrival.  But  here  one 
of  those  contre-temps  occurred  which  often  lose  bat 
tles.  Both  our  own  horses,  and  those  of  Lord  Na 
pier,  had  gone  astray,  having  gone  to  Bussai  instead 
of  Bussunt.  We,  however,  pushed  forward,  and 
on  arriving  at  the  grounds  were  supplied  with  an- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        333 

other  mount.  The  artillery  consisted  of  eleven  bat 
teries,  both  horse  and  mounted ;  and,  what  was 
more  novel  still,  there  was  an  elephant-battery. 
These  huge  beasts  dragged  along  the  forty-pounder 
siege-guns  like  so  many  toys.  But  the  objection  to 
them  is,  that  no  persuasion  can  make  them  stand 
fire ;  so,  behind  each  gun  follow  nine  or  ten  yoke 
of  oxen,  which  replace  the  two  elephants  on  ap 
proaching  the  field  of  battle.  This  of  course  dou 
bles  the  expense,  and  should  suggest  the  discon 
tinuance  of  so  needless  a  luxury.  After  the  review, 
a  mimic  artillery-duel  took  place,  half  of  the  bat 
teries  being  assigned  to  a  defensive  position,  while 
the  other  half  attacked. 

Tuesday,  December  iqih. — We  left  Delhi  at  4.20 
p.  M.  on  an  expedition  to  the  Himalayas.  At  11 
P.  M.  we  arrived  at  Saharunpoor,  where  our  party 
of  five  took  carriages  for  Raj  pore.  These  garries, 
as  they  are  called,  are  arranged  so  that  the  traveler 
can  extend  himself  to  his  full  length,  enabling  him, 
as  the  roads  are  smooth,  to  get  a  good  sleep.  After 
much  vociferation,  and  a  firm  refusal  on  our  part 
to  pay  in  advance  the  expenses  of  a  round-trip  to 
Rajpore  and  return,  our  procession  consisting  of  an 
omnibus  containing  General  Forsyth  and  Major 
Sanger,  and  three  garries,  in  which  Mr.  Gillette,  of 
England,  Mr.  Cryder,  of  New  York,  and  myself 
were  ensconced,  began  to  move. 

As  we  had  but  two  days  to  go  to  the  mountains 
and  back,  it  was  important  to  reach  Rajpore  by  7 
A.  M.  Our  first  difficulty  was,  that  each  relay  of 
ponies  was  balky.  After  much  coaxing,  whipping, 
pushing,  and  shouting,  the  obstinate  creatures,  from 


334  Emory  Upton. 

standing  stock-still,  would  break  into  a  full  gallop. 
With  each  burst  of  enthusiasm  from  the  ponies,  we 
cherished  the  hope  of  arriving  at  Rajpore  at  day 
light,  but  were  doomed  to  disappointment.  Toward 
morning  I  heard  confusion  of  tongues,  and,  looking 
out  of  my  garry,  perceived  that  the  ponies  had  dis 
appeared,  and  that  I  was  being  drawn  up  the  mount 
ain  by  coolies.  In  some  of  the  other  games,  oxen 
had  been  substituted.  This  was  not  so  bad,  for,  by 
means  of  twisting  their  tails  and  tickling  their  backs, 
these  little  bullocks  can  be  made  to  trot  four  or  five 
miles  an  hour.  Daylight  found  us  out  of  temper 
and  fifteen  miles  from  Rajpore,  but  in  front  of  us 
was  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Boon,  with  its  groves 
of  bamboo,  orchards  of  banana,  and  fields  of  tea. 
Beyond  was  a  range  of  hills,  seven  thousand  feet 
high,  covered  with  patches  of  white,  which  we  took 
to  be  snow,  but  afterward  found  to  be  the  villages 
of  Mussoorie  and  Landour.  In  the  presence  of  so 
much  beauty  our  better  feelings  prevailed,  and  we 
traveled  joyfully  onward  to  Rajpore,  arriving  there 
at  noon.  Here  we  breakfasted,  and,  taking  ponies, 
immediately  set  out  for  Landour.  The  road,  which 
was  well  made  but  very  steep,  zigzagged  up  the 
mountain  along  the  edge  of  precipices  and  around 
bold  headlands,  offering  us  a  succession  of  enchant 
ing  views.  With  each  elevation  the  scene  changed. 
Behind  us  was  the  valley  of  the  Boon,  with  its 
streams  looking  like  threads  of  silver  winding  across 
the  plain  ;  still  farther  was  the  range  of  hills  a  thou 
sand  feet  high,  separating  the  valley  from  the  great 
plains  beyond ;  above  were  the  lofty  peaks  we  must 
crown  before  the  grand  view  would  burst  upon  us. 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        335 

Our  ponies  pushed  on  bravely.  In  seven  miles  they 
were  to  climb  six  thousand  feet,  equal  to  the  height 
of  Mount  Washington. 

At  4  P.  M.  we  arrived  at  Mussoorie  and  Landour. 
Here,  after  taking  refreshments,  the  proprietor  of 
the  hotel  kindly  offered  to  be  our  guide.  Follow 
ing  him,  we  threaded  the  tortuous  streets  of  the 
villages,  until  he  brought  us  to  a  crest,  whence,  with 
out  preparation,  the  whole  range  burst  into  view. 
We  were  chained  to  the  spot.  At  our  feet  was  a 
valley,  almost  a  chasm,  thousands  of  feet  deep  ;  and 
twenty  miles  away  rose  the  peaks  of  the  Himalayas 
nestling  in  the  clouds.  Clad  in  white,  reposing  in 
solitude  and  grandeur,  they  stood  before  us  the 
mighty  witnesses  of  Him  whose  power  is  infinite 
and  whose  ways  are  past  finding  out.  Reverently, 
I  could  not  but  feel  "  the  heavens  declare  the  glory 
of  God,  and  the  firmament  showeth  his  handiwork." 

After  the  startling  emotions  of  the  first  view  had 
subsided,  we  proceeded  to  the  highest  peak  in  Lan 
dour  (seven  thousand  and  three  hundred  feet)  to  wit 
ness  the  sunset.  Behind  us,  toward  the  setting  sun, 
were  the  great  plains,  enveloped  in  purple  mist,  in 
which  the  waters  of  the  Jumna  sparkled  like  the 
fire  of  an  opal.  Below  us  were  the  white  bunga 
lows  of  English  residents,  who  seek  health  in  the 
hills,  perched  on  the  peaks,  and  half  concealed  by 
the  spreading  trees,  which  added  their  verdure  to 
the  charm.  To  the  eastward,  extending  sixty  or 
eighty  miles,  stood  the  mighty  monarchs,  bathed  in 
pinkish  light,  up  whose  flanks  the  lengthening  shad 
ows  crept,  until  the  peaks  and  fleecy  clouds  alone 
caught  the  last  rays  of  departing  day. 


336  Emory  Upton. 

The  next  afternoon,  on  our  departure  from  Sa- 
harunpoor,  sixty  miles  from  the  range,  we  had  our 
last  view.  From  that  distance  the  mountains  loomed 
up  among  the  clouds,  enabling  us  to  realize  their 
great  height  of  five  miles  above  the  sea. 

Friday,  ijth. — We  witnessed  a  grand  cavalry  re 
view  of  thirteen  regiments.  They  marched  past 
first  at  a  walk,  in  column  of  squadrons,  then  coun 
termarched  and  passed  at  a  trot.  After  which,  they 
deployed  into  line  and  swept  by  at  a  gallop.  The 
turban  and  the  helmet ;  the  elephants,  with  purple 
caparison,  bearing  spectators ;  the  camels  grazing 
in  the  distance  ;  the  ruins  of  Delhi — gave  us  a  com 
bination  of  Oriental  and  Occidental  scenes  to  be 
found  only  in  India. 

Saturday,  i8th. — We  left  Delhi  at  1 1  A.  M.,  and 
arrived  at  Calcutta  on  Monday,  the  2Oth. 

General  Litchfield,  United  States  consul-general, 
met  us  at  the  depot,  and  we  are  now  enjoying  his 
generous  hospitality. 

CALCUTTA,  December  23,  1875. 

Everything  here  is  in  excitement  in  anticipation 
of  the  visit  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  The  evening 
of  our  arrival  we  attended  a  Hindoo  reception  given 
by  two  nawabs.  It  did  not  differ  from  a  European 
reception,  except  that  there  were  some  native  sing 
ers,  who,  sitting  on  the  floor,  entertained  us  with 
a  succession  of  plaintive  nasal  sounds  not  at  all 
agreeable  to  the  ear. 

On  the  22d  we  lunched  at  Government  House. 
After  lunch  we  were  presented  to  his  Excellency 
the  viceroy,  Lord  Northbrook.  He  is  an  exceed 
ingly  affable  man,  a  ready  talker,  and,  belonging  to 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        337 

a  business  family — the  Barings,  of  London — showed 
himself  au  courant  with  affairs,  whether  civil,  mili 
tary,  or  commercial. 

He  soon  decided  our  future  plans.  The  unset 
tled  condition  of  Afghanistan  bars  that  route,  while, 
were  we  able  to  go  to  Kashgar,  the  passes  would 
not  be  open  before  May  or  June.  The  only  route 
now  open  is  that  through  Persia.  The  viceroy 
told  us  we  should  have  invitations  to  all  the  cere 
monies  in  honor  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  that 
if  any  failed  to  reach  us  it  would  be  purely  acci 
dental.  The  interview  lasted  about  half  an  hour, 
and  I  need  not  say  we  retired  well  pleased  with 
the  ruler  of  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions 
of  people. 

From  Government  House  we  drove  to  the  resi 
dence  of  the  lieutenant-governor  of  Bengal,  Sir 
Richard  Temple,  who  rules  sixty-three  millions  of 
people.  Even  colonels  of  the  army,  as  civil  com 
missioners,  rule  as  many  as  five  millions,  equal  in 
number  to  the  population  of  the  State  of  New  York. 
Such  are  the  capacities  of  the  civil  and  military 
service  in  India. 

December  22d. — We  visited  Fort  William,  and  in 
spected  the  armory  and  barracks.  The  latter  are 
the  best  in  India,  and  show  what  care  the  Govern 
ment  takes  of  its  soldiers.  The  men  perform  mili 
tary  duty  only.  The  policing  is  done  by  coolies, 
the  cooking  is  done  by  coolies,  and,  when  the  tired 
soldier  seeks  his  rest  at  the  end  of  the  day,  a  coolie 
works  his  punka,  and  fans  him  to  sleep.  In  hot 
weather,  screens  are  hung  before  the  doors  of  the 
quarters,  and  these  are  kept  wet  by  coolies.  The 
15 


338  Emory  Upton. 

rapid  evaporation  of  the  water  cools  the  tempera 
ture  within  sufficiently  to  make  life  endurable. 

While  on  the  subject  of  coolies,  I  may  as  well 
speak  of  servants  generally.  At  one  house  where 
we  dined,  twenty-four  were  employed.  Of  these, 
six  found  occupation  in  and  about  the  kitchen,  and 
a  large  number  about  the  stables,  one  to  each  horse. 

At  another  house  thirty-nine  servants,  all  men, 
constituted  the  domestic  household.  This  horde 
was  not  fed  by  the  employer.  Each  received  about 
three  dollars  per  month,  and  provided  for  himself. 

The  evening  of  the  22d  we  dined  at  Govern 
ment  House.  The  viceroy  gave  me  the  seat  on  his 
right,  and  throughout  the  dinner  entertained  me 
with  conversation  on  every  variety  of  subject.  After 
dinner  the  company  ascended  to  the  drawing-rooms, 
and  there  we  saw  the  viceroy  receive  several  of  the 
maharajas.  These  chiefs  came  into  the  room  in 
gorgeous  robes,  their  turbans  glittering  with  dia 
monds.  It  was  Europe  and  Asia  again  face  to  face. 
The  native  princes  displayed  their  plumage  like 
peacocks ;  the  ruler  of  India,  attired  in  a  plain  black 
suit,  moved  among  them  as  modestly  as  his  hum 
blest  guest. 

December  2jd. — In  the  afternoon  we  went  to  the 
landing  to  witness  the  reception  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales.  As  on  the  evening  before,  the  native  chiefs 
were  the  special  objects  of  attention.  Attired  in 
their  richest  apparel,  they  stood  resplendent,  glit 
tering  in  the  sun.  Patiala  wore  a  turban  which 
alone  was  valued  at  half  a  million  dollars.  About 
his  head  were  festooned  strings  of  diamonds  ;  among 
them,  those  formerly  belonging  to  the  Empress  Eu- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        339 

genie.  Any  one  of  the  precious  ornaments  he  so 
lavishly  displayed  would  have  been  a  modest  fort 
une.  Pearls  and  emeralds  also  decked  his  clothes, 
enabling  him  to  stand  from  head  to  foot  a  monu 
ment  of  Oriental  splendor. 

Other  chiefs  emulated  but  did  not  surpass  Pa- 
tiala.  Some  had  their  robes  embroidered  in  gold, 
others  in  pearl  and  turquoise.  Above  their  heads 
glistened  sprays  of  diamonds,  while  here  and  there 
huge  solitaires  twinkled  like  the  stars.  Among  the 
chiefs  stood  one  of  commanding  stature,  gorgeous 
in  his  robes,  but,  Naaman-like,  a  leper. 

At  4.30  P.  M.  the  prince  left  his  ship  under  a  royal 
salute  from  the  fleet.  On  reaching  the  wharf  an 
address  was  presented,  to  which  he  replied.  He 
was  then  conducted  to  the  platform,  where  the  na 
tive  princes  and  other  dignitaries  were  presented, 
after  which  he  immediately  left  for  Government 
House.  Thousands  of  people  turned  out  to  wel 
come  him.  After  he  had  gone,  Patiala  and  his 
friends  stayed  upon  the  platform,  and  with  evident 
satisfaction  permitted  the  people,  as  many  as  liked, 
to  gaze  upon  a  sight  that  will  never  be  repeated. 
On  retiring  from  the  landing,  at  his  request,  I  was 
presented  to  the  Maharajah  of  Cashmere,  who  in 
vited  us  to  visit  him  at  his  capital. 

In  connection  with  this  display,  another  scene 
deeply  impressed  me.  A  native  woman  fainted, 
and,  as  the  throng  passed  by,  I  saw  a  frail  girl  bend 
ing  over  her,  administering  restoratives,  whom  I 
recognized  as  Miss  W-  — ,  a  young  missionary  from 
Brooklyn. 

December  2^th.  —  The   city   was   illuminated   in 


34-O  Emory  Upton. 

honor  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  From  the  Maidan, 
a  great  park,  the  public  buildings  and  private  resi 
dences  were  revealed  in  outline,  making  Calcutta, 
indeed,  appear  the  City  of  Palaces.  For  miles  the 
streets  were  a  blaze  of  light.  On  each  side  wire 
was  stretched  like  telegraph  lines,  from  which,  at 
intervals  of  six  or  eight  inches,  were  hung  small 
white  and  colored  glasses,  filled  with  oil  and  float 
ing  wicks.  Other  wires,  similarly  prepared,  hung 
in  festoons  from  those  already  described.  The  car 
riages  thus  moved  through  an  avenue  of  light. 
Here  and  there  triumphal  arches  spanned  the  streets ; 
while  illuminated  trees,  gateways,  and  other  de 
vices,  increased  the  effect.  All  along  the  line,  the 
streets  were  packed  with  people  clad  in  white. 
Some  of  them  stood  on  distant  house-steps,  and 
looked  like  specters  unmoved  by  the  display.  Mo 
hammedan  and  Hindoo  gazed  calmly  upon  the 
small  procession  of  Europeans  who,  like  conquerors, 
enjoyed  the  scene.  No  mark  of  enthusiasm  was 
shown.  We  passed  quietly  through  the  flickering 
light,  and,  after  a  drive  of  five  miles,  returned  to  the 
home  of  our  consul. 

DELHI,  January  16,  1876. 

After  leaving  Calcutta  we  came  directly  to 
Delhi,  stopping  one  day  at  Benares.  The  latter 
city,  being  sacred  to  the  Hindoos,  we  found  filled 
with  temples.  Flowers  seemed  to  be  the  principal 
sacrifice  to  their  deities  ;  but  with  them  were  offered 
prayers  and  food.  In  rowing  down  the  river  we 
were  most  impressed  with  the  rite  of  cremation. 
In  the  crisp  morning  we  saw  two  bright  fires  burn 
ing  on  the  shore,  each  containing  about  half  a  cord 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        341 

of  wood.  Around  them  sat  a  row  of  half-clad  Hin 
doos,  apparently  enjoying  the  warmth  that  pro 
ceeded  from  them.  Others  were  bathing  in  the 
sacred  Ganges,  according  to  their  morning  custom. 
There  was  no  sign  of  mourning  ;  nothing  to  indicate 
that  human  remains  were  being  reduced  to  ashes, 
then  to  be  thrown  into  the  sacred  river.  We  could 
hardly  believe  that  we  were  witnessing  the  lorm  of 
burial  which  has  so  recently  excited  the  world,  yet 
here  it  is  the  highest  act  of  respect  that  can  be 
shown.  If  too  poor  to  provide  the  wood,  the  last 
hope  of  the  expiring  Hindoo  is  to  be  thrown  into 
the  river. 

We  were  glad  to  leave  the  city.  In  fact,  when 
we  shall  have  once  seen  the  Asiatics  of  different 
countries,  we  shall  all  hope  never  to  see  them  again, 
except  it  be  the  Japanese.  The  Prince  of  Wales  is 
now  here,  receiving  nearly  the  same  hospitalities  as 
at  Calcutta.  As  American  officers  we  have  been 
treated  with  the  greatest  consideration,  having  been 
invited  to  every  entertainment  that  has  been  given 
to  him.  He  has  also  taken  especial  interest  in  us, 
having  invited  us  to  dine  with  him  at  his  camp,  and 
because  I  was  absent,  witnessing  the  manoeuvres,  he 
has  given  us  another  invitation.  Everywhere  every 
courtesy  and  hospitality  have  been  extended  to  us, 
Last  night  we  all  went  to  call  on  the  American 
missionaries,  but  found  there  were  none.  We,  how 
ever,  called  on  the  English  Baptist  mission,  which 
is  in  a  flourishing  condition.  Dr.  Smith  told  me 
they  had  six  native  congregations,  presided  over 
by  native  ministers,  numbering  about  four  hundred 
and  fifty  communicants.  This  morning  I  went  to 


342  Emory  Upton. 

the  mission  church  and  heard  Dr.  Smith  preach  in 
Hindoo.  He  says  he  speaks  it  with  as  much  ease 
as  English.  The  chapel  was  quite  well  filled,  but 
many  stayed  away  because  of  the  cold.  They  go 
half-naked  here,  in  latitude  29°,  all  the  year  round. 
Snow  never  falls,  and  to-day  we  can  see  the  rose 
and  peach  in  full  blossom. 

I  send  you  a  specimen  of  lace,  which  the  ladies 
of  the  Baptist  mission  have  taught  the  zenanas  to 
make.  These  women  scarcely  ever  go  outside  of 
their  houses.  The  one  who  made  this  lace,  I  was 
told,  had  not  been  in  the  streets  for  many  years 
until  one  of  the  ladies  took  her  in  a  close  carriage 
to  see  the  illumination. 

From  here  wre  go  to  Peshawer,  thence  back  to 
Bombay.  We  have  seen  all  there  is  of  military  in 
terest,  except  the  Punjaub,  and,  when  that  is  done, 
I  shall  be  glad  to  turn  my  face  toward  Persia.  The 
ride  from  Bagdad  to  Teheran  will  be  a  long  one, 
but  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  do  us  all  good. 

RAWUL  PINDEE,  January  20,  1876. 

We  arrived  here  this  morning,  and  have  been 
compelled  to  wait  over  a  day,  in  consequence  of 
scarcity  of  carriage.  The  place  is  in  a  beautiful 
valley,  where  the  orange  grows  in  sight  of  perpet 
ual  snow.  Yesterday  we  traveled  parallel  to  the 
Himalayas,  whose  peaks,  clad  in  white,  loomed  up 
twenty-six  thousand  feet  above  the  sea.  The  sun 
set  was  particularly  beautiful.  Poor  S ,  in  my 

last  letters,  has  had  to  wade  through  nothing  but 
the  accounts  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Thank  For 
tune,  we  have  finally  got  off  from  his  route  ;  so  no 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        343 

longer  will  mention  have  to  be  made  of  him.  He, 
however,  treated  us,  as  American  officers,  with  the 
greatest  consideration,  and  we  shall  not  soon  forget 
his  kindness.  At  the  last  dinner  he  gave  each  of 
us  a  print  of  himself  and  the  princess. 

We  are  now  en  route  to  Peshawer,  the  frontier 
station  of  India.  It  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kyber 
Pass,  the  route  which,  in  all  probability,  Alexander 
took  when  he  invaded  India.  We  have  now  crossed 
the  route  of  all  the  great  conquerors  of  Asia — 
Genghis  Khan,  Kublai  Khan,  Tamerlane,  and  Alex 
ander.  I  am  not  surprised  at  their  success.  The 
Asiatics  are  such  cowardly  wretches  that  one  deter 
mined  man  can  chase  a  thousand.  I  can  imagine 
you  to-day  frozen  up  in  mid-winter,  while  here,  in 
latitude  thirty-six,  the  oranges  still  hang  on  the 
trees.  The  spring  crops  are  just  coming  on  and 
look  promising,  but  I  wish  you  could  see  the  native 
villages — nothing  but  mud-huts,  so  small  and  dark 
as  to  be  unfit  for  pig-sties.  Yet  these  people  will 
not  forsake  them ;  they  have  no  idea  of  luxury  or 
comfort,  and  certainly  do  not  care  to  learn  from 
their  English  masters. 

RAWUL  PINDEE,  January  27,  1876. 

We  left  Rawul  Pindee,  by  a  government  con 
veyance,  at  8  A.  M.,  on  the  2ist,  and  arrived  at  4.30 
p.  M.  at  Attock,  which  is  at  the  junction  of  the  Indus 
and  Cabul  Rivers.  The  two  streams  unite  in  a  large 
plain,  apparently  with  the  view  of  forcing  their  way 
through  a  range  of  hills  which  crosses  the  Indus 
immediately  below  the  junction.  A  Mussulman 
fort,  built  by  Akbar,  dominates  the  rivers,  and  in 


344  Emory  Upton. 

its  day  was  a  formidable  obstacle  to  barbarian  in 
vasions. 

Continuing  our  journey,  we  arrived  at  Peshawer 
at  3  A.  M.  on  the  22d.  After  breakfast  we  called 
upon  Colonel  Yorke,  who  received  us  very  kindly. 
In  the  afternoon  he  turned  out  the  Twentieth  Pun- 
jaub  Infantry,  and  the  Fourteenth  Native  Infantry, 
for  our  inspection  and  review.  These  men  are 
mostly  recruited  in  the  vicinity,  and  many  of  them 
are  wild  Afghans,  who,  in  their  love  for  fighting, 
make  no  distinction  between  their  own  people  and 
other  hostile  tribes. 

Sunday  we  attended  the  garrison  church,  and 
walked  through  the  old  native  city.  The  latter  re 
sembled  many  of  the  cities  we  saw  in  China,  except 
that  the  inhabitants  were  more  squalid  in  appear 
ance.  If  you  could  see  the  mud-houses  of  the  Hin 
doos,  without  windows  or  furniture,  filled  with 
smoke  and  filth,  you  would  realize  that  poverty  is 
unknown  in  America.  In  these  wretched  huts  many 
men  live  who  are  quite  wealthy,  not  having  learned 
that  it  is  unnecessary  to  conceal  their  wealth  from 
their  English  masters,  as  they  were  wont  to  do 
under  their  native  rulers. 

Monday,  2$th. — Major  Omaney  organized  for  us 
an  expedition  to  the  Khyber  Pass.  Accompanied 
by  him  and  several  English  officers,  we  proceeded 
to  Jumrood,  the  frontier  post  of  the  English,  thir 
teen  miles  from  Peshawer,  where  we  were  met  by 
one  hundred  and  fifty  armed  Afghans  from  across 
the  border. 

Half-clad  in  sheep-skins,  wearing  the  turban,  and 
armed  with  matchlocks,  swords,  pistols,  and  knives, 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        345 

a  worse-looking  set  of  cut-throats  it  is  difficult  to 
imagine.  A  general  discharge  of  fire-arms  from  the 
parapet  of  the  old  fort  of  Jumrood  signalized  our 
approach.  Here  we  took  horses,  and  with  our 
murderous-looking  escort  started  for  the  pass,  two 
miles  off.  We  all  thought  how  easy  it  would  be 
for  these  fellows  to  close  the  pass  and  turn  upon 
us :  and  our  confidence  was  not  increased  by  the 
sight  of  a  murdered  Afghan,  whose  grave  was  be 
ing  dug  by  the  road-side,  and  whose  murderer,  in 
retaliation,  had  bitten  the  dust  before  our  return. 

Such  is  their  life.  Claiming  to  be  descendants 
of  the  "  lost  tribes  of  Israel,"  they  mercilessly  en 
force  the  law,  "  Eye  for  an  eye,  and  tooth  for  a 
tooth."  If  a  man  is  shot  or  stabbed,  his  friends 
hunt  down  the  murderer  like  a  wild  beast. 

These  are  the  characteristics  of  the  many  tribes 
to  whose  tender  mercies  we  would  have  committed 
ourselves,  had  we  endeavored  to  cross  Afghanistan 
against  the  counsel  of  the  viceroy.  They  acknowl 
edge  no  law,  and  are  as  independent  of  the  Emir  of 
Cabul  as  they  are  of  the  English.  The  latter  they 
have  been  taught  to  fear,  hence  they  rarely  make 
forays  upon  the  villages  under  English  protection  ; 
but  between  each  other,  village  against  village,  and 
family  against  family,  are  often  arrayed  in  deadly 
hostility.  In  their  faces  there  is  no  gleam  of  com 
passion,  and  they  look  as  if  to  fire  at  a  man  from 
ambush,  or  to  stab  him  in  the  dark,  would  be  the 
greatest  of  secret  pleasures.  As  we  rode  in  the 
midst  of  the  rabble  we  could  see  old  men,  and  even 
boys  of  twelve  and  thirteen,  bearing  the  deadliest 
weapons.  From  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  war  and 


346  Emory  Upton. 

bloodshed  appear  to  be  their  occupation ;  and  even 
in  cultivating  the  soil  they  never  quit  their  weapons, 
lest  every  bush  conceal  an  enemy. 

The  entrance  to  the  pass  was  like  a  gateway  be 
tween  two  cliffs,  about  one  thousand  feet  high.  In 
side  we  ascended  the  gravelly  bed  of  a  dry  stream, 
and  then,  taking  a  fine  road,  constructed  by  the 
English  in  1841,  we  penetrated  about  three  miles 
and  a  half,  when  the  civil  commissioner  thought  he 
had  gone  as  far  as  was  prudent.  The  mountains 
were  treeless  and  verdureless,  resembling  those 
about  Salt  Lake. 

On  our  return  to  Jumrood  an  excellent  lunch 
awaited  us,  after  which  our  Afghan  friends  amused 
us  with  feats  of  marksmanship.  They  proved  that, 
with  the  old  flint-lock  musket,  a  bottle  could  read 
ily  be  hit  at  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  The  clay 
was  a  most  pleasant  one,  and  in  interest  was  worthy 
of  being  classed  with  the  day  we  visited  the  Nan- 
kow  Pass,  and  the  Great  Wall  of  China. 

Tuesday,  2$th. — The  whole  garrison,  consisting 
of  two  British  and  four  native  regiments  of  infantry, 
two  native  cavalry  regiments,  and  three  batteries 
of  artillery,  was  turned  out  for  review.  The  blend 
ing  of  uniforms  and  colors  I  have  already  described 
at  Delhi ;  but  here  the  picturesqueness  was  increased 
by  the  proximity  of  the  mountains  which,  like  a 
horseshoe,  almost  encircled  us. 

Above  and  beyond  the  troops  were  the  Hindoo- 
Koosh,  fifteen  thousand  feet  high,  completely  cov 
ered  with  snow  ;  while,  in  the  gardens  at  our  backs, 
could  be  culled  the  sweet  lemon,  and  roses,  almost 
in  full  bloom. 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        347 

Peshawer  lies  almost  in  the  center  of  a  plain, 
fifty  by  sixty  miles  square ;  and,  being-  nearly  sur 
rounded  by  mountains,  in  one  of  the  hottest  and 
most  unhealthy  places  in  India.  British  regiments 
are  required  to  remain  in  it  but  one  year.  The 
Seventeenth  Regiment,  seven  hundred  strong,  have 
all  had  chills  and  fever  except  eight  men,  and  over 
three  hundred  were  sick  at  one  time. 

Alexander  wintered  in  the  valley  of  Peshawer, 
then  covered  with  forests,  and  the  home  of  the  rhi 
noceros.  It  was  also  in  the  devastating  path  of 
Tamerlane.  To-day,  under  the  English,  it  knows 
more  peace  and  prosperity  than  in  all  the  ages  since 
Alexander. 

We  left  Peshawer  on  Wednesday,  the  26th,  at  9 
A.  M. ;  stopped  at  Attock,  where  we  "  tiffined  "  with 
officers  of  the  artillery,  and  resuming  our  journey 
arrived  here,  where  for  want  of  horses  we  are  again 
detained.  We  shall,  however,  get  off  to-morrow, 
and  then  shall  make  our  way  almost  directly  to 
Bombay. 

ARABIAN  SEA,  February  17,  1876. 

This  afternoon  we  shall  sight  Muscat.  It  lies  on 
the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  and  in  summer  is  one  of  the 
hottest  places  on  the  globe.  The  thermometer  fre 
quently  stands  at  108°  all  night.  The  mountains  be 
hind  it  rise  to  a  height  of  six  thousand  feet.  The 
Bedouins  vex  the  spirit  of  his  Majesty  the  Sultan 
to  such  an  extent  that  he  frequently  flees  to  the 
Persian  shore.  Whenever  he  has  money  in  his  cof 
fers,  they  organize  in  the  desert,  advance  to  the 
gates  of  the  city  and  demand  a  subsidy.  If  this  be 
not  forthcoming,  they  attack  the  place  and  compel 


348  Emory  Upton. 

compliance  with  their  demands.  We  shall  be  at 
Muscat  but  a  few  hours,  and  hope  to  arrive  at 
Bushire  on  Thursday  next.  Then  our  work  begins. 
The  route  is  safe,  and  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  find 
it  pleasant.  We  are  on  a  delightful  little  steamer, 
and  as  comfortable  as  if  we  were  on  the  Hudson. 
One  can  not  fail  to  admire  English  enterprise  in  the 
East.  It  has  placed  steamship  lines  along  every 
coast,  and  now  one  can  go  around  the  world  as 
easily  as  he  can  travel  in  his  own  country.  Already 
I  begin  to  think  with  pleasure  of  turning  my  face 
homeward. 

BUNDER  ABBAS,  PERSIA,  February  20,  1876. 

We  left  Bombay,  Friday,  February  nth,  at  6 
P.  M.,  on  the  steamer  Umbala,  for  Bushire. 

Monday,  the  Hth,  we  arrived  at  Kurrachee. 
The  city  contains  about  seventy  thousand  people, 
and  lies  in  a  low,  flat  plain,  about  twenty  miles  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Indus.  The  country  back  of  the 
city  is  almost  barren ;  yet,  within,  irrigation  pro 
duces  fine  crops,  and  shows  that  only  water  is  re 
quired  to  make  the  desert  beautiful  as  a  garden. 
Behind  the  city  there  is  a  range  of  verdureless  hills, 
rising  to  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand  feet.  The 
harbor  contained  no  less  than  eight  steamers  the 
morning  we  arrived,  and  we  were  naturally  puzzled 
as  to  the  reason  for  such  a  commercial  appearance. 
It  lies,  however,  in  the  fact  that  the  port  is  the  out 
let  for  the  valley  of  the  Indus,  which  is  navigable 
as  far  up  as  Moultan. 

Tuesday,  at  1 1  A.  M.,  we  sailed  for  Muscat,  where 
we  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the  i8th.  The  har 
bor  is  a  small  bay,  protected  on  each  side  by  pre- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        349 

cipitous  rocks  from  three  to  five  hundred  feet  high, 
which  are  crowned  with  castles  bristling  with  can 
non. 

The  city  lies  at  the  head  of  the  bay,  as  in  the 
neck  of  a  funnel,  and  looks  more  like  a  place  in  Eu 
rope,  in  the  middle  ages,  than  the  capital  of  an 
Oriental  despot.  The  front  of  the  city,  and  also  the 
castles,  were  built  by  the  Portuguese,  when  it  was 
in  their  possession,  who  lost  the  city  in  a  general 
massacre  resulting,  it  is  said,  from  the  effort  of  the 
ruler  to  marry  a  native  woman  in  defiance  of  the 
precepts  of  her  religion. 

Squeezed  between  barren,  broiling  rocks,  on 
which  the  eye  seeks  in  vain  for  verdure,  the  city 
claims  geographically  the  benefit  of  both  a  tropical 
and  temperate  climate.  It  lies  on  the  tropic  of 
Cancer — an  imaginary  line  which  assumes  a  painful 
reality  when,  in  summer,  the  torrid  winds,  sweep 
ing  across  it,  keep  the  thermometer  at  108°  night 
and  day. 

The  only  place  of  interest,  as  in  most  Asiatic 
towns,  is  the  bazaar  in  which  the  tradesmen  expose 
for  sale  the  few  wares  and  curiosities  of  the  country. 

We  brought  letters  to  Colonel  Miles,  the  politi 
cal  agent  of  Great  Britain,  who  received  us  kindly 
and  invited  us  to  lunch.  But  the  great  object  of 
interest  was  our  visit  to  the  Sultan,  or  Imaum.  On 
expressing  a  desire  to  pay  our  respects,  the  colonel 
sent  a  note  to  the  palace,  receiving  in  reply  an  ap 
pointment  for  2  P.  M.  At  that  hour  we  proceeded 
through  a  narrow  alley  to  the  palace,  which  we  ap 
proached  from  the  rear.  As  the  door  was  thrown 
open,  an  Arabian  lion  glared  at  us  from  his  cage  on 


350  Emory  Upton. 

the  left.  A  couple  of  horses  stood  on  our  right, 
while  in  front  about  a  dozen  ragamuffins,  with 
knives,  and  arms  of  the  oddest  pattern,  awaited  to 
do  us  military  honor. 

On  entering  the  court,  his  majesty  sent  his  re 
grets  that,  in  consequence  of  lameness,  he  was  not 
able  to  receive  us  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs.  This 
flattering  explanation  having  been  interpreted,  we 
mounted  the  rickety  stairway,  and  at  the  top  were 
met  by  the  Sultan,  who  shook  us  cordially  by  the 
hand,  and  motioned  us  into  an  adjoining  room.  The 
furniture  of  the  room  was  very  simple,  consisting 
of  a  green-covered  table  in  the  center,  a  sofa,  and 
some  chairs,  arranged  with  military  precision  against 
the  walls. 

The  Sultan  wore  a  turban,  a  gray  gown  extend 
ing  from  his  head  to  his  feet,  a  white  under-garment 
richly  embroidered,  and  sandals  which  exposed  his 
well-shaped  bare  feet. 

His  face  is  said  to  be  the  handsomest  in  Asia, 
but  this  I  think  an  exaggeration,  or  at  least  a  com 
pliment  to  kingly  vanity.  He  was,  however,  fine- 
looking,  with  a  high  forehead,  arched  eyebrows, 
aquiline  nose,  firm  mouth,  and  patriarchal  beard. 
A  feeling  of  sadness  seemed  to  overspread  his 
countenance,  which  could  be  accounted  for  by  his 
meditation  on  the  lives  of  his  predecessors,  most 
of  whom  have  died  by  violence ;  or  by  reflecting 
on  his  own  experience,  which  has  not  been  devoid 
of  danger. 

Only  a  few  weeks  since  he  was  compelled  to  flee 
to  Persia ;  was  reinstated  through  the  kind  offices 
of  England,  and  again  finds  himself  tottering  on  his 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       351 

throne,  not  knowing-  what  moment  some  blood 
thirsty  wretch  may  dispatch  him. 

The  conversation  was  not  very  edifying-.  We 
told  him  we  had  come  from  America,  and,  having 
learned  accidentally  that  morning  that  we  had  a 
treaty  with  the  Imaum  of  Muscat,  we  expressed  the 
hope  that  the  relations  of  the  two  countries  might 
remain  cordial.  He  then  began  to  inquire  about 
India,  the  Franco-German  War,  and  particularly 
the  war  between  the  Khedive  of  Egypt  and  his 
brother  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar.  We  told  him  that 
the  armies  of  the  Khedive  had  been  repulsed.  He 
said,  for  a  great  man  with  a  great  many  soldiers,  to 
attack  a  small  man  with  a  few  soldiers,  was  mean 
and  cowardly,  and,  as  this  accorded  with  our  ideas 
as  soldiers,  we  gave  a  formal  assent. 

During  the  course  of  the  interview  refreshments 
were  served.  The  first  consisted  of  a  confection 
looking  like  cocoanut-candy,  then  followed  coffee, 
after  which  the  servant  brought  in  four  very  large 
glasses  filled  with  a  transparent  sweet  fluid  like 
sherbet.  Politeness  only  requires  one  to  take  a  sip ; 
but  some  persons,  thinking  this  would  not  be  a  suit 
able  appreciation  of  hospitality,  have  been  known  to 
drink  the  entire  glass,  and  have  been  very  sick  for 
their  pains. 

After  removing  the  sherbet,  the  servant  re 
turned  with  a  large  server  on  which  was  a  very 
small  vial.  For  an  instant  I  was  puzzled,  but  recol 
lecting  that  we  were  in  the  land  of  cassia,  myrrh, 
and  frankincense,  a  fortunate  intuition  suggested 
an  Arabian  perfume,  so,  placing  the  end  of  my  fin 
ger  in  the  neck  of  the  vial,  I  wet  it,  and  immediate- 


352  Emory  Upton. 

ly  stroked  my  mustache.  The  delicious  odor  of 
attar  of  roses  soon  filled  the  room,  and,  enveloped 
in  perfume,  we  thanked  his  majesty  for  his  kind  re 
ception,  and  took  our  departure. 

We  left  Muscat  Friday,  at  7  P.  M.,  and  arrived 
here  at  9  A.  M.  this  morning  (2Oth).  At  this  port 
Alexander  was  met  by  his  fleet  about  325  B.  c.  The 
country  has  the  same  sterile  aspect  as  at  Muscat. 
The  mountains  a  few  miles  in  the  interior  rise  to 
ten  thousand  feet,  and  are  now  capped  with  snow. 

SHIRAZ,  PERSIA,  March  6,  1876. 

From  Bunder  Abbas  we  went  to  Linjah,  where 
we  arrived  at  i  P.  M.  on  the  2ist  of  February.  The 
town  is  a  squalid-looking  place,  scarcely  distin 
guishable  from  the  gray  coast-line,  and  from  the 
clay -colored  mountains  rising  in  the  rear.  We 
called  on  the  sheik,  and  afterward  visited  the  wells, 
and  saw  where  he  had  walled  in,  and  left  to  die,  a 
thief,  who  had  stolen  one  of  his  horses.  This  is 
not  an  uncommon  punishment  in  Persia.  They  fre 
quently  compel  the  culprit  to  build  his  own  tomb, 
which  is  just  large  enough  for  him  to  stand  inside, 
and  then  placing  him  in  it,  head  downward,  pour  it 
full  of  liquid  lime.  Death  in  this  manner  is  almost 
instantaneous.  The  feet  are  allowed  to  project, 
where  they  remain  as  a  terror  to  evil-doers,  until 
they  drop  off  from  decay. 

Another  punishment,  inflicted  for  minor  offenses, 
is  beating  the  bottom  of  the  feet  with  sticks.  This 
is  done  so  mercilessly  in  some  instances  as  to  beat 
off  the  toes,  and  leave  the  offender  a  cripple  for 
months. 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        353 

The  only  European  at  Linjah  was  the  agent  of 
the  British  India  Steamship  Company,  whom  we 
took  on  board,  a  wretched  sufferer  from  rheumatic 
fever.  From  Linjah  we  went  to  Bahrein  in  Arabia, 
where  we  arrived  at  I  P.  M.  on  the  23d.  The  town 
is  on  an  island,  and  is  celebrated  for  its  pearl-fish 
eries.  We  endeavored  to  buy  a  few  pearls,  but 
found  that  during-  the  fishing-season  experts  from 
the  jewelers  at  Bombay  had  purchased  the  valuable 
ones,  and  sent  them  to  India  and  Europe. 

We  left  Bahrein  on  the  morning  of  the  24th, 
and,  sailing  almost  due  north,  reached  Bushire  at 
10  A.  M.  on  the  25th.  Captain  Campbell,  commander 
of  the  British  gunboat,  came  on  board  to  call  on 
us,  and  sent  us  ashore  in  his  boat.  We  thence  pro 
ceeded  on  horseback  to  the  British  residency,  where 
we  were  delightfully  received  and  entertained  by 
Colonel  and  Mrs.  Ross.  This  brave  little  woman 
has  followed  her  husband  to  all  his  stations  on  the 
Persian  Gulf,  and  wherever  he  has  been  has  made 
him  a  home  that  has  been  admired  by  all  who  have 
had  the  good  fortune  to  visit  them. 

The  city  lies  on  a  flat  peninsula  of  sand,  and  from 
the  sea  presents  an  imposing  appearance  ;  but  a 
nearer  approach,  like  that  of  Muscat,  dispels  the 
illusion,  for  it  is  built  of  rubble-stone  and  mud,  with 
streets  so  narrow  as  to  be  easily  roofed  over,  thus 
excluding  the  sun.  We  remained  at  Bushire  Satur 
day  and  Sunday,  completing  our  outfit  for  the  long 
journey  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles  on  horse 
back.  All  superfluous  baggage  had  to  be  sent  off 
to  Naples. 

My  kit,  when  made  up,  consisted  of  an  undress 


354  Emory  Upton. 

uniform,  a  dark  winter  suit,  half  a  dozen  collars, 
half  a  dozen  handkerchiefs,  one  change  of  under 
clothing,  half  a  dozen  stockings,  and  a  folding  dress 
ing-case.  These  articles  are  wrapped  in  several 
parcels,  and  are  carried  in  saddle-bags  made  of  Per 
sian  carpet,  which  are  slung  over  the  horse's  back 
in  rear  of  the  saddle.  The  bedding  consists  of  one 
comforter,  a  pillow,  and  a  tick,  which  is  filled  with 
chopped  straw  at  each  station. 

Our  riding-suit  is  made  of  dust-colored  cordu 
roy.  The  coat  is  a  short  plaited  frock,  full  of  pock 
ets  ;  trousers  cut  tight  like  riding-breeches ;  leg 
gings  to  the  knee,  and  shoes,  are  made  of  brown 
leather.  This  suit,  which  we  all  wear,  has  been  ad 
mired  as  the  best  traveling-dress  that  has  been  seen 
in  Persia.  All  of  the  above  outfit,  after  leaving 
Shiraz,  is  to  be  carried  on  the  horses  we  ride. 

For  the  trip  to  Shiraz  we  took  three  horses  and 
six  mules.  The  Persian  saddle  which  we  rejected, 
having  English  saddles  of  our  own,  covers  the  horse 
from  his  shoulders  to  his  hips ;  the  skirts  are  four 
inches  thick,  and  the  hideous,  unsightly  thing  weighs 
not  less  than  sixty  pounds.  To  carry  these  three 
saddles,  used  as  pack-saddles,  required  an  extra 
mule.  Our  entire  train  consisted  of  three  horses 
and  six  mules.  The  route  at  times  not  having 
been  free  from  robbers,  we  each  carried  a  carbine 
and  revolver. 

All  of  our  arrangements  having  been  completed, 
we  took  leave  of  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Ross,  and  at 
11.30  A.  M.  on  the  28th  of  February  commenced  our 
march.  Several  gentlemen  escorted  us  a  short  dis 
tance  out  of  the  city,  and  Dr.  Andreas,  of  the  Ger- 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        355 

man  scientific  expedition,  at  our  invitation,  accom 
panied  us  to  our  first  halting-place. 

The  road  from  Bushire,  for  about  fifteen  miles, 
is  through  sand,  overflowed  by  the  sea  at  high  tide. 
The  next  few  miles  the  land  is  flat,  with  here  and 
there  a  patch  of  barley.  With  this  exception,  the 
only  vegetation  is  a  low  sage-bush,  which  half  cov 
ers  the  soil,  and  gives  the  ground  a  gray,  mottled 
appearance.  The  date-palm  appears  here  and  there, 
wherever  water  is  found.  It  being  quite  hot,  the 
air  rose  tremblingly  from  the  plain,  giving  rise  to 
mirage,  not  so  dazzling  as  to  people  the  waste  with 
villages  and  groves ;  yet,  apparently,  we  saw  lakes 
where  no  water  existed,  while  the  black  tops  of  the 
date-palms  seemed  to  stand  trunkless,  suspended 
above  the  horizon. 

The  first  night  we  spent  at  Ahmadi  in  a  hand 
some  caravansary.  These  structures  take  the  place 
of  hotels  throughout  Asia,  and  in  Persia  are  built 
by  rich  extortioners,  who  thus  hope  to  smooth  their 
way  heavenward.  They  are  built  in  the  form  of  a 
square,  usually  one  story  high,  and  are  entered 
through  a  pointed  arched  gateway.  In  the  center 
of  the  court  is  a  raised  platform,  about  three  feet 
high,  upon  which  saddles  and  packs  are  deposited. 
Facing  the  court  on  all  four  sides  are  a  number  of 
arched  recesses,  with  an  aperture  at  the  back  of 
each  leading  into  a  dark  room.  These  rooms,  to 
which  the  arched  recesses  serve  as  parlors,  are  the 
only  accommodation  the  traveler  can  hope  for.  In 
the  center  of  each  is  a  hole  in  the  floor,  about  the 
size  and  depth  of  a  hat.  This  serves  for  a  fireplace, 
and,  as  there  is  no  chimney,  the  smoke  rises  to  the 


356  Emory  Upton. 

blackened  ceiling,  and  thence  descends  to  plague 
the  eyes  and  noses  of  the  occupants.  If  no  felt  has 
been  provided  by  the  traveler  to  cover  the  aperture 
for  the  door,  he  must  sleep  in  communication  with 
the  open  air,  no  matter  how  cold. 

In  the  angles  stabling  is  provided  for  the  ani 
mals.  The  best  caravansaries  usually  have  a  room 
over  the  arched  gateway,  and  also  above  the  cen 
ters  of  the  other  sides.  Even  with  this  advantage 
there  is  no  approach  to  luxury ;  yet  the  Persian, 
who,  doubtless,  has  never  seen  anything  better, 
looks  upon  them  as  the  perfection  of  rest  for  the 
traveler. 

We  were  most  fortunate  in  securing  a  servant 
who  speaks  a  little  English.  He  had  just  made  the 
trip  from  Teheran  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Arnold,  of 
London,  whom  we  met  at  Bunder  Abbas.  Without 
him  we  would  have  been  in  a  sorry  plight,  as  not 
another  servant  was  to  be  found  in  Bushire.  His 
mess-kit  is  so  small  as  to  be  carried  in  a  pair  of  sad 
dle-bags,  and  yet,  with  the  small  fire  before  de 
scribed,  he  manages  in  a  few  minutes  to  give  us  an 
omelette,  or  a  stew,  to  which  no  reasonable  man 
can  object.  The  night  of  the  2gth  we  stopped  at 
Daliki,  near  the  foot  of  the  mountains.  A  short 
distance  from  the  village  we  passed  several  sulphur 
and  naphtha  springs. 

March  ist. — We  clambered  up  the  mountain- 
paths  to  the  plain  Konartakteh,  eighteen  hundred 
feet  above  the  sea,  thence  still  higher  to  the  plain 
of  Kamaraj,  twenty-nine  hundred  feet  above  the 
sea.  The  mountains  consisted  simply  of  the  up 
turned  edges  of  stratified  rock,  the  inclination  of 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        357 

the  strata  being  45°,  while  the  broken  faces  were 
frequently  almost  vertical.  Near  the  summit  of  the 
pass,  or  kotal,  leading  to  Kamaraj,  we  saw  vast 
quantities  of  gypsum.  The  mountains  were  all  tree 
less,  but  small  patches  of  grass  were  here  and  there 
visible. 

March  2d. — We  left  Kamaraj  at  6  A.  M.,  and  spent 
the  night  at  Kazeroon.  When  about  three  miles 
from  the  city  we  were  met  by  the  governor  and  a 
large  body  of  horsemen,  who  escorted  us  to  the 
governor's  house.  As  we  approached  his  gate  a 
man  struck  off  the  head  of  a  lamb,  and,  holding 
it  up,  exclaimed,  "  Welcome  in  the  name  of  the 
Prophet ! " 

On  our  way  in  we  were  entertained  with  feats 
of  horsemanship.  Two  men  caracoled  backward 
and  forward  across  the  road,  leaping  ditches  and 
hedges,  and  firing  their  guns  and  pistols  at  each 
other.  All  this  time  the  calaon,  or  pipe,  about  two 
and  a  half  feet  high,  was  kept  circulating.  Being 
in  a  complimentary  frame  of  mind,  I  admired  the 
governor's  horse.  He  immediately  gave  him  to  me, 
and  insisted  on  my  taking  him  ;  but  that  was  impos 
sible,  which,  I  half  suspected,  he  knew  before  mak 
ing  the  generous  offer.  On  entering  his  house, 
breakfast  was  served  in  a  room  overlooking  the 
court.  It  consisted  first  of  sweetmeats,  which  were 
delicious ;  then  melons  and  fruits ;  and,  lastly,  chick 
ens,  game,  and  meats.  The  cooking  was  good,  and 
far  superior  to  that  of  China  and  Japan. 

At  the  breakfast  there  was  present  Sayed  Ma 
homet,  a  descendant  of  the  Prophet.  Like  the  de 
scendants  of  Confucius,  those  of  the  Prophet  are 


358  Emory  Upton. 

highly  honored,  and  are  insured  a  comfortable  liv 
ing.  The  one  before  us  must  have  stood  six  feet 
four  in  his  stockings.  When  sitting  his  beard 
reached  to  his  girdle.  On  his  head  he  wore  a  green 
turban,  the  sign  of  his  lineage.  With  a  high  fore 
head,  arched  eyebrows,  aquiline  nose,  and  flowing 
beard,  he  lacked  only  the  frost  of  age  to  make  him 
the  perfect  type  of  the  patriarch. 

When  breakfast  was  finished,  the  governor  es 
corted  us  to  a  house  in  a  large  orange-grove,  where 
we  were  allowed  to  refresh  ourselves,  after  which 
tea  was  served  in  the  garden.  Toward  evening  we 
returned  to  the  governor's  house,  where  we  dined. 
After  dinner,  which  did  not  differ  much  from  the 
breakfast,  we  went  back  to  our  quarters  in  the 
grove,  and  at  daylight  were  off  for  Shiraz. 

Two  steep  kotals  brought  us  to  the  plain  of  Dash- 
tiarjan,  nearly  six  thousand  six  hundred  feet  above 
the  sea.  The  night  we  spent  at  the  telegraph-office. 
As  I  have  already  written  you,  the  Anglo-Indian 
telegraph  runs  along  the  entire  route  from  Bushire 
to  Teheran.  It  is  splendidly  constructed,  with  cast- 
iron  poles.  Every  forty  or  fifty  miles  there  is  a 
telegraph-office,  and  an  operator  who  speaks  Eng 
lish.  At  these  offices  we  were  kindly  received  and 
hospitably  entertained.  All  along  our  line  of  march 
we  had  only  to  look  at  the  telegraph-line,  to  remind 
us  of  the  civilization  to  which  we  were  hastening. 
In  mountain-passes,  where  the  poles  were  perched 
on  dizzy  heights,  and  the  wires  spanned  gracefully 
the  intervening  chasms;  or  on  the  plains,  where  for 
miles  the  poles  could  be  seen  growing  shorter  and 
shorter,  till  lost  in  a  point  of  the  horizon,  we  felt 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       359 

that  we  were  not  alone,  and  that  our  mute  compan 
ion,  though  silent  to  us,  was  transmitting  messages 
to  hundreds  of  people  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  even 
distant  America. 

We  left  Dashtiarjan  at  5.55  A.  M.  on  the  4th,  and 
arrived  at  Shiraz  at  6  p.  M.  Mr.  Walker,  the  super 
intendent  of  the  telegraph,  came  out  to  meet  us,  and 
made  us  very  comfortable  at  his  house.  The  pleas 
ure  of  our  visit  was  increased  on  account  of  his 
having  a  brother,  Captain  Fergus  Walker,  in  the 
First  Infantry. 

Shiraz  lies  in  a  valley  about  forty  miles  long  and 
twelve  broad.  Around  the  city  the  soil  is  well  cul 
tivated,  but  nearly  nine  tenths  of  the  land  is  suf 
fered  to  lie  idle.  We  called  on  the  governor,  who 
is  a  brother-in-law  of  the  Shah,  and  had  a  particu 
larly  pleasant  interview,  as  he  spoke  French  fluent 
ly,  enabling  us  to  dispense  with  an  interpreter. 

The  only  objects  of  curiosity  at  Shiraz  are  the 
tombs  of  the  great  poets  Saadi  and  Hafiz.  We  were 
also  shown  a  stream,  about  two  feet  wide,  which  the 
former  has  made  immortal.  These  three  objects, 
and  a  walk  through  the  bazaar,  constituted  all  of 
our  sight-seeing  at  Shiraz. 

TEHERAN,  March  19,  1876. 

We  left  Shiraz  on  Monday  the  6th  at  3  P.  M.,  on 
chapar-horses  for  Ispahan,  and  passed  the  night  in 
a  chapar-khanah  at  Zirgan.  Mr.  Walker  and  sev 
eral  friends  accompanied  us  a  few  miles  on  our 
road,  and  then  left  us  to  our  new  experience  in  Per 
sian  travel.  There  are  no  railroads,  as  you  well 
know,  in  Persia ;  nor  have  we  seen  a  wheeled  ve 
hicle  of  any  description  from  Bushire  to  Teheran. 


360  Emory  Upton. 

As  a  substitute,  there  are  lines  of  post-horses  estab 
lished  on  all  the  main  routes  centering  at  the  capital. 

The  distance  between  stations  is  from  sixteen  to 
twenty-eight  miles.  At  each  station  there  are  from 
three  to  five  chapar-horses,  and  such  horses  as  are 
only  to  be  met  in  Persia.  Foundered,  ring-boned, 
and  spavined,  they  often  start  off  on  three  legs; 
but,  on  warming  to  their  work,  they  gradually  get 
the  use  of  the  fourth,  and  then,  breaking  into  an 
ambling  gait,  canter  almost  without  a  stop  from 
one  station  to  another.  It  hardly  does  to  speak  of 
their  backs.  The  hard,  inflexible  Persian  saddle, 
which  looks  like  the  roof  of  a  small  house,  has  made 
them  so  sore  that  it  is  far  preferable  to  ride  them  in 
winter  than  summer.  To  the  above  defects  must 
be  added  another  which  involves  some  peril  to  the 
rider,  and  that  is,  that  they  are  knee-sprung  and 
frequently  stumble.  Each  one  of  us  got  a  fall- 
horse  and  rider  tumbling  into  a  heap — yet  we  all 
escaped  without  a  bruise  or  a  scratch. 

The  stations  are  called  chapar-khanahs,  and  are 
built  exclusively  of  mud.  In  form  they  are  like  the 
caravansaries,  with  the  exception  that  they  have 
small,  round  towers  at  the  angles,  and  that  there  is 
a  single  room  over  the  arched  gateway  for  the  ac 
commodation  of  travelers. 

As  you  enter  this  room,  through  an  aperture  for 
a  door,  which  has  to  be  stopped  with  a  felt  or  a 
blanket,  the  view  of  its  mud  floor,  mud  walls,  and 
mud  ceiling,  is  nowise  cheering  or  encouraging. 
Presently  the  servant  appears  with  a  light,  spreads 
your  bedding,  and  then  brings  in  a  soup,  and  some 
kind  of  a  stew,  which  he  calls  your  dinner.  After 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       361 

you  have  eaten  it — sitting  cross-legged  like  a  Turk 
—the  only  resource  left  is  sleep. 

Our  cook  was  remarkable  for  the  variety  of  uses 
to  which  he  could  apply  the  few  articles  composing 
our  kit,  a  quality  we  had  overlooked  until  one  day 
we  discovered  that  the  soup  had  been  served  in  our 
wash-basins !  Fortunately  our  appetites  had  been 
appeased,  but  from  that  time  we  requested  him  to 
exert  his  ingenuity  in  other  directions. 

From  Zirgan  we  went  to  the  ruins  of  Persepolis, 
the  ancient  capital  of  the  empire.  The  city  was 
situated  at  the  junction  of  five  fertile  valleys,  and 
was  surrounded  with  snow-capped  mountains. 

The  ruins  consist  of  the  lower  stories  of  the 
palaces  of  Darius  and  Xerxes,  the  Hall  of  Xerxes, 
and  the  propylasa  of  Xerxes.  They  stand  on  three 
terraces  of  different  elevations,  the  walls  supporting 
the  terraces  being  about  fifty  feet  high.  The  out 
side  walls,  which  face  the  plain,  are  composed  of 
large  blocks  of  limestone,  which  required  no  little 
engineering  skill  to  place  one  above  the  other. 
From  the  top  of  the  walls  the  terraces  extend  back 
three  or  four  hundred  yards  to  the  mountains,  which 
rise  precipitously  in  the  rear.  A  broad,  double 
staircase,  up  which  our  horses  clambered,  leads 
from  the  plain  to  the  terraces.  On  the  inner  walls 
of  the  staircases,  processions  of  men  and  beasts  are 
sculptured  in  bass-relief;  also  in  the  gateway  and 
on  the  sides  of  the  doors  of  the  palaces  combats  be 
tween  men  and  beasts  are  represented  in  the  same 
manner. 

In  the  propylasa  of  Xerxes,  beneath  one  of  the 
huge  winged  lions,  carved  in  large  letters,  was  the 

16 


362  Emory  Upton. 

name  "  Stanley — New  York  Herald."  The  names 
of  British  embassadors,  and  many  other  visitors,  are 
also  written  or  carved  conspicuously  on  the  col 
umns  of  the  different  edifices.  The  grandest  build 
ing  must  have  been  the  Hall  of  Xerxes,  which  con 
sisted  of  a  massive  roof  supported  by  seventy-two 
columns,  each  seventy  feet  high  and  six  feet  in  diam 
eter. 

Alexander  visited  Persepolis,  and  it  is  supposed 
burned  its  palaces.  Behind  the  ruins,  excavated  in 
solid  rock,  are  several  tombs.  The  tomb  of  Darius 
is  said  to  be  at  Nakh-i-Rustam.  It  consists  of  a 
Greek  cross,  sculptured  in  the  face  of  a  vertical 
cliff  about  two  hundred  feet  high.  In  the  center  of 
the  cross  a  door  leads  into  a  gallery  excavated  par 
allel  to  the  horizontal  arm.  From  the  inner  face  of 
the  gallery,  if  like  the  one  we  entered  at  Persepolis, 
three  arched  recesses  are  excavated,  each  of  which 
contains  two  graves  sunk  beneath  the  floor.  Above 
the  door,  on  the  horizontal  arm,  there  are  two  tiers 
of  human  figures  in  bass-relief.  At  the  top  of  the 
vertical  arm  there  is  a  figure  of  the  sun,  and  below 
it  an  altar  of  fire.  Standing  in  front  of  the  altar,  a 
bow  in  his  hand,  the  king  adores  the  source  of  light 
and  heat.  To-day  in  Teheran  the  fire-worshipers 
render  the  sun  the  same  homage  as  in  the  days  of 
Cyrus.  Neither  Christianity,  nor  astronomy,  nor 
the  persecuting  power  of  Mohammedanism,  has  suf 
ficed  to  turn  them  from  their  ignorant  worship. 
They  move  among  the  Persians  probably  the  only 
true  descendants  of  the  people  who  lived  twenty- 
four  centuries  ago  when  the  empire  was  at  the  ze 
nith  of  its  power. 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       363 

Leaving  Persepolis  and  Nakh  -  i  -  Rustam  we 
passed  on  to  Saidan,  where  we  spent  the  night. 

Wednesday,  8th. — We  proceeded  to  Dehbid.  On 
our  way  we  passed  the  tomb  of  Cyrus.  It  stands 
in  a  large  plain  about  six  thousand  feet  above  the 
sea,  surrounded  by  low  mountains.  The  tomb, 
which  looks  like  a  small,  one-story  rectangular 
house,  with  massive  roof  and  eaves,  rests  on  a  pyram 
idal  pedestal,  the  steps  of  which  are  composed  of 
blocks  of  marble  nine  feet  long  and  three  feet  high. 
Around  the  base  of  the  pyramid  are  fragments  of 
columns  which  probably  supported  a  stone  roof 
above  the  tomb.  Notwithstanding  this  edifice  has 
disappeared,  the  elements  for  centuries  have  beaten 
in  vain  against  the  mausoleum  of  the  great  king. 
His  sarcophagus  is  gone,  his  ashes  are  scattered  to 
the  winds,  but  his  sepulchre  still  stands,  almost  the 
only  monument  of  the  greatness  of  his  reign. 

Near  by  is  a  solitary  column  about  fifty  feet 
high,  and  a  high  wall,  the  end  of  a  hall,  the  only 
remains  of  the  city  of  Pasargardas.  Among  the 
many  visitors  to  the  tomb  of  Cyrus  was  Alexander. 
Unlike  visitors  at  Persepolis,  he  did  not  inscribe  his 
name  thereon,  but  wrote  it  in  blood  from  the  gulf 
of  Issus  to  the  valley  of  the  Indus. 

Leaving  Dehbid  at  6  A.  M.,  we  spent  the  night  of 
the  Qth  at  Abadeh,  the  night  of  the  loth  at  Kume- 
sheh,  and  arrived  at  Ispahan  at  3.30  P.  M.  on  the 
nth,  where  we  were  the  guests  of  Mr.  Bruce,  an 
English  missionary.  This  brave  man  has  had  a 
hard  time  among  the  Armenians  and  Mussulmans. 
Four  times  he  has  been  shot  at,  but  still  continues 
to  work  in  the  hope  of  success. 


364  Emory  Upton. 

Ispahan  lies  in  a  large  plain,  with  mountains  ris 
ing  in  every  direction.  The  soil  is  cultivated  ex 
clusively  by  irrigation,  not  only  by  artificial  streams 
brought  along  the  surface  of  the  ground,  but  by 
subterranean  streams  brought  from  the  mountains 
miles  away. 

To  dig  one  of  these  streams,  they  sink  a  well 
near  the  base  of  the  mountains  till  they  find  a  spring 
of  living  water  large  enough  to  supply  a  stream 
three  or  four  feet  wide  and  a  foot  in  depth.  The 
first  well  is  sometimes  as  many  as  three  hundred 
feet  deep.  Having  found  water,  they  sink  other 
wells,  about  every  hundred  feet,  along  the  line  of 
the  proposed  stream,  the  bottoms  of  which  are  on 
the  same  level  as  the  first.  A  channel  is  then  dug 
from  the  bottom  of  one  well  to  another  until,  as  the 
wells  gradually  decrease  in  depth,  the  water  is 
brought  to  the  surface  miles  from  the  source.  On 
leaving  Ispahan  we  followed  one  of  these  connauts, 
as  they  are  called,  for  forty  miles. 

As  soon  as  the  water  is  brought  to  the  surface  it 
is  conducted  in  ditches  to  the  small  fields,  varying 
in  size  from  one  hundred  to  one  thousand  or  two 
thousand  square  feet.  For  the  purpose  of  being 
flooded,  the  fields  are  separated  from  each  other  by 
a  raised  furrow  about  a  foot  high.  It  is  only  after 
seeing  the  immense  labor  the  poor  people  of  Persia 
have  to  perform  before  receiving  a  grain  from  the 
soil,  that  one  can  appreciate  the  blessing  of  living 
in  a  country  of  rains  and  fruitful  seasons. 

At  Ispahan  we  called  upon  the  governor,  who, 
although  the  eldest  son  of  the  Shah,  is  not  the  heir 
to  the  throne,  as  he  was  not  born  of  a  princess.  The 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       365 

heir  is  Governor  of  Tabriz,  but  is  now  in  Teheran, 
where  he  has  come  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  Shah, 
on  the  opening  of  the  New  Year. 

From  Ispahan  we  came  through  to  Teheran  in 
four  days,  stopping  the  first  night  (i3th)  at  Soh. 
The  I4th  we  crossed  the  pass  of  Kohrud,  eight 
thousand  eight  hundred  feet  above  the  sea.  Not 
withstanding  the  elevation  and  snow,  we  suffered 
more  from  the  heat,  and  reflection  of  the  sun,  than 
on  any  day  since  leaving  Bushire.  The  night  of 
the  I4th  we  spent  at  Kashan;  the  night  of  the 
1 5th  at  Pul-i-dilak;  and  on  the  i6th,  at  5.30,  arrived 
at  the  British  legation  in  Teheran. 

The  last  two  days  from  Ispahan  we  rode  one 
hundred  and  sixty  miles ;  on  the  other  days  we 
averaged  from  fifty  to  seventy. 

The  country  from  Bushire  to  Teheran  is  the 
most  arid  I  have  ever  seen,  and  the  poverty  of  the 
people  passes  description.  During  the  famine  of 
i87i-'/2  one  fifth  of  the  population — more  than  a 
million  souls — perished  from  starvation.  In  some 
villages  and  districts  every  man  and  beast  per 
ished.  The  people  were  so  hungry  that,  when  dogs 
were  shot  in  the  streets,  they  tore  them  to  pieces 
and  devoured  their  flesh  raw.  Even  in  Teheran 
the  dead  were  allowed  to  decay  in  the  streets.  In 
some  places  children  fell  victims  to  the  hunger  of 
their  parents. 

On  our  way  to  Shiraz  I  visited  a  village.  It  con 
sisted  of  a  low  stone  shed,  inclosing  a  court  about 
one  hundred  feet  square.  In  the  center  of  the  court 
was  a  huge  pile  of  manure,  and  several  stagnant 
pools  of  discolored  water.  The  rooms  which  faced 


366  Emory  Upton. 

the  court  were  not  more  than  ten  feet  square,  and 
were  without  beds,  windows,  or  floors.  The  people 
sleep  on  felts  and  skins,  spread  on  the  ground, 
and,  to  make  up  as  much  as  possible  for  the  want 
of  fire,  they  bring  their  sheep  and  calves  into  their 
rooms  to  avail  themselves  of  their  animal  heat. 
In  the  stalls  I  have  described,  which  we  would 
not  use  for  the  meanest  of  domestic  animals,  were 
crowded  together  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
women,  and  children,  the  picture  of  misery,  filth, 
and  despair. 

This  village  was  but  one  of  many  we  passed 
along  our  route.  We  saw  several  which  had  been 
completely  depopulated  by  the  famine.  Ruin  every 
where  prevailed.  Even  a  large  portion  of  Ispahan, 
which  two  hundred  years  ago  was  a  city  of  several 
hundred  thousand  people,  was  a  heap  of  rubbish 
and  deserted  walls.  Most  of  the  houses,  including 
the  roofs,  are  built  of  mud  mixed  with  straw. 

In  cities  like  Shiraz  and  Ispahan  the  bazaars  are 
built  of  brick,  the  streets  being  completely  arched 
over,  so  that  when  one  approaches  the  city  he  enters 
a  tunnel,  and  emerges  at  a  point  several  hundred 
yards  away.  On  each  side  of  the  street,  within  the 
arcade,  every  article  of  merchandise  is  exposed  to 
the  best  advantage.  The  salesmen  sit  cross-legged 
awaiting  customers.  If  so  fortunate  as  to  be  driv 
ing  a  bargain,  a  fierce  discussion  at  once  ensues,  in 
which  everybody  is  free  to  participate.  Between 
the  booths,  an  incessant  crowd  of  people,  horses, 
mules,  camels,  and  donkeys,  move  up  and  down,  but 
never  in  a  hurry.  The  measured  sound  of  bells, 
swinging  slowly  from  one  side  to  the  other  beneath 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       367 

the  necks  of  camels,  tells  of  the  arrival  of  caravans 
from  distant  parts  of  the  empire. 

No  heavy  stages  or  express-wagons  are  seen  lum 
bering  through  the  streets.  As  you  crowd  your 
way  along,  with  perhaps  the  Mohammedans  curs 
ing  you,  and  the  camels  gazing  at  you  with  their 
meaningless  brown  eyes,  you  feel  that  you  are  in  a 
strange  land  in  the  far  East. 

In  the  days  of  Ahasuerus,  Haman  asked  for  the 
extermination  of  the  Jews,  and  the  king  granted  his 
request.  Queen  Esther,  at  Ihe  peril  of  her  life, 
begged  for  her  people ;  and,  when  Haman  had  met 
his  fate,  the  king  sent  orders  to  the  Jews  to  defend 
themselves.  He  could  not  revoke  his  first  law,  but 
the  second  gave  courage  to  the  Jews,  and  when  as 
sailed  they  slew  five  hundred  people  within  the  pal 
ace.  To-day,  the  Shah  could  sport  in  the  same 
manner  with  the  lives  of  his  people.  Here,  as  in 
China,  monarchy  and  absolutism  culminate,  and  cor 
ruption  is  the  order  of  the  day.  Even  the  Shah 
takes  bribes,  and  when  he  wishes  to  extort  money 
he  announces  a  visit  to  some  distant  province,  in 
order  that  the  governors  and  officials  may  buy  him 
off,  rather  than  incur  the  expense  of  entertaining 
him.  When  he  travels,  his  soldiers,  like  a  swarm  of 
locusts,  devour  the  sustenance  of  the  people. 

Governorships  are  bought  and  sold ;  and,  when 
the  revenue  is  not  forthcoming,  the  people  are 
squeezed  till  they  yield  the  last  farthing. 

TEHERAN,  March  20,  1876. 

When  I  left  Bushire,  supposing  the  fatigues  of 
our  journey  would  be  great,  I  resolved  not  to  write 


368  Emory  Upton. 

any  letters  till  our  arrival  at  Constantinople,  but  to 
day  the  English  courier  goes  out,  and  I  avail  myself 
of  the  opportunity  of  sending  you  a  line. 

We  left  Bushire  on  the  28th  ultimo,  and  came 
through  in  sixteen  days,  averaging  from  Shiraz 
from  fifty  to  eighty  miles  per  day.  Were  I  writing 
to  E ,  I  could  give  her  some  idea  of  the  coun 
try  by  comparing  it  with  New  Mexico  and  Arizona, 
but  I  am  glad  you  have  never  seen  anything  ap 
proaching  it.  India,  China,  and  Japan  give  you 
some  idea  of  wealth,  but  in  Persia  all  is  poverty 
and  wretchedness.  Things,  however,  are  relative, 
and,  I  doubt  not,  the  Persian  whose  ancestors  have 
for  centuries  wrapped  themselves  in  skins  and  felts, 
and  slept  on  clay  floors,  thinks  himself  quite  as  well 
off  as  the  laborers  of  America  who  enjoy  the  luxury 
of  comfortable  homes.  Everywhere  mud  stares  you 
in  the  face.  Wells,  houses,  caravansaries,  and  even 
palaces  are  built  of  this  ugly,  cheap  material.  The 
rapidity  with  which  the  buildings  wash  away  in 
heavy  rains  gives  the  entire  country  the  appearance 
of  being  in  ruins.  I  am  glad  to  have  seen  Persia, 
but,  were  I  now  permitted  to  leave  it,  I  would  go 
off  as  the  crow  flies. 

The  population  is,  of  course,  mostly  Moham 
medan,  but  in  Shiraz,  Ispahan,  and  Teheran,  there 
are  many  Armenians.  There  are  also  some  fire- 
worshipers,  who  still  hold  to  the  religion  of  the 
days  of  Cyrus.  Ten  days  ago  I  saw  them  at  wor 
ship.  Their  walls  were  draped  in  mourning,  and 
they  were  wailing  and  weeping  most  piteously. 

The  Armenians,  until  England  interceded  for 
them,  were  almost  in  a  condition  of  slavery.  They 


Foreign  Military  Observations.       369 

could  not  ride  in  a  public  street,  and  they  were  per 
mitted  to  be  robbed  by  Mussulmans  with  impunity. 
Their  form  of  worship  is  almost  like  that  of  the 
Roman  Catholics,  and  their  morality  is  but  little 
above  that  of  the  Mohammedans.  It  is  principally 
among  them  that  our  missionaries  are  employed. 
There  are  two  American  missionaries  in  Teheran 
and  one  also  at  Tabreez.  Mr.  Thompson  invited  the 
missionaries  to  meet  us  at  one  of  the  two  dinners 
he  gave  in  honor  of  our  arrival. 

I  can  not  tell  you  how  anxious  I  am  to  arrive  in 
Constantinople,  nor  how  glad  I  shall  be  when,  in 
December,  I  turn  my  face  toward  home.  Do  the 
best  I  can,  it  is  difficult  to  observe  the  Sabbath  as  I 
would  like,  and,  while  traveling,  there  is  not  the 
time  nor  the  opportunity  to  observe  the  hours  of 
devotion  which  your  o\vn  home  and  occupations 
permit.  Nevertheless,  I  find  peace  and  comfort  in 
this  dreary  land.  Emily's  Testament  and  the  little 
book  of  Psalms  which  you  gave  me  are  my  constant 
companions,  and  I  read  them  daily  with  comfort  to 
my  soul. 

We  shall  leave  here  on  Wednesday,  the  22d, 
and  shall  go,  via  Tabreez,  Tiflis,  and  Poti,  to  Con 
stantinople,  where  we  hope  to  arrive  on  the  I5th  of 
April.  There  nearly  four  months'  mail  awaits  us. 

Our  party  look  as  brown  as  the  Indians  of  the 
plains.  My  nose  has  peeled,  and  my  ears  have 
been  as  badly  swollen  by  heat  as  they  could  have 
been  by  cold.  In  addition  to  this,  an  incipient 
beard,  which  I  shall  cut  off  at  Naples,  does  not  add 
to  my  personal  appearance.  To-morrow  we  attend 
the  reception  of  the  Shah,  given  in  honor  of  the 


370  Emory  Upton. 

opening  of  the  new  year.  It  is  a  ceremony  which 
one  cares  to  see  but  once.  The  diplomatic  corps 
do  not  remove  their  shoes  when  they  enter  the 
presence  of  the  Shah,  but,  by  the  terms  of  their 
treaties,  they  have  to  wear  goloshes  or  overshoes, 
which  they  remove  in  the  court  of  the  palace. 

We  have  all  been  very  much  distressed  by  the 
telegram,  and,  if  it  be  true  that  the  one  of  our 
Cabinet  ministers  whom  we  supposed  to  possess 
the  most  integrity  has  been  guilty  of  corruption, 
it  is  time  for  the  American  people  to  take  the  sub 
ject  of  civil-service  reform  in  hand.  Beggarly 
salaries  and  rotation  in  office  are  gradually  under 
mining  the  integrity  of  all  our  public  servants,  and, 
unless  checked,  will  surely  lead  to  disaster.  The 
English  minister  at  Teheran  receives  a  salary  of 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars  in  gold,  is  provided 
with  a  house  elegantly  furnished,  and  is  supplied 
with  a  corps  of  trained  servants.  We  ask  a  man  to 
serve  us  as  Secretary  of  State  or  War  for  eight 
thousand  a  year,  and  to  pay  all  of  his  expenses.  I 
love  my  country  as  much  as  any  of  its  citizens,  but 
I  can  not  shut  my  eyes  to  its  meanness. 

TIFLIS,  CAUCASUS,  April  12, 1876. 

It  gives  me  no  little  satisfaction  to  inform  you 
of  our  safe  arrival  here.  We  came  in  last  night 
in  a  coach  and  six,  our  conduct eur  blowing  his 
bugle  with  all  his  might.  The  journey  across 
Central  Asia  is  finished,  and,  while  it  has  been 
fatiguing  and  very  uncomfortable,  has  yet  been 
enjoyable  and  full  of  instruction.  We  have  seen 
Persia,  an  empire  almost  as  old  as  China,  and  are 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        371 

now  enabled  to  compare  Asiatic  with  European 
civilization. 

You  can  not  imagine  the  change  we  already  per 
ceive.  At  Julfa,  on  the  Araxes,  the  frontier  post 
of  Russia,  it  was  clear  there  was  a  change  of  gov 
ernment.  The  villages  were  no  longer  built  exclu 
sively  of  mud,  but  here  and  there  were  substantial 
one-storied  houses,  built  of  dressed  stone.  From 
the  mouth  of  the  Peiho  to  the  river  Araxes  we 
have  seen  nothing  but  mud  —  mud  houses,  mud 
stables,  mud  mosques,  mud  palaces,  and  mud 
bridges.  From  Bushire  to  Teheran  we  did  not  see 
nor  meet  a  wheeled  vehicle.  Everything  is  trans 
ported  on  camels,  horses,  mules,  and  donkeys.  The 
entire  country  is  reduced  to  poverty,  and  I  be 
lieve  no  civilized  people  on  earth  enjoy  so  few  of 
the  creature  comforts  of  life  as  the  Persians.  Their 
mud  huts  would  disgrace  the  farm-yard  of  the  poor 
est  families  of  America.  The  Shah  lives  in  grand 
state,  resplendent  in  his  diamonds,  while  his  gov 
ernors  are  sent  forth  to  wring  the  last  quoan  from 
the  peasant  which  is  not  necessary  to  support  life. 
We  now  turn  to  Europe.  Already  we  can  see  that 
under  Russian  rule  the  citizen  can  accumulate  and 
enjoy  his  property.  When  he  dies,  his  emperor 
does  not  seize  all  of  his  effects,  but  the  law  gives 
them  to  his  heirs  and  he  can  live  in  comfort,  and 
also  in  the  anticipation  of  making  his  children  com 
fortable. 

We  shall  spend  about  a  week  here.  There  is  a 
military  school  here  and  a  large  garrison  to  look 
into,  particularly  the  organization  of  the  Cossacks, 
and  this  can  not  be  done  much  within  the  time 


372  Emory  Upton. 

stated.  In  passing  through  Tabreez  we  stopped  with 
Mr.  Easton,  an  American  missionary  who  came  on 
with  us  to  Tiflis.  As  he  knew  Turkish  well,  he  was 
of  good  service.  The  feature  of  our  trip  from 
Tabreez  was  the  view  of  Mount  Ararat.  It  stood 
out  a  graceful  cone  seventeen  thousand  feet  high, 
rising  like  Vesuvius  from  a  large  plain.  Close  to  it, 
and  actually  a  part  of  it,  stands  Little  Ararat,  eleven 
thousand  feet  high.  We  climbed  the  mountain 
nearly  to  the  snow-line,  but  had  to  give  up  the  fur 
ther  ascent  on  account  of  a  rain-storm  that  envel 
oped  the  summit. 

Nakh-i-chiwan  is  so  named  because  there  Noah  is 
supposed  to  have  descended.  We  visited  his  tomb, 
but,  as  it  did  not  appear  to  be  more  than  fifty  years 
old,  we  were  at  liberty  to  reject  the  tradition.  The 
tomb  of  Cyrus,  at  Passargade,  bears  plainly  the 
marks  of  twenty  or  more  centuries ;  but  the  tomb  of 
Noah,  instead  of  being  built  of  huge  blocks  of  mar 
ble,  was  made  of  soft  brick,  incapable  of  resisting 
for  even  a  century  the  severe  weather  of  the  Cau 
casus.  Please  excuse  my  writing ;  there  has  been 
an  earthquake  since  commencing  my  letter. 

CONSTANTINOPLE,  May  7,  1876. 

When  I  arrived  I  found  two  dozen  letters  await 
ing  me  at  the  minister's.  Craving  for  news  from 
home,  many  I  read  before  leaving  the  legation,  but 
yours  I  reserved  for  the  quiet  of  my  own  room. 

The  one  from  Philadelphia  impressed  me  deeply. 
Never  was  Christian  sympathy  offered  more  oppor 
tunely,  nor  do  I  believe  more  gratefully  received. 
I  feel  for exactly  as  you  do.  He  has  sinned 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        373 

and  sinned  deeply,  and  his  sin  does  not  consist  in 
being  found  out.  "  Against  thee,  thee  only,  have  I 
sinned,  and  done  this  evil  in  thy  sight,  that  thou 
mightest  be  justified  when  thou  speakest  and  be 
clear  when  thou  judgest." 

The  beauty  of  the  fifty-first  Psalm  never  im 
pressed  itself  upon  me  until  you  spoke  of  it  one  day 
in  connection  with  a  negro  who  had  committed 

murder.  Your  letter  about  I  have  given  to 

Forsyth  and  Major  Sanger  to  read,  and  I  know  it 
will  produce  a  deep  effect  upon  them.  Before  I 
came  here  I  had  resolved  to  write  to  him,  but  I 
wished  to  wait  until  I  could  learn  the  particulars  of 
his  offense.  Then  came  your  letter,  and  I  at  once 
put  my  resolution  into  effect. 

He  can  not  construe  sympathy  with  approval  of 
his  conduct,  and  it  will  certainly  do  him  good  to 
know  that  those  upon  whom  he  has  bestowed  so 
much  kindness  will  not  forsake  him.  God  be  with 
him,  and  grant  that  he  may  not  be  hardened  by  his 
offense,  but  be  led  to  repentance,  forgiveness,  and 
peace !  I  do  not  wonder  the  country  has  been 
shocked  by  the  disclosure,  and  that  now  so  much 
distrust  is  entertained  in  regard  to  all  our  public 
servants.  We  need  reform,  permanent  and  sure — 
not  a  wave  of  indignation  that  sweeps  a  few  knaves 
from  office,  to  be  succeeded  only  by  others,  but  a 
new  system  that  shall  induce  good  men  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Government.  A  one-term  President, 
life-tenure,  and  good  salaries,  must  lie  at  the  foun 
dation  of  any  system  that  will  bear  good  results. 
I  need  not  tell  you  how  much  I  enjoyed  all  the  de 
tails  of  home  news.  ,  .  I  have  read  some  of  Mr. 


374  Emory  Upton. 

Moody 's  sermons  with  great  interest.  They  are 
not  strong,  but  power  seems  to  pervade  them.  He 
must  have  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  I  hope 
his  success  may  awaken  the  ministry  to  a  new  sense 
of  their  duty.  There  is  too  much  shirking  the  right 
way  to  awaken  men  to  a  sense  of  their  short-com 
ings.  Fraud,  violence,  peculation,  dishonesty,  and 
hypocrisy  are  never  mentioned  from  the  pulpit. 

When  I  see  the  good  Moody  does,  I  wonder 
that  the  ministry  is  so  supine.  Why  do  they  preach 
year  in  and  year  out  to  the  ninety-and-nine  that 
need  no  repentance,  and  leave  the  hundredth  to 
perish — rather,  the  millions  ?  Preaching  always  to 
the  same  congregation,  they  do  not  appreciate  the 
application  of  the  parable  of  the  lost  sheep,  nor 
realize  that  in  making  the  ministry  a  lucrative  pro 
fession  they  have  surrendered  the  manly  independ 
ence  so  conspicuous  in  the  character  of  all  reform 
ers.  "  The  children  of  darkness  are  wiser  in  their 
day  and  generation  than  the  children  of  light." 

If  the  politicians  wish  to  carry  an  election  in 
a  doubtful  State,  they  at  once  send  abroad  for  all 
the  powerful  speakers  in  their  party.  Why  do  not 
the  ministers  imitate  them  ?  Why,  at  least  for  two 
months  every  year,  do  not  the  ablest  ministers  ex 
change  pulpits  ?  If  Dr.  Hall  were  to  go  to  Buffalo 
for  a  couple  of  months,  thousands  of  people  would 
go  to  hear  him  who  never  enter  a  church-door,  just 
as  in  New  York  Moody  has  attracted  crowds  whose 
sole  curiosity  at  first  was  to  know  "  what  will  this 
babbler  say  ?  " 

Again,  they  could  speak  the  truth,  denounce 
sins  by  name,  and  not  "fear  a  commotion.  Let  the 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        375 

wealthy  congregations  which  hang  with  delight  on 
the  eloquent  words  of  their  preachers  make  this 
sacrifice,  and  feel  that,  as  a  Christian  duty  they  en 
able  their  pastors  to  go  forth  to  other  cities  and 
proclaim  the  glad  tidings.  This  subject  has  often 
been  on  my  mind.  The  plan  would  be  a  simple 
one,  and  were  there  a  few  congregations  to  com 
mence  it,  the  results,  I  believe,  would  be  astound 
ing.  Have  you  ever  .spoken  to  your  many  influen 
tial  friends  about  it  ?  To-day,  for  the  first  time 
since  leaving  Bombay,  I  have  had  the  privilege  of 
attending  the  communion-table.  I  hope  so  long  an 
interval  will  not  occur  again. 

The  news  has  just  come  that  the  French  and 
German  consuls  have  been  murdered  at  Salonica. 
If  true,  it  may  be  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the 
Eastern  question. 

This  is  a  great  city,  and  I  do  not  wonder  that 
Russia  covets  it.  But  she  is  not  yet  ready  to  move. 
North  of  the  Black  Sea  there  is  a  country  as  fertile 
as  the  great  plains  of  Illinois,  almost  unpopulated. 
This  must  be  settled  up,  and  when  an  industrious 
population  begins  to  find  itself  hemmed  in  by  the 
Black  Sea  it  will  look  southward  to  the  other  shore 
and  demand  the  possession  of  the  Golden  Gate 
way. 

We  leave  here  on  Tuesday  for  Naples,  calling 
en  route  at  Smyrna,  Ephesus,  Athens,  Corinth,  and 
Brindisi.  At  Tabreez  we  had  our  photographs 
taken.  The  dark  individual  in  the  background  is 
the  cook  who  wished  to  give  us  our  soup  in  our 
wash-bowls.  He  is  a  good  specimen  of  the  Per 
sian. 


376  Emory  Upton. 

ROME,  May  28,  1876, 

From  Constantinople  we  took  steamer  for  Na 
ples,  touching  at  Smyrna  for  twelve  hours,  which 
enabled  us  to  visit  Ephesus,  distant  by  rail  forty- 
nine  miles.  We  saw  the  prison  where  St.  Paul  was 
reported  to  have  been  confined,  also  the  ruins  of 
the  theatre  where  the  silversmiths  and  the  mob 
shouted  for  two  hours,  "  Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephe- 
sians !  "  Of  the  Temple  of  Diana  nothing  remains 
but  the  foundations.  From  Smyrna  our  steamer 
went  to  Athens,  where  she  stopped  over  twenty- 
four  hours,  giving  us  ample  time  to  see  the  Acropo 
lis,  surrounded  by  the  Parthenon,  the  grandest  of 
all  Grecian  ruins.  Near  by  was  Mars  Hill,  from 
which  St.  Paul,  where  the  Athenians  had  gathered 
together  to  hear  "  what  will  this  babbler  say  ?  "  de 
livered  his  memorable  address.  Leaving  Athens, 
we  went  to  Sicily,  stopping  twelve  hours  at  Mes 
sina.  A  carriage-ride  of  six  miles  took  us  to  the 
famous  Charybdis,  opposite  to  which  and  four 
miles  off  is  the  equally  celebrated  Scylla.  We 
passed  between  the  rock  and  whirlpool  without  en 
countering  any  of  the  dangers  so  often  alluded  to 
in  young  ladies'  compositions,  and  next  touched  at 
Palermo,  where  we  were  allowed  two  days.  The 
Bay  of  Palermo  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  the 
world,  and  the  city,  too,  is  worthy  of  its  situation. 
We  left  Palermo  in  a  sirocco,  and  had  the  most 
boisterous  weather  since  leaving  San  Francisco. 
For  the  third  time  only  we  had  racks  in  our  tables. 
At  Naples  I  completed  my  tour  around  the  world, 
as  I  was  there  in  1868.  The  Sunday  after  our  ar 
rival  I  passed  at  Sorrento,  where  my  precious 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        377 

Emily  spent  a  month  with  me  in  1868.  From  Na 
ples  we  came  here  by  rail.  I  am  glad  once  more 
to  be  in  the  land  of  railroads.  The  time  at  sea 
seems  a  dead  loss.  Now  we  can  come  and  go 
when  and  where  we  please. 

ROME,  June  4,  1876. 

Last  Sunday  evening  I  went  to  the  church  where 
the  nuns  sang,  and  from  which  Emily  retired  with 
such  deep  religious  impressions.  The  music  was 
not  so  celestial  as  on  that  occasion.  For  days  it 
ran  in  my  mind,  and  it  seemed  as  if  I  could  not 
forget  it.  To-day  at  church,  in  the  hymn-book  I 
opened  at  the  hymn  prefaced  with  "  Thy  will  be 
done,"  and  to  the  verse — 

"  If  Thou  dost  call  me  to  resign 
What  most  I  prize, 
It  ne'er  was  mine  ; 
I  only  yield  Thee  what  is  Thine — 
Thy  will  be  done." 

I  thank  Him  who  taught  us  this  prayer,  and  who 
bore  all  of  our  sorrows,  that  I  can  repeat  it  and 
now  be  grateful  for  the  hope  submission  has  given. 

The  service  this  morning  was  held  in  the  new 
Episcopal  church,  which  is  scarcely  more  than 
roofed  in.  When  finished  it  will  be  quite  pretty. 
After  service  I  remained  at  communion,  which 
quite  a  number  attended.  Several  Italians  came 
into  the  church  during  service  and  looked  on  with 
curiosity. 

A  great  change  has  come  over  the  city  since  the 
occupation  of  the  Italians.  The  atmosphere  seems 
free,  and  the  place  has  already  made  great  strides 
in  the  way  of  building  and  improvements.  In  seek- 


378  Emory  Upton. 

ing  military  information  I  see  a  good  deal  of  the 
Italian  officers.  They  are  all  bitter  against  the  Pope 
and  priesthood.  One  told  me  there  was  no  religion 
in  Rome,  only  superstition,  and  quoted  an  old  prov 
erb,  "  If  you  want  to  become  a  heretic,  go  to  Rome." 
Another  told  me  that  not  one  officer  in  a  hundred 
went  to  church  except  to  see  the  pictures.  It  is 
not  a  feeling  of  infidelity  or  atheism  that  controls 
them,  but  disgust  at  the  dissolute  lives  of  the 
priests.  No  man  ever  goes  to  confession,  except, 
perhaps,  during  Holy  Week,  when  the  priest 
touches  him  on  the  head  with  a  cane,  and,  without 
opening  his  mouth,  he  goes  away  believing  his  sins 
are  forgiven.  One  of  the  officers  told  me  that  the 
Protestant  schools  were  increasing,  and  that  the 
Methodists  had  twenty  or  more.  Time  must  work 
reform.  There  is  too  much  intelligence  to  permit 
religion  to  be  made  a  mockery  of  much  longer. 

I  shall  get  away  from  here  this  week,  and,  after 
visiting  the  military  establishments  of  Florence, 
Turin,  and  Milan,  hope  to  reach  St.  Petersburg  by 
July  ist. 

GENEVA,  June  25,  1876. 

It  seems  quite  near  home  to  get  a  letter  from 
you  dated  June  2d.  The  American  travelers  were 
not  very  handsome,  although  their  dress  was  con 
sidered  the  finest  that  had  been  seen  in  Persia.  So 
much  does  locality  control  taste  ! 

General  Sherman,  when  I  visited  St.  Louis  en 
route  to  San  Francisco,  told  me  not  to  attempt  to 
present  the  military  organization  of  Europe  in  my 
report;  that  all  I  need  to  do  would  be  to  write 
four  or  five  hundred  pages  of  conclusions.  Since 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        379 

arriving  in  Europe,  I  have  discovered  that  our 
military  organization  is  so  worthless  that  now  I 
feel  that  even  a  thousand  pages  would  not  suffice 
to  show  it  up.  I  do  not  know  where  I  shall  go  on 
my  return,  but  undoubtedly  five  or  six  months  will 
be  required  to  write  my  report,  and  this  time  will 
have  to  be  spent  in  Washington,  where  I  can  have 
access  to  official  data  that  I  shall  need  for  my  argu 
ment.  Yesterday  morning  I  left  Turin,  and  saw 
en  route  the  Mont  Cenis  Tunnel.  Down  deep  in 
the  bowels  of  the  earth,  it  will  endure  throughout 
time  a  monument  of  man's  greatness.  En  route  to 
St.  Petersburg  I  have  stolen  four  or  five  days  to 
see  the  delightful  scenery  of  Switzerland.  Military 
matters  keep  me  now  very  busy,  and  I  often  find 
myself  too  tired  to  sleep.  Three  or  four  days'  re 
laxation  will  do  me  good. 

ST.  PETERSBURG,  July  16,  1876. 

In  Geneva  I  met  a  graduate  of  West  Point  of 
the  class  of  1874.  He  told  me  that  "  Benedicite," 
one  of  the  books  given  to  his  class,  had  found  its 
way  to  Geneva,  and  was  being  read  with  great 
interest  by  a  gentleman  friend.  The  cadet  read  it 
and  sent  it  to  his  father,  who  sent  it  to  the  gentle 
man. 

My  second  trip  into  Russia  is  as  interesting  as 
the  first.  From  Warsaw  to  Moscow,  two  days  by 
rail,  the  country  is  an  unbroken  plain.  Over  the 
long,  tedious  route  now  traversed  in  so  few  hours 
the  army  of  Napoleon  toiled  for  months  toward  the 
goal  which,  no  sooner  than  possessed,  was  envel 
oped  in  flames.  Their  victory  turned  to  ashes,  the 


380  Emory  Upton. 

weary  retreat  began  with  death  before  them  in  all 
its  forms.  I  could  not  but  think  constantly  of  the 
sufferings  of  that  gallant  army  as  I  rode  so  com 
fortably  toward  the  commercial  capital  of  the  Rus 
sian  Empire.  All  along  the  route  we  passed  through 
villages  of  the  emancipated  serfs.  No  marks  of  im 
provement  were  visible  ;  no  new  houses  told  of  the 
increasing  prosperity  of  its  humble  occupants.  In 
Russia,  the  nobles  and  the  rich  are  exempt  from 
taxation,  and  the  burden  falls  on  the  peasant.  All 
that  he  gets  beyond  the  necessaries  of  life  goes  to 
the  tax-collector.  He  lives  in  a  log-hut  with  a 
thatched  roof,  and  in  winter  shares  his  abode  with 
his  sheep,  his  cattle,  and  his  pigs.  The  clothes  that 
he  puts  on  in  autumn  remain  on  his  body  till 
spring,  and,  next  to  the  beasts,  he  must  be  the  filthi 
est  of  all  animals.  Time  must  change  all  this,  and 
now  mutterings  are  heard  against  the  privileges 
which  give  luxury  to  one  class  and  degradation  to 
another. 

As  I  look  out  of  my  window  I  can  see  St.  Isaac's 
Cathedral,  one  of  the  finest  edifices  in  Christendom. 
The  great  pillars  of  red  granite,  the  bronze  bas- 
reliefs,  the  angels  in  bronze  crowning  the  angles, 
and  the  dream  of  a  dome  covered  with  heavy  gilt, 
are  wonders  of  architecture.  Within  are  rich  mar 
bles  and  several  Corinthian  columns  of  malachite. 
The  church  ranks,  I  think,  next  to  the  Milan  Cathe 
dral. 

July  27,  1876. 

Having  a  day  of  unexpected  leisure,  I  shall  em 
ploy  a  part  of  it  in  writing  a  short  letter  to  you.  I 
arrived  here  on  the  I3th,  and,  had  I  not  been 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        381 

schooled  in  patience,  would  be  very  much  disgusted 
at  the  progress  I  have  made,  for  I  have  not  yet 
gained  the  slightest  military  information  in  regard  ' 
to  the  Russian  army.  Everything  is  bound  up  in 
red-tape,  and  it  takes  time  to  cut  it.  Last  Sunday 
and  Monday  I  was  at  the  camp  and  was  presented 
to  the  Emperor.  I  should  have  a  very  poor  opinion 
of  you  if  you  could  not  hold  a  more  interesting 
conversation  with  a  Russian  than  the  Emperor 
did  with  me.  "  When  have  you  come?  "  "  When 
have  you  come  ? "  "  You  have  come  to  see  the 
camp  ? "  "  How  long  you  will  stay  ?  "  constituted  the 
essence  of  his  remarks.  In  reply,  being  in  the  face 
of  royalty,  and  not  at  liberty  to  speak  except  when 
spoken  to,  I  was  supposed  to  excel  him  in  brevity, 
which  was  not  difficult  to  do.  There  may  be  suffi 
cient  reason  for  imposing  the  above  rule,  for  no 
doubt  thousands  of  people  would  like  to  enlighten 
royalty  by  expressing  views  in  season  and  out  of 
season  ;  but,  looking  on  the  Emperor  as  a  miserable, 
sinful  man,  subject  to  all  the  weaknesses  and  pas 
sions  of  human  nature,  I  could  not  but  compare  the 
interviews  he  deigns  to  accord  to  his  fellow-men 
with  that  accorded  to  his  humblest  child  by  the 
King  of  kings  and  the  Lord  of  lords.  He  who 
laid  the  foundations  of  the  earth,  the  Maker  of  all 
things  visible  and  invisible,  tells  us  that  his  ears 
are  ever  open  to  our  prayers,  and  bids  us  to  come 
into  his  presence  with  joy  and  thanksgiving.  No 
liveried  servants  bid  us  wait.  No  courtiers,  shining 
in  reflected  light,  can  bar  us  from  his  presence.  He 
meets  us  not  in  gilded  palaces,  but  in  the  secret  of 
the  closet,  where  he  imparts  to  us  the  communion 


382  Emory  Upton. 

of  his  Holy  Spirit,  and  fills  our  hearts  with  joy  and 
peace. 

TZARSKOYE-SELO,  August  2O,  1876. 

The  heat  all  over  America  must  have  been  fright 
ful.  Here  it  is  so  chilly  that  during  the  manoeuvres 
I  wear  double  suits  of  winter  under-clothes,  the 
only  means  I  have  of  keeping  warm,  as  etiquette 
forbids  any  person  riding  in  the  suite  of  the  Em 
peror  to  wear  an  overcoat  except  when  his  Majesty 
is  so  clad. 

Foreign  officers  visiting  the  camp  are  treated  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  shame  our  government.  We 
have  a  carriage  constantly  at  our  disposal.  On 
days  of  ceremony  we  drive  to  the  rendezvous  of  the 
troops,  and  there  take  beautiful  saddle-horses,  which 
belong  to  us  during  our  stay.  Since  we  came  here, 
the  Crown  Prince  of  Italy,  and  the  Kings  of  Den 
mark  and  Greece,  with  their  consorts,  have  visited 
the  Russian  capital,  and  we  have  been  present  at  all 
the  ceremonies  in  their  honor.  The  reviews  are 
the  perfection  of  military  pageants. 

When  the  Empress  comes  on  the  ground,  the 
Emperor  places  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army  and 
presents  the  troops  amid  the  strains  of  martial 
music  and  hurrahs  of  the  soldiers.  The  cheers  are 
not  always  enthusiastic.  The  soldier,  with  his 
mouth  half  open  and  a  stereotyped  grin  on  his  face, 
looks  about  as  animated  as  the  statues  one  sees  of 
the  "  Laughing  Faun."  In  stolidity  and  stupidity  I 
have  never  seen  anything  approaching  the  Russian 
peasant. 

After  each  ceremony  or  manoeuvre  is  over,  break 
fast  is  served  in  one  of  the  palaces  for  the  suite  and 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        383 

the  strangers,  who  number,  all  told,  about  one  hun 
dred.  Dinner  follows  at  six  o'clock.  At  both 
breakfast  and  dinner  five  or  six  varieties  of  the 
choicest  wines  are  provided  from  the  imperial  cel 
lars.  I  am  told  that  the  dinners  cost  about  five 
pounds  a  head.  If  so,  there  is  need  of  reform  in 
Russia.  The  horses  required  for  the  service  of  the 
suite  and  the  strangers  number  seven  hundred  and 
fifty.  As  in  the  course  of  the  manoeuvres  we  mi 
grate  from  palace  to  palace,  you  can  imagine  what 
must  be  the  expense  of  maintaining  a  movable 
hotel,  with  guests,  horses  and  carriages,  and  other 
impedimenta  in  proportion. 

The  Emperor  has  been  very  kind  to  us,  and  once, 
in  common  with  the  other  foreign  generals,  I  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  dining  with  him.  He  speaks 
French  and  German  fluently,  but  is  not  so  strong  in 
English.  Last  Friday  we  had  a  beautiful  ceremony 
in  the  fete  of  the  regiment  Probrijensky,  or  Trans 
figuration.  Each  regiment  bears  the  name  of  some 
holy  or  saint's  day,  and  on  its  recurrence  celebrates 
it  as  we  celebrate  Christmas.  On  this  occasion  the 
regiment  was  formed  on  three  sides  of  a  square,  and 
religious  services  were  held  in  the  center,  accord 
ing  to  the  rites  of  the  Greek  Church.  At  the  con 
clusion  of  the  ceremony  the  Emperor  and  imperial 
family  went  forward  and  kissed  the  cross,  after 
which  holy^water  wras  sprinkled  on  the  colors,  and 
successively  on  all  the  men.  After  the  ceremony 
was  over,  a  breakfast  was  given  to  the  men,  consist 
ing  of  black  bread,  soup,  cold  meat,  and  beer.  Near 
by,  under  a  canopy,  breakfast  was  served  for  the 
Emperor  and  his  guests. 


384  Emory  Upton. 

When  nearly  over,  the  men  rushed  up  in  front 
of  his  Majesty,  and  loudly  cheered  the  Kings  of 
Denmark  and  Greece,  and  also  the  Emperor  after 
he  had  proposed  the  health  of  the  regiment. 

The  afternoon  was  spent  in  witnessing  a  bom 
bardment  of  a  field  fortification,  and  at  six  o'clock 
the  Emperor  gave  a  dinner  to  the  officers  of  the 
regiment  whose  hospitality  he  had  enjoyed  in  the 
morning. 

This  dinner  was  made  the  occasion  of  decorating 
the  foreign  generals  who  were  visiting  the  camp. 
On  being  spoken  to  about  receiving  this  mark  of 
imperial  favor,  I  informed  the  officer  that  our  Con 
stitution  forbade  us  to  receive  a  foreign  decoration, 
and  that,  with  thanks,  we  would  have  to  decline. 
At  dinner  we  therefore  saw  the  French,  Austrian, 
and  German  generals  with  crimson  scarfs  and 
crosses  of  Ste.  Anne  or  Stanislaus,  while  Forsyth 
and  I  sat  modestly  and  contented  by  in  our  plain 
but  not  ugly  uniforms. 

The  absence  of  decoration  at  once  made  us  con 
spicuous  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  company,  so 
when  the  dinner  was  over,  in  order  to  show  that  no 
slight  had  been  intended,  the  Emperor  and  Grand 
Duke  Nicholas,  his  brother,  came  to  us  and  held 
quite  a  long  conversation.  I  felt  rather  proud  than 
otherwise  to  be  able  to  decline  a  favor  from  the 
Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias,  which  has  no  more  sig 
nificance  than  our  own  much-abused  brevets. 

Our  visit  here  has  given  us  as  much  of  an  in 
sight  into  royalty  as  we  had  in  India.  We  are  now 
near  the  close  of  the  Russian  manoeuvres,  and  will 
soon  be  on  our  way  to  Berlin  and  Vienna.  Time 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        385 

rushes  headlong-,  and  before  we  know  it  we  will  be 
rolling  and  pitching-  on  the  Atlantic. 

BERLIN,  October  8,  1876. 

I  fear  I  shall  not  be  able  to  get  away  from  Berlin 
before  the  ist  of  November.  The  disagreeable  ex 
perience  we  have  had  with  our  legation  has  cost  us 
ten  days,  not  to  speak  of  the  failure  to  see  the  ma 
noeuvres. 

Berlin  is  a  beautiful  city,  and  the  people  impress 
me  most  favorably.  If  the  Germans  are  not  all 
blondes,  the  freshness  and  joyousness  of  their  com 
plexion  are  pleasant  to  behold.  This  applies  to  the 
women  as  much  as  to  the  men.  The  former,  like 
Englishwomen,  seem  to  enjoy  better  health  than 
their  sisters  in  America.  I  do  not  know  to  what  it 
can  be  due,  unless  we  ascribe  it  to  the  tonic  effects 
of  ale  or  beer. 

The  soldiers  are  handsome,  cleanly  young  fel 
lows,  from  twenty  to  twenty-three  years  of  age. 
Their  bearing  denotes  a  good  discipline,  while  the 
cheerful  face  shows  an  absence  of  oppression.  The 
officers,  who  are  well  dressed,  have  no  swagger,  but 
they  walk  with  the  self-consciousness  that,  in  the 
social  scale,  they  stand  next  to  the  Kaiser. 

I  was  somewhat  surprised  by  the  question  ad 
dressed  me  by  an  officer  of  t|ie  famous  German 
staff,  who  wanted  to  know  whether  our  government 
or  court  language  was  French  or  English.  There 
are  a  great  many  Europeans  whose  minds  are 
cloudy  on  this  subject.  The  amusements  of  Berlin 
are  very  inviting  and  inexpensive.  You  can  take  a 
family  of  ten  to  hear  the  best  orchestra  in  the  world 
17 


386  Emory  Upton. 

(Belse's),  and  have  a  private  box,  for  a  dollar  and  a 
quarter.  If  all  drink  beer  at  six  and  a  half  cents  a 
glass,  the  total  will  be  one  dollar  and  ninety  cents. 

At  this  place  you  see  the  best  families.  The 
ladies  take  their  knitting  or  crocheting  ;  each  family 
takes  its  table,  and  for  three  hours  they  listen  to 
classic  music,  and  drink  their  beer  or  sip  their  tea 
or  coffee.  At  ten  o'clock  all  amusements  close,  and 
the  people  go  home,  unless  a  cafi  or  restaurant 
tempts  the  appetite. 

The  German  Government  is  all  red-tape.  It 
took  two  weeks  to  get  permission  to  see  what  our 
War  Department  would  have  granted  in  half  an 
hour. 

With  regard  to  coming  to  Willowbrook  to  write 
my  report,  the  result  of  six  months'  labor  there 

would  be  nil.  When  A is  at  Willowbrook  he 

succeeds  in  reading  many  books,  but  he  does  so  by 
going  to  the  library  immediately  after  breakfast, 
lighting  his  pipe,  and  turning  a  deaf  ear  to  every 
proposal  to  go  to  Auburn  or  elsewhere.  While  he 
concentrates  his  attention  I  dissipate  mine,  and  all 
my  thoughts  go  fugitive.  I  might  as  well  try  to 
capture  a  flock  of  wild  pigeons  as  to  capture  my 
thoughts  and  arrange  them  in  logical  order  for  offi 
cial  use.  I  shall,  therefore,  have  to  go  to  Washing 
ton,  where  I  shall  have  access  to  books,  papers,  and 
figures,  and  other  notes  necessary  for  my  argu 
ment. 

I  shall  devote  most  of  my  attention  to  the  sub 
ject  of  officers,  and  to  showing  our  reckless  extrava 
gance  in  making  war.  When  Germany  fought 
France  she  put  her  army  on  a  war-footing  in  eight 


Foreign  Military  Observations.        387 

days,  and  in  eight  days  more  she  had  four  hundred  • 
thousand  men  on  French  territory.     It  took  us  from 
April,  1 86 1,  to  March,  1862,  to  form  an  army  of  the 
same  size  at  an  expense  of  nearly  eight  hundred 
millions  of  dollars.     We  can  not  maintain  a  great 
army  in  peace,  but  we  can  provide  a  scheme  for  . 
officering  a  large  force  in  time  of  war,  and  such  a 
scheme  is  deserving  of  study. 

My  stay  here  is  about  over.  I  have  been  per 
mitted  to  see  the  military  schools  and  have  learned 
much  of  the  military  system  of  Germany.  How 
completely  the  nation  is  given  over  to  warlike 
preparation  is  shown  by  the  boys,  who  wear  mili 
tary  caps,  and  by  both  boys  and  girls,  who  carry 
their  books  to  and  from  school  in  knapsacks.  This 
strain  can  not  last  long.  After  the  late  war,  Parlia 
ment  tied  its  own  hands  by  voting  supplies  for 
seven  years.  When  that  period  expires,  discussion 
will  again  be  resumed. 


CHAPTER  X. 

REPORT  ON  THE  ARMIES   OF  EUROPE  AND   ASIA. 

TRAVELING  in  a  foreign  land  appears,  to  a  youth 
ful,  romantic  mind,  the  most  pleasant  of  all  possible 
occupations.  Every  one  hopes  at  some  future  time 
to  go  beyond  the  narrow  confines  of  his  native 
place,  and  to  view  with  his  own  eyes  the  wonders 
of  other  countries.  And  whenever  circumstances 
so  order  affairs  as  to  make  this  dream  a  reality,  the 
expectant  Ulysses  bids  a  hearty  but  hurried  adieu 
to  his  home  and  friends,  and  turns  his  face  longingly 
toward  the  distant  shores.  But  here  also  anticipa 
tion,  like  all  other  pleasures,  is  found  to  surpass 
possession.  The  looked-for  pleasure  soon  becomes 
fatigue,  and  finally  satiety,  ennui,  homesickness, 
unite  to  turn  the  wearied  traveler  willingly  back  to 
his  kindred  and  friends. 

This  experience,  in  its  inception,  growth,  and 
maturity,  is  plainly  shown  in  the  home  letters  of 
General  Upton,  even  before  he  had  reached  the 
boundaries  of  Europe.  But,  tethered  by  the  bonds 
of  official  duty,  he  was  forced  to  observe,  record, 
and  study  the  matters  connected  with  his  profes 
sion,  and  to  endure  as  best  he  could  the  delays 
which  official  etiquette  constantly  interposed  in  his 
path.  But,  when  his  last  official  act  was  completed, 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     389 

like  an  escaped  prisoner  he  gladly  hastened  home 
ward. 

After  reporting  for  duty  to  the  War  Depart 
ment,  and  upon  the  termination  of  a  short  leave 
granted  him  ior  the  purpose  of  visiting  his  relatives, 
General  Upton  was  assigned  to  duty  at  the  artil 
lery-school  of  practice  at  Fortress  Monroe,  where 
he  reported  March  i,  1877. 

This  school,  established  for  the  proper  instruc 
tion  of  the  subaltern  artillery-officers  of  the  army  in 
the  professional  branches  relating  to  their  arm  of 
the  service,  had  been  in  successful  operation  for 
several  years,  and  General  Upton  was  at  once  put 
in  charge  of  the  instruction  in  military  engineering, 
the  art  of  war,  law,  and  infantry  tactics.  Under  his 
direction  other  officers  were  specifically  intrusted 
with  the  direct  management  of  these  several  de 
partments  of  instruction. 

In  the  art  of  war,  and  especially  in  that  division 
relating  to  strategy  and  grand  tactics,  he  was  an 
enthusiast,  and  the  success  which  attended  his  in 
struction  in  these  branches  was  that  which  usually 
attends  the  master  of  an  art  who  is  at  the  same  time 
a  thorough  teacher.  He  inspired  his  pupils  with 
something  of  his  own  enthusiastic  devotion,  and 
succeeded  in  arousing  the  liveliest  interest  by  perti 
nent  illustrations  from  historical  sources,  exemplify 
ing  and  illuminating  each  particular  principle  under 
discussion.  In  the  study  of  these  principles,  from 
the  simple  to  the  more  abstruse,  he  listened  patient 
ly  to  the  crude  explanation  offered  by  each  young 
officer,  and  then,  by  just  criticism  and  careful  cor 
rection,  he  swept  away  all  difficulties,  unraveled  all 


390  Emory  Upton. 

intricacies,  and  presented  the  finished  problem  so 
completely  solved  as  to  excite  the  greatest  interest 
and  to  command  the  closest  attention.  His  ad 
mirable  analysis  of  each  particular  example  taken 
from  past  history  almost  invariably  commended 
itself  to  the  growing  judgment  of  his  younger  as 
sociates,  and  impressed  them  with  the  highest  con 
fidence  in  his  judgment,  and  an  admiration  for  his 
undoubted  attainments  as  a  general.  In  this  respect, 
therefore,  his  tour  of  duty  at  Fortress  Monroe  will 
have  its  future  importance  and  value  in  the  fruit 
that  will  ripen  from  the  seeds  of  professional  in 
struction  planted  in  the  minds  of  those  young  offi 
cers  who  enjoyed  the  great  benefit  of  his  personal 
and  official  companionship  at  this  period  of  their 
army  training.  Thus,  the  time  available  for  the 
preparation  of  his  report,  being  that  left  after  the 
performance  of  his  duties  as  an  instructor,  was 
necessarily  limited.  Day  by  day,  as  opportunity 
offered,  he  collected  and  arranged  the  military  data 
from  his  voluminous  notes,  and  digested  his  obser 
vations  relating  to  the  organization  of  foreign 
armies.  It  was  a  labor  of  no  little  magnitude  to 
condense  these  into  a  professional  report  which 
would  at  the  same  time  be  compact  and  yet  com 
prehensive  in  all  of  its  details.  But  with  untiring 
zeal  and  indefatigable  labor  he  held  steadfastly  to 
his  task,  and,  having  obtained  the  requisite  author 
ity,  he  finally  completed  his  report  in  a  published 
book  of  over  four  hundred  pages.*  It  is  not  possi 
ble  nor  necessary  to  give  here  anything  more  than 
a  brief  rdsumt  of  this  work  to  enable  the  reader  to 

*  "Armies  of  Asia  and  Europe,"  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1878. 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     391 

acquire  an  intelligent  opinion  of  its  scope  and  char 
acter.  But,  for  the  military  student  to  get  a  com 
prehensive  view  of  his  tour  and  to  obtain  a  sound 
knowledge  of  its  important  lessons,  a  careful  study 
of  the  report  itself  is  indispensable. 

General  Upton  possessed  peculiar  fitness  for  the 
duty  to  which  he  was  assigned,  and  the  means 
placed  at  his  disposal  for  the  accomplishment  of  his 
task  were  commensurate  with  its  importance.  To 
these  points,  therefore,  it  is  well  to  refer  briefly. 

As  his  story  so  far  shows,  it  is  evident  that  he 
was  an  officer  of  rare  merit  and  of  excellent  judg 
ment  and  character;  a  graduate  of  the  Military 
Academy,  a  brilliant  commander  of  artillery,  infant 
ry,  and  cavalry  during  the  late  war,  and  the  author 
of  the  infantry  tactics  in  use  in  the  army  and  militia. 
He  had  just  completed  an  honorable  tour  of  five 
years  of  duty  as  instructor  of  tactics  and  comman 
dant  of  cadets  at  West  Point,  and  was  generally 
conceded  to  be  one  of  the  most  accomplished  sol 
diers  of  his  day,  an  untiring,  faithful,  and  methodical 
student  of  his  profession,  and  was  constantly  sup 
ported  by  a  genuine  enthusiasm  for  the  art  of  war. 
He  was  animated  by  an  earnest  desire  to  see  his 
country  free  itself  from  the  disadvantages  of  a 
policy  of  expedients,  and  establish  a  simple,  eco 
nomical,  and  efficient  military  system  adapted  to  its 
real  necessities,  and  governed  by  such  just  and  cor 
rect  principles  as  have  been  approved  by  all  modern 
nations,  as  well  as  confirmed  by  its  own  bitter  ex 
perience.  Such  was  the  man  and  such  his  capabili 
ties  for  the  task  assigned  to  him. 

Owing  to  the  world- wide  reputation  which  the 


392  Emory  Upton. 

United  States  had  gained  in  her  unbounded  re 
sources,  her  untiring  and  steadfast  adherence  to  prin 
ciple,  her  immense  sacrifices  and  expenditures  in  the 
successful  prosecution  and  in  the  prestige  arising 
from  its  happy  termination  of  a  great  war,  any  of 
her  military  representatives  would  thus  have  been 
assured  of  the  kindest  reception  from  foreign  gov 
ernments.  But  Upton's  commendatory  letters  con 
tained  something  more  than  the  usual  diplomatic 
compliments.  They  were  charged  with  expressions 
of  appreciation  of  his  character  as  a  soldier  of  more 
than  usual  reputation,  and  thus  insured  a  more  than 
courteous  reception,  and  a  more  thorough  insight 
into  military  affairs.  Possibly,  moreover,  as  his 
country  could  in  no  way  be  regarded  as  an  antago 
nist  in  a  military  or  political  sense,  a  greater  lati 
tude  was  allowed  him  as  its  representative  in  what 
ever  investigations  he  wished  to  make  in  the  art  of 
war.  Thus  was  the  way  made  much  more  open 
than  it  would  have  been  to  one  from  a  nation  more 
deeply  interested  individually  in  the  concerns  of 
Europe  or  Asia. 

To  give  the  reader  an  insight  only  into  the  im 
portant  deductions  which  General  Upton  drew 
from  his  observations,  we  will  briefly  condense  his 
conclusions  in  the  several  important  fields  of  his  in 
vestigation,  and,  without  further  apology,  make  use 
of  his  own  language  whenever  this  may  be  practi 
cable  and  convenient : 

ARMY  OF  JAPAN. — Previous  to  1867,  the  ideas 
which  prevailed  in  the  organization  of  this  army, 
and  in  its  military  affairs,  were  not  those  of  mod- 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     393 

ern  civilization.  But  in  1867,  upon  the  solicitation 
of  the  Tycoon,  a  French  commission  was  invited 
to  undertake  the  task  of  instructing  the  Japanese 
troops  in  the  tactics  and  regulations  of  the  several 
arms  of  the  service.  But  the  revolution  of  1868, 
which  had  for  its  principal  object  the  restoration 
of  the  temporal  power  of  the  Mikado,  brought  the 
work  of  this  military  commission  to  a  speedy  close. 

The  Mikado,  impressed  by  the  importance  of 
the  modern  system  of  the  art  of  war,  and  desirous 
of  firmly  establishing  his  government,  issued  in 
1871  his  decree  which  established  the  imperial 
army  of  Japan,  and  obtained  the  aid  of  another 
French  commission  to  organize  and  discipline  it. 
This  commission  arrived  in  Japan  in  1872.  At  the 
time  of  Upton's  visit,  it  had  aleady  established  at 
Yeddo  the  necessary  institutions  for  the  education 
of  officers  and  non-commissioned  officers  in  the 
various  military  branches,  its  military  academy  be 
ing  modeled  upon  that  of  the  United  States  at 
West  Point. 

The  Japanese  army  was  reorganized  on  a  basis 
of  one  thousand  men  to  each  million  inhabitants, 
for  the  peace  establishment,  with  proper  facilities 
for  enlargement  in  time  of  war.  The  arms,  equip 
ment,  drill,  and  discipline  were  modeled  after  the 
French  types.  Within  three  years  (the  interval  be 
tween  the  arrival  of  the  commission  and  General 
Upton's  visit),  substantial  barracks  had  been  erect 
ed,  permanent  institutions  founded,  and  the  army 
passed  from  the  condition  of  an  undisciplined 
horde  to  a  respectably  organized  force.  Insurrec 
tions  no  longer  could  gather  headway,  and  success 


394  Emory  Upton. 

attended  Japanese  military  operations  in  Formosa 
and  Corea.  Japan,  in  the  opinion  of  General  Up 
ton,  turned  at  once  from  the  stage  of  barbaric  de 
cadence  to  a  progressive  growth  in  civilization  and 
enlightenment. 

ARMY  OF  CHINA. — The  numerical  strength  of 
the  Chinese  army  can  not  be  definitely  stated,  but 
is  variously  estimated  at  from  half  a  million  to  a 
million  men.  It  consists  of  the  regular  troops  of 
infantry  and  cavalry  stationed  at  Peking,  with  those 
at  Hai-tien,  and  a  hereditary  or  privileged  soldiery 
called  "  Bannermen."  These  latter  troops  are  sel 
dom  required  to  drill,  and  are  therefore  undisci 
plined,  and  are  poorly  armed. 

Each  province  is  obliged  to  support  all  the 
forces  needed  for  its  own  defense  and  for  that  re 
quired  for  the  defense  of  the  empire,  and  hence  the 
governors  of  provinces  in  time  of  peace  seek  to  re 
duce  their  military  forces  to  a  minimum  ;  corrup 
tion  of  the  most  flagrant  kind  exists,  and  its  baleful 
influence  permeates  the  military  as  well  as  the  civil 
administration.  China  is  as  backward  in  its  tactics 
as  in  its  armament,  and  the  military  drills  are  mere 
burlesques  compared  with  those  of  other  armies. 
In  China  the  profession  of  arms  is  without  honor. 
Soldiers  are  considered  as  the  refuse  of  society, 
and  by  the  policy  of  the  Government  both  officers 
and  men  are  kept  in  hopeless  ignorance,  and  are  de 
void  of  sentiments  of  magnanimity.  The  efficiency 
of  the  separate  parts  of  the  Chinese  army  depends 
on  the  character  of  the  governor  or  highest  civil 
authority  that  rules  each  province.  But,  lacking 
uniformity  in  their  aims  and  methods,  uniformity 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     395 

is  also  wanting  in  the  army ;  so  that  the  troops  in 
no  two  provinces  are  alike  armed  and  equipped, 
but  are  as  diverse  as  the  characters  of  the  govern 
ors  who  control  them.  Indeed,  the  result  of  Gen 
eral  Upton's  observations  can  be  tersely  stated  to  be 
that  in  no  particular  is  there  anything  to  be  emu 
lated,  but  everything  to  be  avoided.  The  policy  of 
China  is  essentially  peaceful,  but  she  has  been  twice 
subjugated,  and  to-day  bears  the  yoke  of  a  foreign 
dynasty  whose  ancestors  were  despised  as  barbari 
ans.  Within  our  own  time  repeated  rebellions  have 
imperiled  the  existence  of  the  Government,  and 
have  only  been  suppressed  after  years  of  devasta 
tion,  cruelty,  and  carnage.  In  the  great  Taeping 
rebellion  the  Government  forces  were  repeatedly 
put  to  flight  by  the  unorganized  hordes  who  sought 
to  throw  off  the  imperial  yoke,  until  finally  China 
was  obliged  to  call  in  foreign  aid  to  recapture  her 
cities. 

Conquered  by  Mongols  and  Manchoos,  the  pres 
ent  dynasty,  ruling  nearly  four  hundred  million 
people,  and  boasting  of  an  army  of  more  than  five 
hundred  thousand  men,  has  suffered  within  a  few 
years  a  European  army  of  less  than  twenty  thou 
sand  men  to  march  to  its  capital  and  dictate  the 
terms  of  peace. 

China,  servile  in  her  admiration  of  the  wisdom 
of  past  ages,  attaining  the  highest  stage  of  pagan 
civilization  centuries  before  her  competitors  sprang 
into  existence,  remains  motionless,  a  prey  to  corrup 
tion  and  discord.  Without  well-organized  forces, 
without  good  roads  or  other  means  of  speedy  con 
centration,  her  seaboard  provinces  and  even  her 


396  Emory  Upton. 

capital  lie  at  the  mercy  of  her  enemies.  If,  revers 
ing  the  picture,  she  were  to  adopt  the  Christian  civ 
ilization  ;  were  to  encourage  purity,  justice,  truth, 
and  integrity,  by  recognizing,  as  the  basis  of  human 
action,  responsibility  to  divine  power ;  if,  imitating 
the  example  of  Japan,  she  were  to  establish  schools 
and  academies  for  the  education  of  the  officers  and 
men  of  her  army  and  navy,  and  were  to  make  them 
feel  that  they  were  honored  agents  for  the  preser 
vation  of  peace  at  home  and  to  insure  respect 
abroad — who  could  compute  the  vast  resources  and 
military  strength  of  her  people  ? 

The  realization  of  visions  of  peace  and  of  con 
quest  is  within  her  grasp,  but,  delivered  over  to 
weakness,  cruelty,  ignorance,  and  superstition,  his 
tory  has  yet  to  record  whether  she  shall  continue 
to  be  an  independent  nation,  or,  like  India,  become 
the  vassal  of  a  nobler  people. 

ARMY  OF  INDIA. — Upon  the  transfer  of  the  gov 
ernment  of  India  from  the  East  India  Company  to 
the  Crown,  a  complete  reorganization  of  the  army 
was  effected.  The  causes  which  led  to  this  were 
briefly  these,  viz. : 

i.  Irregular  regiments,  hastily  equipped  and  led 
by  brave  and  skillful  English  officers,  fought  with  a 
zeal  and  steadiness  approaching,  if  not  equaling, 
that  of  the  native  regiments  in  the  regular  establish 
ment.  Owing  to  evils  of  detached  service,  by  which 
many  of  the  twenty-five  European  officers  of  each 
regiment  sought  employment  in  civil  and  political 
positions,  these  latter  regiments  were  left  in  the  hands 
of  boys  fresh  from  England  who  were  without  the 
slightest  military  experience  ;  and,  even  when  this 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     397 

did  not  occur,  those  who  remained  with  their  regi 
ments  in  time  of  peace,  and  were  ambitious  of  dis 
tinction,  were  superseded  at  the  opening  of  a  cam 
paign  by  officers  hastily  ordered  back,  whom  years 
of  detached  service  had  unfitted  for  command. 

2.  The  periods  of  detached  service  being  indefi 
nite,  many  officers  sought  exemption  from  the  hard 
ships  and  restraints  of  military  discipline,  knowing 
that  the  surest  road  to  distinction  lay  in  the  civil 
service,  in  which  officers  were  frequently  appointed 
governors  of  millions  of  people. 

3.  Having  grown  old  in  such  service,  having  en 
joyed  its  pleasures  and   honors,  having  forgotten 
their  tactics  and  regulations,  their  return  to  military 
duty  produced  jealousy  and  confusion,  and  was  fol 
lowed  by  the  most  dangerous  and  criminal  of  all 
experiments,  that  of  sending  men  into  action  under 
incompetent  leaders. 

Therefore,  since  the  irregular  regiments  fought 
well  during  the  mutiny  under  three  or  four  English 
officers,  it  was  to  be  hoped  that  each  regular  regi 
ment  should  do  equally  good  service  at  least  with 
seven  or  eight  English  officers,  instead  of  twenty- 
five,  and  thus  leave  a  surplus  available  for  staff  duty 
and  detached  service.  From  this  idea  came  the  or 
ganization  of  a  staff  corps  in  each  presidency,  em 
bracing  the  combatant  and  non-combatant  officers 
of  the  old  Indian  army. 

For  these  reasons  all  the  officers  then  in  the  staff, 
the  artillery,  and  cavalry  were  ultimately  merged 
into  one  body,  "  the  staff  corps,"  in  each  of  the  three 
presidencies  of  Bengal,  Bombay,  and  Madras.  The 
transfer  of  an  officer  to  this  corps  was  conditioned 


398  Emory  Upton. 

upon  a  certain  proficiency  in  the  native  languages, 
in  such  a  knowledge  of  his  drill  and  duty  as  to 
qualify  him  to  command  a  company  of  troops  in  all 
situations,  and  that  his  record  should  be  such,  while 
serving  with  his  regiment,  as  to  give  evidence  of 
his  qualifications  and  fitness.  This  covers  his  pro 
bationary  period,  and  he  is  then  required  to  pass  an 
examination  of  considerable  range  to  test  his  mili 
tary  study  and  attainments. 

After  assignment  to  the  staff  corps,  which  is  the 
ultimate  destination  of  every  European  officer  of 
the  Indian  army,  the  variety  of  service  which  they 
undergo  is  unequaled  by  that  in  any  army  in  the 
world.  Thus,  they  may  serve  in  the  commissariat, 
adjutant-general's,  quartermaster-general's,  or  pub 
lic  works  departments,  with  the  native  infantry  or 
cavalry,  or  in  the  various  branches  of  the  civil 
service. 

General  Upton  concludes  that  the  military  insti 
tutions  of  India  present  more  features  for  our  imi 
tation  than  those  of  any  army  or  country  in  Europe. 
In  leading  troops  to  battle  the  greatest  skill  is  re 
quired  on  the  part  of  officers,  especially  when  the 
latter  have  but  little  confidence  in  themselves  and 
in  their  subaltern  or  company  officers.  In  this  re 
spect  England  has  set  us  an  example  of  distributing 
military  talent  which,  had  it  been  followed  by  our 
Government  in  the  late  civil  war,  would  have  saved 
thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  treasure.  In 
another  respect  her  example,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
author,  is  worthy  of  imitation  ;  for  she  has  suc 
ceeded  with  an  army  of  two  hundred  thousand  men 
in  conquering  and  keeping  in  subjection  an  empire 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     399 

of  two  hundred  million  without  a  single  permanent 
staff  corps.  In  our  army  all  three  corps  are  closed  ; 
the  appointments  are  permanent,  and  no  means  are 
provided  to  weed  out  the  inefficient  or  to  encourage 
the  aspiring.  The  military  policy  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  India  has  unquestionably  produced  a  bene 
ficial  effect  in  India  upon  the  corps  of  officers,  and 
has  imparted  to  them  a  variety  of  military  knowl 
edge  and  experience  not  possessed  by  any  other 
army. 

At  Calcutta  we  met  a  colonel  who  was  a  civil 
and  military  governor  of  four  millions  of  people ; 
at  Muscat  and  Bushire  military  officers  were  in 
trusted  with  the  diplomatic  relations  of  India  with 
Arabia  and  Persia ;  at  the  camp  of  Delhi  the  adju 
tant-general  had  previously  been  quartermaster- 
general,  and  was  anticipating  the  expiration  of  his 
five  years'  service,  which  would  give  him  the  com 
mand  of  a  brigade  or  a  division. 

All  the  officers  we  met  at  Delhi  and  elsewrhere 
in  India  gave  evidence  that,  whether  in  a  military 
or  civil  capacity,  they  had  been  acting  in  spheres 
of  responsibility  far  greater  than  those  occupied 
by  officers  of  other  armies,  and  as  a  consequence 
showed  a  capacity  and  self-confidence  far  above 
their  rank.  The  results  attained  in  India  are  worthy 
of  our  closest  study,  and  suggest  whether  in  the  im 
pending  reorganization  of  our  army  we  should  not 
as  the  first  step  establish  a  vital  and  interchangeable 
relation  between  the  staff  and  the  line.  This  idea  will 
be  found  to  have  become  a  fruitful  one  in  Upton's 
later  life,  and  one  which  became  the  most  potent  in 
influencing  his  subsequent  activity  and  labors. 


4OO  Emory  Upton. 

THE  ARMY  OF  PERSIA. — The  effect  of  Asiatic 
civilization  is  conspicuously  illustrated  in  the  army 
of  Persia.  Corruption  pervades  every  branch  of 
military  administration.  The  soldier  who  is  too 
poor  to  escape  the  draft  buys  his  time  from  his  offi 
cers,  and  frequently  remains  at  home  when  he  is 
supposed  to  be  in  the  ranks  on  the  distant  frontier. 
Even  when  following  the  colors  of  his  regiment,  by 
relinquishing  his  pay  he  may  ply  his  trade  or  freely 
engage  in  commercial  pursuits.  Ordinarily  the 
soldiers  are  small  money-lenders,  and  the  cavalry 
soldiers,  with  equal  aptitude  for  gain,  frequently 
hire  out  their  horses  or  donkeys,  and  become  the 
carriers  of  the  country. 

So  prevalent  is  the  employment  of  soldiers  in  all 
trades  and  professions  that,  when  at  Teheran  re 
views  or  manoeuvres  are  ordered,  it  is  not  uncom 
mon  to  see  workmen,  not  suspected  of  being  sol 
diers,  drop  their  tools,  don  their  uniforms,  and  take 
their  places  in  the  ranks.  The  duty  completed,  they 
return  their  clothing  and  muskets  to  the  depot,  and 
again  resume  work. 

All  these  irregularities  are  well  known,  and  are 
encouraged  by  the  officers,  who,  in  consequence  of 
low  salaries,  seek  through  corrupt  practices  to  eke 
out  the  means  of  support. 

In  no  service  in  the  world  is  it  difficult  for  offi 
cers  without  principle  to  rob  their  government,  and 
at  the  same  time  keep  their  accounts  with  apparent 
exactness.  To  avoid  the  danger  of  false  muster,  the 
soldier  who  is  permanently  absent  is  replaced  by  a 
substitute,  who  serves  at  a  lower  price ;  to  enable 
the  officers  to  draw  his  pay,  the  soldier  simply  leaves 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     401 

in  their  possession  his  seal  with  his  name,  which  the 
substitute  attaches  to  the  rolls. 

With  such  relations  between  officers  and  sol 
diers  it  is  impossible  for  discipline  to  survive.  The 
substitutes  only  receive  the  instruction  necessary 
to  personate  the  soldiers  who  are  absent,  and  so 
ignorant  are  they  of  arms  and  their  use  that  only 
those  which  are  worthless  are  placed  in  their  hands. 
The  drill  is  nothing  but  noise  and  display.  The 
manoeuvres  are  of  the  simplest  kind.  There  is 
no  commissariat ;  each  infantryman  provides  his 
own  food,  and  each  cavalryman  his  rations  and 
forage.  As  each  soldier  knows  he  must  eat,  he 
forages  at  every  opportunity,  and  transports  his 
supplies  on  a  horse  or  donkey.  There  being  no 
wagon-routes,  wheeled  vehicles  are  practically  un 
known,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  number  of  ani 
mals  accompanying  an  army  often  exceeds  the  num 
ber  of  men. 

Bordered  by  Russia  on  the  north,  open  to  attack 
from  Turkey  on  the  west,  accessible  to  England  on 
the  south,  future  events  may  soon  prove  that  the 
capital  of  Persia,  like  that  of  all  countries  where 
military  institutions  are  neglected,  lies  at  the  mercy 
of  a  few  disciplined  battalions. 

Before  passing  to  the  consideration  of  the  mili 
tary  organizations  of  Europe,  General  Upton  thus 
alludes  to  the  future  of  India,  and  it  will  be  seen 
that,  writing  nearly  ten  years  ago,  he  has,  with 
remarkable  prophetic  vision,  clearly  foreshadowed 
much  of  what  has  already  become  established  his 
torical  fact : 


402  Emory  Upton. 

The  largest  concentration  of  troops  in  any  one 
district  in  India  is  in  the  Punjaub,  where  there  are 
from  thirty  to  thirty-five  thousand  men,  or  nearly 
one  half  the  force  of  the  Bengal  Presidency.  It 
was  through  this  door  that  Alexander,  Genghis 
Khan,  and  Tamerlane  entered  India,  and  it  is  the 
door  through  which  many  Indian  officers  confident 
ly  expect  the  Russians. 

The  continued  occupation  of  India  by  England 
must  afford  a  subject  of  deep  speculation  to  states 
men,  and  all  the  causes  that  may  contribute  to  pro 
long  her  rule  deserve  attentive  consideration.  .  .  . 
Since  the  mutiny  was  crushed,  the  whole  face  of 
India  has  changed.  The  Suez  Canal  enables  Eng 
lish  troops  to  be  landed  at  Bombay  in  fewer  weeks 
than  before  it  took  months,  while  the  great  lines  of 
railway  permit  them  to  be  sent  directly  to  every 
important  part  of  the  empire. 

But  without  aid  from  England  the  railway  sys 
tem  by  itself  is  sufficient  to  enable  sixty  thousand 
British  troops  to  hold  India  almost  indefinitely, 
even  against  the  defection  of  the  entire  native 
army.  Starting  from  Bombay,  one  trunk  line  goes 
to  Madras,  and,  by  its  branches,  opens  up  all  of  the 
southern  peninsula;  another  stretches  across  to 
Allahabad,  and  connects  with  the  great  line  of  the 
Ganges,  already  completed  from  Calcutta  to  within 
two  hundred  miles  of  Peshawer;  a  second  cross- 
line  is  in  process  of  construction  from  Agra  in  the 
direction  of  Ahmedabad,  and  is  completed  to  Nus- 
seerabad ;  while  a  third  cross-line  from  Lahore  is 
completed  to  Mooltan,  and  will  soon  be  extended 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     403 

down  the  Indus  to  Kurrachee.  As  the  link  between 
Madras  and  Calcutta  may  be  supplied  by  sea,  four 
great  lines  of  communication  will  shortly  be  opened 
from  the  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  lines  of 
the  Ganges. 

As  the  time  has  passed  when  the  fate  of  India 
can  be  decided  by  a  single  battle,  the  lines  of  rail 
way  will  be  equally  important  in  resisting  invasion 
and  in  preserving  peace. 

Thoroughly  prepared  to  suppress  insurrection 
and  rebellion,  it  is  only  when  England  beholds  the 
encroachments  of  Russia  that  she  becomes  alarmed 
for  her  Eastern  possessions.  Like  a  wild  beast  gloat 
ing  over  its  prey,  she  is  conscious  that  the  actual  or 
supposed  discontent  of  her  subjects  invites  foreign 
nations  to  their  rescue.  Napoleon  thought  of  eman 
cipating  them,  and  to  Russia  is  ascribed  the  inherit 
ance  of  his  designs.  Jealous  of  her  great  Northern 
rival,  and  not  considering  the  barren  wastes  which 
extend  hundreds  of  miles  to  the  north  and  west  of 
her  frontiers,  a  future  invasion,  like  a  hideous  night 
mare,  disturbs  the  dreams  of  the  Indian  rulers.  The 
recent  successes  of  Russia  in  Central  Asia,  by  means 
of  which  the  frontiers  of  the  two  powers  have  been 
brought  nearly  into  contact,  have  increased  the 
alarm ;  while  the  present  Avar  between  Russia  and 
the  Turks  is  regarded  as  the  sure  forerunner  of  the 
great  conflict. 

With  vast  possessions  stretching  across  two  con 
tinents,  and  with  only  one  natural  outlet  to  the  At 
lantic,  Russia  feels  that  geographically  she  has  a 
right  to  Constantinople,  and,  by  the  force  of  tradi 
tion,  no  less  than  by  the  irresistible  weight  of  her 


404  Emory  Upton. 

seventy  million  people,  she  demands,  and  ultimate 
ly  will  conquer,  a  free  passage  to  the  sea. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Turks  from  Europe,  when 
ever  it  may  occur,  will  increase  the  dangers  of  Eng 
land.  Availing  themselves  of  the  sympathy  of  their 
co-religionists,  who  revere  the  Sultan  as  the  suc 
cessor  of  the  Prophet,  it  is  not  impossible  that  the 
Turks  should  seek  to  indemnify  themselves  in  Asia 
for  their  losses  in  Europe. 

Largely  outnumbering  the  Persians,  and  in  every 
respect  superior  to  them,  the  weakness  of  that  king 
dom  invites  subjugation ;  pressing  onward  in  the 
footsteps  of  Alexander  and  Tamerlane,  forty  million 
Mohammedans  stretch  forth  their  hands  for  deliv 
erance,  and  long  for  the  restoration  of  the  empire 
of  the  Moguls. 

This  may  not  be  accomplished  in  one  or  a  dozen 
campaigns ;  but,  supported  and  encouraged  by  Rus 
sia,  repeated  invasions  may  involve  the  Indian  Gov 
ernment  in  such  expenditures  as  to  induce  it,  in 
deference  to  an  opinion  already  existing  in  England, 
to  abandon  India  to  her  fate.  But,  without  dwell 
ing  on  the  probabilities  of  Turkish  aggrandizement, 
it  is  possible  that  the  fate  of  India  may  be  settled 
nearer  home. 

Constantly  increasing,  by  her  Eastern  policy,  the 
deadly  feeling  of  hostility  which  already  exists  in 
Eussia  against  her,  the  moment  the  former  occupies 
Constantinople,  England  must  seize  upon  Egypt. 
Once  secure  in  Constantinople,  the  fleets  of  England 
can  no  longer  oppose  the  designs  of  Russia.  Con 
verting  the  Black  Sea  into  an  inland  lake,  thus  in 
suring  her  communications,  a  railroad  from  Trebi- 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     405 

zond  across  to  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates,  and 
thence  on  to  Damascus,  will  place  Russia  on  the 
flank  of  England's  line  of  communication.  Thus 
brought  face  to  face  it  is  not  impossible  that  these 
two  great  powers  may  change  the  face  of  Asia  on 
the  famous  plain  of  Esdraelon. 

General  Upton  prefaces  the  results  of  his  study 
and  observations  of  the  military  organizations  of 
Europe  with  these  remarks : 

The  study  of  military  organization,  to  be  profit 
able,  must  not  only  embrace  the  objects  for  which 
armies  are  raised,  but  the  means  adopted  to  enable 
them  to  accomplish  these  objects. 

A  glance  at  the  armies  of  Asia  shows  that  the 
Government  of  Japan,  adopting  a  new  civilization, 
has  preserved  its  authority  and  consolidated  its 
power  by  the  maintenance  of  a  military  force  of 
thirty-five  thousand  men,  bearing  the  ratio  of  one 
thousand  men  to  every  million  inhabitants. 

In  China  an  army  varying  from  five  hundred 
thousand  to  one  million  men,  bearing  the  ratio  of 
one  or  two  thousand  to  every  one  million  of  the 
population,  through  corrupt  and  faulty  organiza 
tion  is  unable  to  preserve  the  peace.  As  a  conse 
quence,  insurrection  and  rebellion  frequently  del 
uge  the  country  with  blood. 

In  India,  as  in  Japan,  a  well-organized  army  of 
two  hundred  thousand  men,  bearing  the  ratio  of 
one  thousand  to  one  million  inhabitants,  preserves 
tranquillity  throughout  the  empire. 

The  chief  object  of  all  these  armies  is  the  main 
tenance  of  order  and  peace  within  their  borders. 


406  Emory  Upton. 

Turning  from  Asia  to  Europe,  a  remarkable  con 
trast  is  presented.  Claiming  a  higher  civilization, 
we  find  from  six  to  eight  million  young  men  taken 
from  the  family,  the  field,  and  the  workshops  to 
compose  armies  whose  object  is  less  the  preserva 
tion  of  peace  and  the  present  status  of  their  gov 
ernment  than  to  contend  for  new  territory  and  in 
creased  power  in  the  ceaseless  struggle  for  ascend 
ency  which  has  characterized  the  history  of  Europe 
for  the  past  thousand  years. 

To  enable  these  vast  armies  to  accomplish  their 
mission,  not  only  are  the  national  resources  ex 
hausted,  but  human  ingenuity  is  taxed  to  the  ut 
most. 

With  the  object  for  which  they  are  maintained 
clearly  in  view,  it  is  to  the  armies  of  Europe  that 
we  ought  to  look  for  the  best  military  models  ;  and 
if,  through  remoteness  from  formidable  neighbors, 
or  through  the  difference  of  our  institutions,  we  are 
permitted  to  deviate  from  these  models,  either  in 
details  or  in  numbers,  it  should  be  only  for  such 
reasons  as  commend  themselves  to  common  sense, 
and  can  be  vindicated  by  the  wisdom  and  experi 
ence  of  other  nations  no  less  than  ourselves. 

After  giving  in  sufficient  detail  the  strength  of 
the  armies  of  Italy,  Russia,  Austria,  Germany, 
France,  and  England,  together  with  a  succinct  ex 
planation  of  the  organization  of  the  various  staff 
departments,  and  the  means  employed  for  the  re 
cruiting  of  troops  and  education  of  the  officers,  our 
author  devotes  considerable  attention  to  the  modi 
fications  which  have  resulted  from  the  modern  im 
provements  in  fire-arms,  and  in  the  tactics  at  pres- 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     407 

ent  existing  among  the  infantry  of  the  several  coun 
tries.  He  then  sums  up  in  a  comprehensive  and 
yet  compact  form  the  conclusions  applicable  to  our 
own  service,  and  presents  his  views  of  the  necessary 
reforms  that  should  receive  the  attention  of  our 
Government. 

These  conclusions  are  at  once  so  forcible  and  so 
radical  in  their  scope  that  no  mere  brief  can  prop 
erly  present  them  to  the  reader  or  military  student. 
They  demand  earnest  study  on  the  part  of  every 
military  man,  and  the  freest  discussion,  before  pre 
conceived  notions,  or  the  conservative  influence  of 
previous  training  in  our  present  military  organiza 
tion,  can  properly  present  objections  to  their  forci 
ble  arguments. 

In  presenting  the  general  principles  which  have 
governed  the  military  nations  of  Europe  in  the  or 
ganization  of  armies,  Upton  groups  these  in  twenty- 
three  statements. 

Culling  from  these  principles,  we  quote  only 
those  which  are  of  the  greatest  importance,  using 
his  own  forcible  language,  as  the  most  efficacious 
for  the  general  reader  to  get  an  outline  of  the  con 
clusions  to  which  his  study  and  observation  brought 
him. 

Every  citizen,  in  consideration  of  the  protection 
extended  to  his  life  and  property,  is  held  to  owe 
military  service  to  his  government.  To  equalize 
the  burdens  of  military  service,  and  to  facilitate  the 
equipment  and  mobilization  of  troops,  each  country 
is  divided  into  military  districts,  to  which  are  per 
manently  assigned  army  corps,  divisions,  brigades, 


408  Emory  Upton. 

regiments,  and  battalions,  which  draw  from  the  dis 
tricts  all  their  recruits  both  in  peace  and  war. 

The  army  is  maintained  on  two  distinct  foot 
ings — that  of  peace  and  war — each  of  which  is  de 
termined  by  political  considerations  and  financial 
resources ;  the  ratio  being  generally  that  of  one  to 
two.  The  army  on  the  peace-footing  is  but  a  train 
ing-school  to  prepare  officers  and  men  for  efficient 
service  in  time  of  Avar.  The  duration  of  military 
service  and  general  principle  of  drafting  recruits 
are  similar  in  all  European  countries  ;  so  that  there 
exists  in  all  a  force  undergoing  training,  called  the 
regular  or  standing  army ;  a  part  which  has  com 
pleted  its  active  service,  called  the  reserve  ;  another 
the  army  of  the  second  line,  composed  of  troops  of 
all  arms,  soldiers  who  have  before  served  with  the 
colors ;  and,  finally,  the  great  body  of  male  citizens 
subject  to  military  service  in  times  of  extreme  ne 
cessity. 

The  line  officers  are  in  general  educated  for  the 
military  profession,  at  military  academies,  or  are 
promoted  from  the  ranks  after  displaying  fitness 
for  subordinate  commands.  The  general  staff  offi 
cers,  who  acquire  the  highest  professional  training 
and  widest  experience,  are  required  to  alternate 
their  service  in  the  staff  with  service  in  the  line. 
They  thus  keep  in  sympathy  with  the  troops,  know 
their  wants  and  fighting  qualities,  and  know  how 
to  manceuvre  them  in  nearly  every  emergency  that 
may  arise. 

Annual  or  biennial  reports  are  required  of  com 
manding  officers,  which  show  the  zeal,  aptitude, 
special  qualification,  and  personal  character  of  every 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     409 

subordinate  under  their  command.  Officers  who 
manifest  decided  zeal  and  professional  ability  may 
be  rewarded  by  rapid  promotion.  Those  who  dis 
play  ignorance  or  incompetence,  as  evidenced  by 
personal  reports  and  special  examinations,  are  not 
promoted,  it  being  held  that  officers  are  maintained 
for  the  sole  benefit  of  the  Government. 

The  Government  increases  its  chances  of  suc 
cess,  promotes  economy,  and  preserves  the  morale  of 
the  troops,  by  keeping  the  regiments,  batteries,  and 
squadrons  up  to  their  fighting  strength.  Detached 
service  is  avoided  by  setting  aside  in  each  organi 
zation  a  number  of  non-combatants,  such  as  arti 
ficers,  teamsters,  etc.,  who  are  never  counted  in  the 
fighting  strength.  The  vacancies  in  each  organiza 
tion  are  filled  partly  by  men  who  have  formerly 
served  with  the  colors,  and  partly  by  recruits,  who 
are  soon  taught  by  the  old  soldiers.  The  evil  of 
detached  service  among  officers  is  avoided  by  a 
complete  staff  organization  on  an  independent  foot 
ing,  and  especially  by  a  separate  organization  of 
artillery  and  general  military  trains. 

By  the  application  of  these  principles  Prussia, 
in  1866,  was  enabled  to  dictate  terms  of  peace  to 
Austria  after  a  short  campaign  of  six  weeks  ;  while 
in  1870,  between  the  i$th  of  July  and  the  ist  of 
September,  Germany  mobilized  her  forces,  crossed 
the  frontier,  overwhelmed  a  great  army,  forced  it 
to  seek  the  shelter  of  its  fortifications,  securely  in 
vested  it,  captured  an  emperor  at  the  head  of  a 
relieving  army,  and  destroyed  what  was  supposed 
to  be  the  strongest  military  empire  on  the  globe. 
In  the  first  war  the  Prussian  loss  in  killed,  including 

18 


410  Emory  Upton. 

those  who  died  of  wounds  and  disease,  was  10,877, 
and  in  the  latter  war  the  total  loss  was  40,881. 

If  we  now  compare  our  military  policy  during 
the  first  century  of  the  republic  with  the  present 
military  policy  of  European  nations,  we  shall  find 
that  the  difference  lies  principally  in  this — that, 
while  they  prosecute  their  wars  exclusively  with 
trained  armies,  completely  organized  in  all  their 
parts,  and  led  by  officers  specially  educated,  we 
have  begun  and  have  prosecuted  most  of  our  wars 
with  raw  troops  whose  officers  have  had  to  be  edu 
cated  in  the  expensive  school  of  war.  As  the  re 
sult  of  this  policy  the  duration  of  our  wars  and 
the  number  of  men  called  out  have  been  as  follows : 

War  of  the  Revolution. . .  .7      years 395.858 

War  of  1812 2^     ••     509,808 

War  with  Mexico 2         "     100,454 

War  of  the  rebellion 4         "     2,683,759 

In  the  war  of  the  rebellion  our  losses  in  killed, 
including  those  who  died  of  wounds  and  disease, 
were  304,369.  The  losses  of  the  Confederates,  as 
nearly  as  can  be  determined,  were  between  two 
hundred  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men, 
making  the  total  number  of  citizens  who  perished 
in  the  war  exceed  half  a  million. 

Our  author  concludes  that  in  order  to  diminish 
the  disparity  in  the  loss  of  life,  due  to  the  difference 
between  our  military  policy  and  that  of  Europe, 
two  plans  suggest  themselves,  either  of  which,  if 
matured  in  time  of  peace,  and  adhered  to  in  time  of 
war,  will  enable  us  to  prosecute  our  future  cam 
paigns  with  economy  and  dispatch. 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     411 

The  first  plan  is  to  so  organize,  localize,  and 
nationalize  the  regular  army  that  by  the  mere  pro 
cess  of  filling  its  cadres  it  may  be  expanded  to  such 
proportions  as  to  enable  it,  without  other  aid,  to 
bring  our  wars  to  a  speedy  conclusion. 

The  second  plan  is  to  prosecute  our  future  wars 
with  volunteer  infantry,  supported  by  the  regular 
artillery  and  cavalry,  apportioning  the  regular  offi 
cers  among  the  volunteers  in  such  a  manner  that  all 
of  the  staff  departments,  and,  if  possible,  all  of  the 
companies,  battalions,  brigades,  and  higher  organi 
zations  shall  be  trained  and  commanded  by  officers 
of  military  education  and  experience. 

Both  of  these  plans,  to  be  efficacious,  must  rest 
on  the  same  foundation,  viz. : 

1.  The  declaration  that  every  able-bodied  male 
citizen,  between  certain  ages,  owes  his  country  mili 
tary  service — a  principle  thoroughly  republican  in 
its  nature,  as  it  classifies  in  the  same  category  and 
exposes  to  the  same  hardships  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
the  professional  and   non-professional,  the   skilled 
and  unskilled,  the  educated  and  uneducated. 

2.  The  division  of  the  country  into  military  dis 
tricts  and  sub-districts,  apportioning  to  them  cer 
tain  military  organizations    whose  cadres  shall   be 
recruited  within  the  limits  assigned. 

3.  The  abandonment  by  the  Government  of  all 
payment  of  bounties,  relying  upon  its  right  to  draft 
men  into  the  service  whenever  a  district  fails  to  fur 
nish  its  quota. 

4.  The  assumption  by  the  Government  of  the 
recruitment  of  its  armies  through  the  medium  of 
the   provost-marshal-general's   department,  as  was 


412  Emory  Upton. 

done  by  both  governments  toward  the  close  of  the 
late  war. 

5.  The  inauguration  of  all  the  machinery  for  en 
rolling  and  drafting  the  moment  war  is  declared. 

6.  The  organization  of  regiments  in  all  arms  of 
the  service,  as  in  Europe,  with  depots  representing 
them  in  the  districts  to  which  they  belong,  upon 
which  depots  requisitions  shall  be  made  by  regi 
mental  commanders  whenever  vacancies  are  to  be 
filled.     It  should  be  the  duty  of  each  depot  to  re 
ceive,  arm,  equip,  and  train  all  the  recruits  who 
volunteer  or  are  drafted,  and  to  forward  them  to 
their  regiments ;  also,  whenever  recruits  are  wanted 
or  men  desert,  to  notify  the  provost-marshal  of  the 
district  that  the  quota  is  deficient,  in  order  that  the 
number  may  be  immediately  supplied  by  volunteer 
ing  or  drafting. 

7.  All  commissions  to  be  issued  by  the  President, 
apportioning   the   extra  appointments   among   the 
States  or  military  districts  according  to  the  number 
of  troops  furnished. 

8.  All  commissions  in  the  expanded  organization 
to  be  provisional  for  the  war ;  one  third  of  the  pro 
motions  to  be  reserved  for  distinguished  skill  and 
gallantry  in  battle,  and  to  be  made  only  on  the 
recommendation  of  military  commanders  in  the  field 
or  upon  the  report  of  boards  specially  appointed  to 
investigate  the  act  of  skill  or  gallantry. 

9.  Promotion  of  all  officers,  after  expansion,  to 
be  made  on  two  lists — one  being  that  of  the  regular 
arm  of  service,  or  staff  department,  to  which  the 
officer  belongs,  the  second  being  the  provisional  list 
in  the  arm  of  service  to  which  he  is  apportioned. 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     413 

Each  officer,  on  the  contraction  of  the  army,  to  re 
turn  to  duty  with  the  rank  attained  in  the  regular 
list;  one  third  of  the  promotions  in  the  regular  list 
to  be  regarded  as  original  vacancies,  to  be  filled  by 
selection  from  the  provisional  list,  no  officer  on  the 
regular  list  being  advanced  more  than  one  grade  at 
a  time ;  all  promotions  to  the  grade  of  second-lieu 
tenant  in  the  regular  list  to  be  made  from  cadets 
graduating  from  the  Military  Academy,  and  from 
lieutenants  on  the  provisional  list. 

In  the  further  presentation  of  this  subject  the 
author  states  that  "  neither  of  these  plans  can  be 
successfully  executed,  nor  can  any  other  plan  be 
devised  for  prosecuting  our  wars  with  economy  of 
life  and  treasure,  without  special  legislation  looking 
to  the  increased  efficiency  and  radical  reorganiza 
tion  of  the  army."  He  then  proceeds  to  discuss  in 
detail  the  various  branches  of  this  important  sub 
ject — the  staff,  personal  reports,  the  suggested  re 
organization  of  the  adjutant-general's  department, 
the  quartermaster's,  the  pay,  signal,  artillery  and 
ordnance,  and  engineer  corps.  He  next  supple 
ments  this  with  his  views  as  to  the  organization 
of  the  various  arms  of  the  service,  both  on  a  peace 
and  war  footing,  and  shows  that  his  proposed  peace 
establishment  can  be  made  expansive  for  time  of 
war  by  the  addition  of  two  hundred  and  ten  offi 
cers,  and  a  slight  diminution  in  the  strength  of  the 
enlisted  men  over  that  required  by  the  present  in- 
expansive  organization.  The  whole  of  his  conclu 
sions,  being  based  on  a  careful  study  of  foreign  sys 
tems,  and  properly  modified  by  the  results  of  his 
own  experience  in  our  own  service  in  peace  and 


414  Emory  Upton. 

war,  are  worthy  of  and  entitled  to  the  careful  study 
of  our  military  officers  and  statesmen.  He  says, 
finally : 

•  In  drawing  my  conclusions  I  have  not  been  in 
fluenced  by  convictions  as  to  what  plans  may  or 
may  not  be  adopted  ;  but,  recognizing  in  the  fullest 
degree  that  our  present  geographical  isolation  hap 
pily  relieves  us  from  the  necessity  of  maintaining  a 
large  standing  army,  I  have  sought  to  present  the 
best  system  to  meet  the  demands  of  judicious  econ 
omy  in  peace,  and  to  avert  unnecessary  extrava 
gance,  disaster,  and  bloodshed  in  time  of  war. 

Should  we  recoil  before  the  small  expenditures 
required  to  give  us  most  of  the  advantages  of  an 
expansive  peace  establishment?  We  ought  to  bear 
in  mind  that  in  interest  alone  on  our  national  debt, 
mostly  accumulated  as  the  fruit  of  an  expensive 
military  policy,  we  have  paid  in  the  last  ten  years 
more  than  eleven  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars. 

The  organization  of  national  volunteers  would 
give  us  in  time  of  peace  a  regular  army,  a  reserve, 
and  the  militia,  and  would  enable  us  in  time  of  war 
to  prosecute  our  campaigns  with  vigor  and  econ 
omy,  and  with  that  regard  for  human  life  which  be 
comes  a  free  people. 

In  presenting  this  comprehensive  report  of  his 
investigations  abroad,  it  is  needless  to  say  that  his 
conclusions  and  recommendations  attracted  the  at 
tention  of  the  military  profession,  and  created  an 
active  discussion  on  its  merits  in  the  daily  press  and 
military  journals.  And,  while  adverse  criticisms  of 


The  Armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.     415 

many  of  its  minor  points  were  made,  it  is  believed 
that  no  sound  objection  has  been  made  or  can  be 
made  against  it  as  a  whole.  The  question  has  not 
been  settled  as  to  what  shall  be  our  future  military 
organization,  but  many  of  our  prominent  civil  and 
military  men  are  agreed  that  the  present  system  is 
obsolete,  and  must  be  abandoned  in  the  near  future. 
Whatever  new  system  may  replace  it,  it  is  certain 
that  the  main  features  must  be  very  similar  to  those 
which  have  been  so  boldly  sketched  by  General 
Upton. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE   MILITARY   POLICY   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES. 

AN  earnest  believer  in  the  existence  of  those 
higher  qualities  of  our  nature  which  cement  men 
together  in  the  strong  bonds  of  brotherly  comrade 
ship,  General  Upton  was  capable  of  the  most  loyal 
friendship.  His  education  and  life  in  the  army  had 
fostered  this  natural  tendency,  and  he  had  made 
many  close  friends,  to  whom  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  openly  confiding  the  thoughts,  opinions,  and  as 
pirations  which  actuated  him  through  life.  To  one 
especially,  Colonel  Henry  A.  Du  Pont,  he  was  deep 
ly  attached.  Classmates  at  West  Point,  brother  ar 
tillery-officers  during  the  war,  associated  for  months 
together  on  the  Board  for  the  Assimilation  of  Tac 
tics,  and  in  constant,  unrestricted  correspondence, 
Upton's  loyal  heart  experienced  a  reciprocity  of  af 
fection  peculiarly  gratifying  and  almost  essential  to 
the  demands  of  his  nature. 

Du  Pont,  who  had  gained  the  honors  of  his  class 
at  West  Point,  possessed  a  fine  literary  taste  and  a 
cultivated  intellect  which  attracted  and  charmed  Up 
ton's  practical  and  active  mind.  The  special  char 
acteristics  of  each  were  complementary,  but  not  an 
tagonistic,  and  it  was  natural,  therefore,  that  Upton, 
in  writing  his  report,  should  turn  to  Du  Pont  for 
that  criticism  which  he  so  much  needed  for  his  own 


Military  Policy  of  the   United  States.     417 

encouragement  and  confidence.  In  full  sympathy 
with  Upton's  aims,  Du  Pont  freely  placed  his  talents 
at  his  friend's  disposal. 

This  generosity  on  the  one  part  and  its  recogni 
tion  on  the  other  are  evident  in  the  following  ex 
tracts  taken  from  letters  written  by  Upton  to  Du 
Pont.  These,  also,  show  how  the  vastly  more  im 
portant  work,  "  The  Military  Policy  of  the  United 
States,"  grew  out  of  the  study  of  his  report  on  the 
"  Armies  of  Asia  and  Europe  "  ;  and,  finally,  they  are 
valuable  in  exhibiting  the  origin  of  some  of  the 
more  important  views  accepted  by  Upton  as  the 
fundamental  principles  upon  which  he  construct 
ed  his  "  Military  Policy." 

He  was  led  to  the  study  of  our  military  history, 
and  to  seek  the  causes  of  our  existing  military  pol 
icy,  in  contrasting  the  condition  of  our  army  with 
those  of  other  countries.  He  very  soon  found  that 
a  thorough  mastery  of  his  subject  necessitated  care 
ful  historical  research,  a  close  scrutiny  of  recorded 
events,  and  an  unsparing  sacrifice  of  all  his  leisure 
time.  But  he  also  became  convinced  that  he  had 
happened  on  a  mine  which,  properly  worked,  would 
yield  a  treasure  of  the  greatest  value  to  his  profes 
sion,  and,  above  all,  to  the  country.  He  therefore 
resolved  to  undertake  its  systematic  development. 

While  he  did  not  live  to  complete  his  work,  yet 
it  was  in  such  a  condition  at  the  time  of  his  death 
that  it  only  required  some  finishing  touches.  These 
could  best  be  given  by  his  devoted  friend  Colonel 
Du  Pont,  to  whom,  with  firm  reliance  in  his  ability 
and  friendship,  he  confided  the  completion  of  his 
task. 


4i 8  Emory  Upton. 

Having  been  permitted  to  read  the  original 
manuscript  of  Upton's  work  by  the  courtesy  of  the 
editor,  in  order  to  embody  a  brief  outline  of  its 
scope  in  this  memoir,  we  finished  the  perusal  with 
a  deep  sense  of  the  military  ability,  enthusiastic 
patriotism,  and  wise  statesmanship  which  animated 
its  author  from  the  beginning  to  the  end. 

The  extracts  of  the  letters  referred  to  above 
form  a  sufficient  introduction  to  this  outline  : 

FORT  MONROE,  April  i,  1877. — .  .  .  My  new 
duties  will  be  very  congenial  to  me.  I  have  super 
intendence  of  all  the  studies  of  the  officers  and  of 
the  practical  duties  in  infantry.  In  the  one  depart 
ment  of  strategy  and  grand  tactics  I  shall  hope  to 
repay  to  the  Government  all  of  the  expense  it  in 
curred  in  sending  me  abroad. 

West  Point  is,  in  my  judgment,  far  superior  to 
any  academy  abroad  for  preparatory  training  of 
officers.  But,  once  in  the  service,  we  have  nothing 
to  compare  with  the  war  academies  of  Europe,  ex- 
cept  the  Artillery  School.  You  know  how  igno 
rant  our  generals  were,  during  the  war,  of  all  the 
principles  of  generalship.  Here,  I  think,  we  can 
correct  that  defect  and  form  a  corps  of  officers  who 
in  any  future  contest  may  prove  the  chief  reliance 
of  the  Government. 

My  report  has  yet  to  be  written.  I  doubt  not 
it  will  disappoint  many  people,  as  I  intend  to  ex 
pose  the  vices  of  our  system,  instead  of  simply  de 
scribing  the  organizations  abroad.  We  can  not 
Germanize,  neither  is  it  desirable,  but  we  can  ap 
ply  the  principles  of  common  sense,  and  by  devis- 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     419 

ing  a  plan  in  time  of  peace  save  the  Government, 
in  the  event  of  war,  much  of  the  blood  and  treasure 
it  has  expended  in  its  former  contests. 

September  30,  1877. — .  .  .  I  am  going  to  trace 
our  military  policy  from  the  beginning  of  the  Revo 
lutionary  War  to  the  present  time,  and,  if  possible, 
expose  its  folly  and  criminality.  In  reading  over 
Washington's  letters,  I  find  many  valuable  descrip 
tions  of  the  very  system  that  we  are  pursuing  to 
day.  The  account  of  the  battle  of  the  Brandy- 
wine  was  very  interesting.  Although  it  can  not  be 
claimed  that  our  forefathers  distinguished  them 
selves  on  that  day,  Congress  thought  proper  to 
reward  their  valor  by  voting  a  bounty  of  thirty 
hogsheads  of  rum  as  a  compliment  to  their  gallant 
services. 

April  n,  1878. — .  .  .  I  have,  as  I  have  already 
informed  you,  the  intention  of  writing  a  book  called 
"  The  Military  Policy  of  the  United  States,"  but  by 
severely  quoting  history  it  would  so  bear  down 
upon  the  militia  as  to  make  such  an  uproar  as  pos 
sibly  to  destroy  the  value  of  the  book.  Should  we 
have  war  with  England,  ten  or  twenty  years  hence, 
and  begin  it  as  we  did  the  last  war,  even  with  fifty 
thousand  regulars,  she  could  lay  every  one  of  our 
large  sea-coast  cities  under  contribution,  and  it 
would  require  two  or  three  years  to  shake  her  off. 
I  have  a  large  amount  of  material  already  col 
lected  and  arranged.  Tell  me  what  you  think  of 
the  project. 

The  present  drift  of  politics  is  leading  to  the 
destruction  of  property,  and  I  would  not  be  sur 
prised  to  see  universal  repudiation  of  State  and 


420  Emory  Upton. 

municipal  debts,  accompanied  by  great  private  dis 
tress  and  prostration  of  business.  In  such  a  case 
our  military  policy  would  be  as  wretched  and  fee 
ble  as  that  of  China. 

November  6,  1878. — .  .  .  I  send  by  express  what 
I  consider  the  driest  chapter  of  my  proposed  book, 
extending  from  the  War  of  1812  to  the  Florida  War. 
The  manuscript  of  the  Revolution  takes  up  two 
hundred  and  thirty-five  pages ;  from  the  Revolu 
tion  to  1812,  one  hundred  pages;  War  of  1812,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  pages ;  this  chapter,  seventy- 
six  ;  total,  five  hundred  and  fifty -five  pages.  The 
Florida  War,  Mexican  War,  rebellion,  and  conclu 
sion,  will  take  as  much  more.  I  have  given  up  the 
hope  of  making  the  book  popular  with  the  general 
reader,  as,  to  give  it  value  with  Senators  and  Rep 
resentatives,  it  must  be  filled  with  facts  and  statis 
tics.  Please  criticise  what  you  see,  as  a  friend,  not 
sparing  my  feelings.  Tell  me  if  there  is  a  spirit  of 
captiousness,  fault-finding,  or  personal  prejudice. 
.  .  .  General  Sherman  is  very  anxious  to  have  me 
go  on  with  the  work,  but  he  tells  me  that  I  will  re 
ceive  much  abuse.  He  has  read  up  to  the  War  of 
1812,  and  says  I  arraign  the  politicians  as  "  extrava 
gantly  blind."  My  endeavor  is  to  trace  responsi 
bility  in  every  instance  to  its  source,  as  the  only 
means  of  producing  a  change  for  the  better. 

November  19,  i8j8. — The  manuscript  arrived  this 
evening,  and,  after  glancing  over  your  criticisms 
and  suggestions,  there  is  scarcely  one  that  I  shall 
not  be  glad  to  adopt.  Where  you  say  I  am  too 
strong,  I  shall  carefully  amend.  The  one  danger  to 
which  I  am  exposed  is  putting  things  in  an  offensive 


Military  Policy  of  the   United  States.     421 

light,  when  bare  facts  would  better  speak  for  them 
selves Both  General  Sherman  and  General  Gar- 
field  have  read  the  manuscript  up  to  this  chapter. 
The  War  of  1812  I  feared  would  disgust  them,  but 
they  say  it  is  all  right,  adding  the  caution  that  I 
ought  to  fortify  every  assertion.  .  .  .  The  book  can 
not  do  immediate  good,  so  I  shall  be  in  no  hurry. 
The  facts,  however,  may  in  future  be  of  service  to 
the  statesman,  and  hence  I  am  willing  to  collect 
them.  The  abuse  for  my  pains  I  expect  will  be  un 
limited.  .  .  .  You  ask  if  the  President  has  dele 
gated  to  generals  the  power  to  call  out  the  militia. 
It  was  done  during  the  Florida  War,  and  also  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Mexican  War.  In  the  late  war  the 
Fifth  Artillery  and  all  the  new  infantry  regiments 
were  raised  by  proclamation  of  President  Lincoln, 
for  which  he  could  have  been  impeached,  but  Con 
gress  afterward  legalized  his  action.  I  shall  try  to 
bring  out  all  these  facts,  to  show  that  our  danger 
lies,  not  in  having  a  regular  army,  but  in  the  want 
of  one. 

November  28,  1878. — .  .  .  Your  difficulty  about 
the  militia,  I  think,  has  been  solved  by  substituting 
the  word  "  authorized  "  for  "  delegated."  In  the 
Seminole  War  General  Jackson  was  authorized  to 
call  out  the  militia,  but  he  was  berated  by  the  Sen 
ate  committee  for  substituting  volunteers  instead. 

January  13,  i8jq. — .  .  .  I  have  glanced  over  your 
criticisms  and  suggestions  sufficiently  to  discover 
that  the  manuscript  can  be  greatly  improved. 
They  have  been  made  with  your  usual  care  and 
judgment,  and  I  am  very  grateful  for  them.  Your 
criticism  on  my  tendency  to  long  sentences  is  emi- 


422  Emory  Upton. 

nently  just,  and  I  shall  profit  by  it.  I  never  get 
involved  in  one  without  thinking  of  Evarts.  ...  I 
feel  that  in  submitting  the  manuscript  to  you,  I 
shall  escape  much  criticism  not  only  as  to  style  but 
to  manner.  .  .  .  The  book  ought  to  be  a  candid 
presentation  of  facts  bearing  always  on  the  final  re 
sponsibility  of  Congress. 

Until  our  Representatives  appreciate  this  re 
sponsibility,  we  shall  witness  no  improvement  in 
our  military  policy.  The  staff,  I  expect,  will  defeat 
the  present  bill,  and,  as  a  result,  the  next  Congress 
will  not  spare.  Very  shrewdly  they  pretend  that 
it  is  designed  to  exalt  the  General  of  the  Army 
above  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  the  military  above 
the  civil  power. 

The  facts  which  you  will  yet  discover  will  enable 
me  to  take  the  ground  that  neither  by  the  Consti 
tution  nor  the  laws  is  the  Secretary  of  War  entitled 
to  exercise  command,  and  that,  whenever  he  de 
parts  from  the  sphere  of  administration  to  control 
military  operations,  he  is  nothing  more  nor  less 
than  a  usurper.  This  is  a  little  strong ;  but  when 
one  President  has  been  impeached  by  the  House 
for  attempting  to  remove  a  Secretary  who  claimed 
that  his  orders  were  the  President's  orders,  I  think 
it  time  that  some  one  should  present  his  position  to 
the  army  in  its  proper  light. 

The  Constitution,  laws,  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  of  the  Attorney-General,  nowhere  give 
him  the  authority  to  command.  In  administration 
he  is  independent  of  the  President,  and  ought  to 
be,  as  thereby  the  purse  is  separated  from  the 
sword. 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     423 

Congress  undoubtedly  has  the  right  to  enable 
him  to  make  all  contracts  for  supplies,  etc.  This 
power  belongs  to  it  under  the  constitutional  right 
to  raise  and  support  armies.  Could  it  give  him  the 
right  to  command,  then  the  army  could  at  any  mo 
ment  pass  under  the  absolute  control  of  Congress. 
It  was  to  prevent  this  that  the  Constitution  declares 
that  the  President  shall  be  the  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army  and  navy.  ...  I  have  gone  far  enough 
to  see  that  most  of  our  trouble  has  been  caused  by 
adhering  to  the  fallacy  of  State  sovereignty,  and  I 
wish,  therefore,  to  develop  the  supreme  power  of 
Congress  to  raise  armies  more  fully. 

October  31,  1879. — I  was  much  gratified  with 
your  commendation  of  the  tone  and  method  of  the 
first  chapter  (of  the  civil  war),  and  your  suggestions 
shall  be  heeded.  There  should  be  no  confusion  in 
the  names  of  the  classes  of  troops.  Volunteers  can 
become  veterans  but  not  regulars.  As  to  McDowell, 
he  comes  out  so  badly  from  the  second  Bull  Run, 
that  it  is  but  charity  to  speak  a  good  word  for  him 
at  the  first.  Besides,  with  raw  troops  it  is  neck  or 
nothing,  dash  or  defeat.  McClellan  was  always  ac 
cused  of  being  tardy  and  timid.  Jackson,  one  of 
the  best  leaders  of  raw  troops  in  history,  always 
acted  with  blind  confidence.  It  was  the  only  chance 
he  had  of  success.  .  .  .  The  campaign  of  1862  is 
very  difficult.  If  I  make  it  short,  the  reader  may 
doubt  my  facts  and  conclusions.  If  too  long,  he 
may  weary  of  the  subject.  If  you  want  to  know 
who  was  the  cause  of  a  three  years'  war  after  we 
created  a  disciplined  army  of  six  hundred  thousand 
men,  it  was  Stanton.  But  Stanton  did  not  create 


424  Emory  Upton. 

the  system — the  system  created  Stanton.  This  I 
wish  to  prove  beyond  contradiction. 

December  28,  1879. — To-morrow  I  shall  finish  the 
original  draft  of  the  campaign  of  1862.  Its  volume 
is  startling.  Twice  I  destroyed  all  that  I  had  fin 
ished,  because  it  fell  short  of  carrying  conviction. 
It  may  astonish  you  that  I  now  regard  McClellan, 
in  his  military  character,  as  a  much-abused  man. 
For  his  political  blunders  he  paid  the  penalty  of 
removal ;  but  the  difference  of  opinion  between  him 
and  the  Administration  would  probably  never  have 
arisen  but  for  the  interference  of  Stanton.  He  Avas 
at  the  bottom  of  all  the  disasters  of  the  year  1862, 
and,  if  this  fact  can  be  established,  then  the  blame 
can  be  laid  upon  a  system  which  still  permits  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  usurp  military  command.  I 
began  the  work  with  the  intention  of  avoiding  poli 
tics  ;  but  it  is  impossible.  Every  military  law  has 
politics  behind  it,  and  the  treatment  will  fall  short 
unless  every  defect  noticeable  in  the  law  is  traced 
to  its  final  cause. 

February  28,  1880. — You  know  at  one  time  I  tried 
to  avoid  political  entanglements,  but  it  is  impos 
sible.  When  I  take  up  the  revision,  the  fallacy  of 
State  sovereignty  must  be  exposed.  It  lies  at  the 
root  of  all  the  weakness  in  our  military  system. 
Did  you  see,  for  example,  in  the  Florida  War,  that 
we  went  through  the  regular  steps— first  the  mili 
tia,  then  the  volunteers,  and  lastly  fell  back  on  the 
regulars  ? 

The  Mexican  chapter  brings  you  up  to  the  re 
bellion,  but  I  shall  yet  have  to  insert  a  chapter  on 
command  and  administration,  which  will  bring  out 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     425 

the  controversy  between  General  Scott  and  Jeff 
Davis,  with  the  famous  decision  of  Attorney-Gen 
eral  Gushing,  that  "the  order  of  a  Cabinet  minister 
is  valid,  as  the  order  of  the  President,  without  any 
reference  to  or  consultation  with  him.''  So  long  as 
this  decision  stands,  we  shall  have  Stantons  who  will 
not  hesitate  to  usurp  all  the  functions  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  general-in-chief.  I  shall  discuss  the 
case  theoretically,  and  then  trace  its  influence  in 
prolonging  the  rebellion  from  one  to  four  years. 

June  19,  1880. — Sometimes,  I  am  free  to  admit, 
I  get  discouraged.  The  McClellan  question  has 
run  the  manuscript  up  by  nearly  four  hundred 
pages.  The  campaign  of  1862,  the  most  critical  of 
the  war,  is  hardly  in  shape  for  your  painstaking 
revision.  I  fear  I  have  made  too  many  quotations, 
and  yet  nothing  will  be  received  as  condemnatory 
of  Stanton's  interference  unless  substantiated  by 
documentary  proof. 

It  will  be  noticed,  from  the  dates  of  the  above 
letters,  that  Upton  accomplished  his  arduous  labor 
within  the  short  period  of  two  and  a  half  years,  and 
this  is  the  more  striking  when  we  remember  that 
he  could  only  devote  himself  to  it  in  the  intervals 
occurring  between  his  official  duties.  So  wide  is 
the  range  of  his  researches,  and  so  many  and  im 
portant  are  the  matters  that  receive  his  attention, 
that  it  is  possible  here  to  give  but  the  merest  pass 
ing  notice  of  his  voluminous  manuscript.  He  has 
divided  his  subject  into  its  several  natural  and 
component  parts,  and  has  endeavored  to  so  propor 
tion  them  according  to  their  importance  as  to  form 


426  Emory  Upton. 

a  complete  and  harmonious  structure.  These  di 
visions,  being  those  which  mark  the  military  epochs 
of  our  history,  are  : 

1.  The  Military  Policy  during  the  Revolution. 

2.  From  the  Revolution  to  the  War  of  1812. 

3.  During  the  War  of  1812. 

4.  From  the  War  of  1812  to  the  Florida  War. 

5.  During  the  Florida  War. 

6.  During  the  Mexican  War. 

7.  From  the  Mexican  War  to  the  War  of  the 
Rebellion. 

8.  During  the  rebellion  as  far  as   1862,  where 
the  manuscript  ends. 

In  each  of  these  he  gives  a  brief  outline  of  the 
military  condition  of  the  country  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  period,  the  laws  which  controlled  the 
military  organization,  the  measures  adopted  to  raise, 
equip,  arm,  subsist,  and  pay  the  forces  employed, 
and  an  analysis  of  the  several  campaigns  which 
resulted.  He  searches  for  the  causes  that  brought 
about  disaster,  shows  unmistakably  their  common 
parentage,  and  proves  that  most  of  our  difficulties 
and  dangers  have  been  precipitated  by  a  repeti 
tion  of  blunders  which  wise  legislation  and  states 
manship  should  have  prevented  from  recurring. 
He  presents  throughout  the  whole  a  clearly  out 
lined  military  policy,  based  upon  the  Constitution, 
and  demonstrates  by  irresistible  arguments  that  it 
is  essential  not  only  for  the  future  prosperity  of  the 
country,  but  for  its  continued  safety  and  existence. 

The  Revolutionary  period  is  characterized  by 
the  most  flagrant  corruption,  the  worst  of  all  bad 
financial  systems,  and  the  most  imbecile  government 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     427 

and  control  of  the  army.  The  history  of  the  war  is 
the  recital  of  stupendous  blunders.  It  was  carried 
on  by  a  Continental  Congress,  destitute  of  executive 
power,  issuing  "  resolves  "  to  practically  independ 
ent  States,  whose  troops  professed  no  allegiance  to 
Congress  and  but  little  to  the  States  themselves. 
The  troops,  being  enlisted  for  short  periods,  poorly 
armed,  ill  clad,  and  half  starved,  were  forced  to  act 
on  the  defensive  against  a  force  superior  in  numbers 
and  discipline,  and  should  (by  all  the  laws  of  proba 
bility)  have  been  totally  defeated  and  dispersed. 
That  one  of  the  foremost  military  powers  of  Europe 
failed  to  keep  so  rich  and  fertile  a  country  in  sub 
jection,  its  people  being  so  few  and  so  disunited, 
and  controlled  by  so  indifferent  a  military  policy, 
will  ever  be  an  historical  mystery.  Yet,  by  a  series 
of  what  we  must  regard  as  providential  circum 
stances,  this  ragged,  half-starved,  non-cohesive  Con 
tinental  army  contrived  to  rescue  the  country  from 
despotic  government.  To  the  blunders  of  England, 
the  timely  aid  of  France,  and  to  the  peculiar  con 
dition  of  European  affairs,  much  of  our  success  was 
due.  Often  so  delicately  poised  was  the  balance, 
that  its  inclination  could  scarcely  be  predicted. 
Twice  were  dictatorial  powers  conferred  on  Wash 
ington,  who,  even  in  the  most  gloomy  period,  and 
in  times  of  deepest  distress,  by  his  steadfast  patri 
otism,  unconquerable  tenacity,  and  undoubted  mili 
tary  talents,  dissipated  the  clouds  of  discontent  and 
revivified  the  national  hope.  As  a  central  figure  in 
the  Revolution,  in  encouraging  his  frozen  veterans 
to  hold  fast,  to  suffer,  and  to  endure,  relying  on  a 
future  recompense  when  the  present  offerings  were 


428  Emory  Upton. 

barren,  while  he  was  at  the  same  time  almost  with 
out  hope  of  successful  resistance,  and  the  victim  of 
the  worst  military  policy  that  could  be  devised  by 
human  ignorance  and  imbecility,  Washington  is 
without  a  peer  in  history.  His  Revolutionary  expe 
rience  should  be  made  the  classic  study  of  every 
child  in  the  land,  that  his  example  should  sink  deep 
in  its  mind  as  the  one  true  type  of  disinterested 
patriotism,  and  to  whom  it  owes,  under  Providence, 
the  blessings  of  the  exuberant  freedom  that  we  now 
enjoy. 

The  lessons  clearly  taught  by  the  Revolution 
ary  War  are  outlined  briefly:  i.  Any  unwise  or 
feeble  military  policy  is  wasteful  in  men,  money, 
and  material;  no  sound  reason  can  "be  advanced  for 
the  adoption  of  such  a  policy  that  can  not  with 
equal  force  be  urged  for  a  stronger  one.  That  the 
military  policy  of  the  Continental  Congress  result 
ed  in  great  losses,  and  was  carried  on  at  great  ex 
pense  and  sacrifice,  is  shown  by  ample  statistics 
obtained  from  the  unquestioned  authority  of  the 
public  records ;  the  total  number  of  troops  enlisted, 
many  for  very  short  terms,  amounted  to  nearly  four 
hundred  thousand  men,  and  had  entailed  an  expend 
iture  in  pensions  alone  of  over  eighty  million  dol 
lars. 

2.  Any  nation  attempting  to  combat  disciplined 
troops  with  raw  levies  must  maintain  an  army  at 
least  double  that  of  the  enemy,  and  even  then  with 
out  any  guarantee  of  success.  That  voluntary  en 
listments  based  on  patriotic  sentiment,  or  on  the 
payment  of  bounties,  can  not  be  relied  on  to  supply 
troops  for  a  prolonged  war,  but  that  the  draft, 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     429 

either  with  or  without  such  enlistments,  is  the  only 
safe  reliance  of  a  government  in  time  of  war. 

3.  That  short  enlistments  at  the  commencement 
of  a  war  compel  the  Government  to  resort  to  boun 
ties,  or  the  draft ;  that  they  are  always  destructive 
of  discipline,  constantly  expose  an  army  to  disaster, 
and  inevitably  prolong  war  with  its  attendant  evils. 

4.  That  regular  troops  engaged  for  the  war  are 
the  only  safe  reliance,  and,  in  every  point  of  view, 
the  best  and  most  economical. 

5.  That  discipline  gives  value  to  troops  ;  that  it 
is  the  fruit  of  long  training,  and  can  only  be  had 
with  a  good  corps  of  officers. 

6.  That  the  insufficiency  of   mere   numbers  to 
counterbalance  the  laxity  of  discipline  should  con 
vince  us  that  our  policy  in  peace  and  war  should 
be  to  have,  in  the  words  of  Washington,  "  a  good 
rather  than  a  large  army." 

The  mistakes  committed  during  the  Revolution 
did  not  prevent  their  repetition  in  the  succeeding 
wars.  The  exultation  and  false  security  which  re 
sulted  from  the  miraculous  preservation  of  our  lib 
erties  under  the  most  trying  and  adverse  circum 
stances,  gave  birth  to  a  fallacious  principle  which 
has  already  cost  the  country  great  treasure  and 
thousands  of  the  lives  of  its  best  citizens.  The 
belief  that  a  "  standing  army  is  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  country,"  readily  accepted  by  the 
people,  is  but  a  counterfeit  truth.  Its  falsity  is  ap 
parent  when  the  clear  distinction  is  made  between 
an  army  of  citizens  who  owe  military  allegiance  to 
the  country,  created  by  the  sovereign  will  of  the 
people,  and  one  composed  of  the  hirelings  of  des- 


430  Emory  Upton. 

potic  power.  But  the  fallacious  statement  has 
found  favor  in  the  mouths  of  demagogues,  and  has 
been  the  key  to  unlock  Pandora's  box  in  the  suc 
cessive  wars  that  have  from  time  to  time  occurred. 

Passing  to  the  period  from  the  close  of  the 
Revolution  till  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
our  author  shows  that,  no  attention  having  been 
paid  to  Washington's  recommendation  regarding 
the  proper  peace  establishment,  the  army  became 
a  mere  cipher  in  efficiency,  and  this  was  due  to 
several  causes.  State  sovereignty  was  arrayed 
against  national  unity,  and  was  the  primary  cause. 
In  1784  the  army  was  reduced  to  eighty  persons; 
in  1785  Congress  was  forced  to  increase  it  to  seven 
hundred  for  one  year,  in  order  to  garrison  the  fron 
tier  posts,  but  the  officers  were  apportioned  among 
the  States  from  which  the  troops  were  drawn.  In 
1787  the  seven  hundred  men  were  raised  for  three 
years. 

The  Constitution  created  the  war  power  of 
Congress,  which  thereafter  became  the  responsible 
agent  for  the  establishment  of  the  armies  of  the 
republic.  In  1789  the  Secretary  of  War  was  made 
subject  to  the  President  instead  of  to  Congress,  and, 
because  of  the  serious  defect  of  non-expansion  of 
the  peace  establishment,  the  President  could  only 
call  out  the  militia  or  the  undisciplined  troops  in 
emergencies,  but  could  not  increase  the  regular 
army  by  a  single  man.  By  the  act  of  1791  the 
power  of  appointing  officers  was  transferred  from 
the  President  to  the  Governors  of  States,  and  was 
practically  a  return  to  the  methods  in  use  during 
the  Confederation. 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     431 

In  his  treatment  of  the  subject  during  this  pe 
riod,  General  Upton  exhibits  the  successive  changes 
in  organization  through  which  the  army  passed, 
quoting  the  acts  of  Congress  relating  thereto ; 
shows  clearly  the  causes  which  in  the  transition 
period  from  the  Confederation  to  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  affected  its  strength  and  efficiency; 
outlines  with  sufficient  brevity  the  events  in  which 
conflicts  against  the  operation  of  law  required  the 
use  of  armed  forces,  such  as  Shays's  rebellion  in 
Massachusetts,  and  the  whisky  rebellion  in  Penn 
sylvania,  with  their  attendant  lessons  ;  traces  the  in 
fluence  of  congressional  action  in  denning,  limit 
ing,  and  modifying  the  powers  of  the  President 
and  the  Secretary  of  War ;  portrays  the  effect  of 
the  military  policy  in  the  disasters  attending  the 
operations  of  the  land-forces  in  the  War  of  1812, 
and  contrasts  these  with  the  brilliant  victories 
gained  by  the  navy,  which  are  shown  to  be  due  to 
its  better  policy  of  administration  and  superior  or 
ganization. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  read  with  patience,  or 
without  deep  humiliation,  the  recital  of  the  cam 
paigns  of  the  War  of  1812.  The  attempts  to  dis 
perse  a  small  force  of  British  regulars  which  had 
captured  Hull's  army  at  Detroit,  defeated  and  capt 
ured  Winchester's  command  at  Frenchtown,  once 
besieged  Fort  Meigs,  and  twice  invaded  Ohio,  and 
only  met  with  one  small  rebuff  at  the  hands  of  a 
stripling  of  twenty-one  years  of  age,  in  command  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty  regulars  at  Fort  Stephen- 
son,  convey  a  military  lesson  of  the  highest  impor 
tance.  Exclusive  of  the  hastily  organized  and  half- 


432  Emory  Upton. 

filled  regiments  of  regulars,  it  is  shown  that  fifty 
thousand  militia  were  called  out  from  the  States  of 
Ohio,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Pennsylvania,  and  Vir 
ginia,  to  withstand  a  force  of  only  eight  hundred 
British  regulars  and  their  Indian  allies  in  the 
Northwest.  Equal  prodigality  and  humiliation 
characterized  the  operations  in  the  North,  and  offi 
cial  data  show  that  during  the  year  1813  a  total 
force  of  sixty-six  thousand  three  hundred  and  sev 
enty-six,  mostly  militia,  were  employed  to  observe  a 
force  of  but  twenty -six  hundred  British  regulars  and 
sailors.  Employing  raw  troops  and  acting  on  the 
principle  of  short  enlistments  in  the  Creek  War  in 
Alabama  necessitated  the  use  of  fifteen  thousand 
militia  to  withstand  a  force  of  not  more  than  fifteen 
hundred  Indians.  In  1814  the  capture  of  Washington 
and  the  destruction  of  its  public  buildings  complet 
ed  the  national  humiliation.  Intimately  connected 
with  the  disasters  of  that  year  is  the  usurpation  by 
the  Secretary  of  War  of  military  command  in  the 
field,  and  his  interference  in  the  plans  of  the  mili 
tary  commanders,  until  the  President  was  forced 
to  resume  his  constitutional  prerogative,  and  to 
direct  that  "  the  Secretary  of  War  should  give  no 
order  to  any  officer  commanding  a  district  without 
previously  receiving  Executive  sanction." 

Even  the  brilliant  victory  at  New  Orleans  fur 
nishes  its  example  of  lack  of  discipline,  insubor 
dination,  and  total  disregard  of  obedience,  which 
threatened  for  a  time  the  success  of  our  arms.  As 
an  evidence  of  our  most  unfortunate  military  con 
duct  of  the  war,  although  at  the  same  time  of  the 
liberality  of  the  republic,  it  is  stated  that  the  pen- 


Military  Policy  of  the   United  States,     433 

sioners  of  the  War  of  1812  received  from  the  public 
Treasury,  during  the  fiscal  year  of  i8/3-'74,  the  sum 
of  over  two  million  dollars. 

In  this  recital  General  Upton  marshals  his  his 
torical  facts  in  the  strongest  array,  and  reaches  his 
conclusions  by  reasoning  as  rigid  and  unfanciful  as 
the  supporting  facts  themselves. 

Upon  the  close  of  the  War  of  1812  the  army,  by 
the  act  of  March  3,  1815,  ceased  to  be  provisional 
and  became  a  permanent  organization,  which,  to 
gether  with  an  increase  in  the  number  of  cadets  at 
the  Military  Academy,  assured  the  cultivation  of 
the  military  art.  From  this  time,  whenever  the 
regular  army  met  the  enemy,  it  gave  the  best  assur 
ances  of  the  wisdom  of  these  measures.  It  not  only 
sustained  the  national  honor  and  preserved  the  mili 
tary  art,  but  established  the  standard  of  discipline 
for  the  volunteers  and  militia  in  future  wars,  and 
furnished  competent  military  commanders  whose 
records  are  not  without  credit. 

Passing  by  the  many  interesting  questions  that 
had  a  most  important  bearing  upon  the  military 
profession  during  the  interval  up  to  the  Mexican 
War,  and  which  the  author  discusses  in  the  happiest 
manner,  we  refer  briefly  to  some  points  developed 
in  his  analysis  of  the  Mexican  War. 

So  brilliant  were  the  campaigns  conducted  by 
Generals  Taylor  and  Scott,  that  the  statement  made 
by  the  author,  that  the  war  was  fought  under  the 
same  system  of  laws  and  executive  orders  as  that  of 
1812,  seems  almost  paradoxical.  But  the  explana 
tion  shows  that,  in  spite  of  our  vicious  military 
policy,  the  causes  which  brought  such  renown  to 
19 


434  Emory  Upton. 

our  arms  are  to  be  found  in  the  military  weakness 
of  our  adversary  and  the  excellence  of  our  regular 
army.  He  shows  that  we  had  ample  time  to  pre 
pare  for  the  war,  which  was  to  be  one  of  inva 
sion  and  conquest ;  that  the  regular  army,  which 
amounted  to  less  than  seventy-five  hundred  men  in 
May,  1846,  might  have  been  expanded  so  that  at 
least  eight  thousand  could  have  been  given  Taylor 
at  Corpus  Christi  before  the  opening  of  the  cam 
paign  ;  that,  instead  of  adopting  so  wise  a  measure, 
contingent  authority  was  conferred  on  him  to  call 
for  volunteers  from  the  Governors  of  Texas  and 
Louisiana,  without  there  being  the  slightest  means 
provided  for  their  equipment,  supply,  or  payment ; 
and  that  events  forced  him  to  open  the  campaign 
against  an  organized  force  of  six  thousand  of  the 
enemy  with  a  strength  of  but  twenty-two  hundred 
and  twenty-two  men. 

The  responsibility  of  putting  in  jeopardy  this 
small  body  of  regular  troops,  and  almost  sacrificing 
the  advantages  of  a  first  success,  rests  upon  Con 
gress,  and  in  a  measure  upon  the  President.  It  ex 
tricated  itself  by  the  two  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and 
Resaca  de  la  Palma,  scoring  for  itself  a  victory 
which  was  due  no  less  to  the  courage  and  discipline 
of  its  men  and  officers  than  to  the  skill  of  its  com 
mander.  For  these  had  been  trained  for  six  months 
in  the  camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  under  officers  four 
fifths  of  whom  had  received  military  education, 
while  many  had  also  had  experience  in  the  Florida 
War. 

It  was  not  until  after  these  successes  that  the 
volunteers  reached  Point  Isabel,  and  afforded  a 


Military  Policy  of  the   United  States.     435 

striking  instance  of  mismanagement  and  ignorant 
criminality  on  the  part  of  the  Government.  Before 
the  volunteering,  commenced  in  excitement,  could 
be  stopped,  over  eight  thousand  were  sent  to  Gen 
eral  Taylor  wholly  destitute  of  equipment,  arms, 
transportation,  and  indeed  of  everything  needed  for 
aggressive  or  defensive  warfare,  so  that  they  were 
compelled  to  remain  near  this  depot  until  the  end 
of  their  enlistment  (three  months),  and  until  they 
were  discharged  !  They  returned  to  their  homes 
without  firing  a  shot,  and  suffered  a  loss  of  one  hun 
dred  and  forty-five  by  disease,  but  twenty-five  less 
than  the  total  of  our  killed  and  wounded  in  the  two 
battles  of  the  8th  and  Qth  of  May,  1846. 

So  quickly  did  the  country  respond  to  the  call 
of  the  President  of  May  13,  1846,  that  General  Tay 
lor  found  it  difficult  to  employ  and  subsist  the  vol 
unteers  who  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  he  was 
compelled  to  leave  over  six  thousand  behind,  which, 
however,  by  subsequent  drill  and  discipline,  formed 
an  excellent  army  of  the  second  line.  The  battle  of 
Monterey  was  fought  by  his  army  of  two  divisions 
of  regulars  and  one  division  of  volunteers,  six  thou 
sand  in  all.  Buena  Vista  was  fought  by  trained 
volunteers,  whose  valor  justified  his  foresight  in 
having  them  trained  and  disciplined.  In  this  noted 
battle  the  enemy,  twenty  thousand  strong,  were  ut 
terly  defeated  by  forty-three  hundred  volunteers, 
supported  by  but  four  hundred  and  fifty-three  regu 
lar  infantry  and  artillery.  At  the  critical  moment 
the  splendid  courage  and  skillful  handling  of  the 
regular  batteries,  which,  in  the  language  of  General 
Taylor,  were  "  always  in  action  at  the  right  time 


436  Emory  Upton. 

and  in  the  right  place,"  inspired  the  whole  army, 
and  snatched  victory  from  almost  certain  defeat. 

Scott's  campaign  affords  striking  lessons  and 
many  warnings  of  the  fatal  military  policy  adopted 
by  the  Government.  After  a  series  of  extraordi 
nary  successes  and  remarkable  trials,  he  reached 
Puebla,  within  three  days'  march  of  the  enemy's 
capital,  with  an  army  reduced  by  expiration  of 
service  and  sickness  to  five  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  twenty  effective  men.  Here  he  was  compelled 
to  remain  on  the  defensive  for  more  than  two 
months,  while  the  enemy,  profiting  by  the  delay, 
recruited  and  reorganized  his  army  to  over  thirty 
thousand  men  and  one  hundred  pieces  of  artillery. 
And  it  was  not  until  the  7th  of  August  that  General 
Scott,  after  receiving  recruits  in  driblets,  could 
muster  ten  thousand  effective  men,  and  secure  the 
succession  of  marvelous  victories  which,  on  the  1/j.th 
of  September,  culminated  in  the  capture  of  the  city 
of  Mexico. 

The  military  legislation  with  which  Congress 
busied  itself  during  this  war  receives  sharp  criticism 
from  the  pen  of  General  Upton.  Here  and  there 
are  found  acts  which  receive  commendation,  but  it 
must  be  confessed  that  the  major  part,  as  exhibited 
by  him,  and  clearly  supported  by  the  strongest 
array  of  facts,  is  alike  discreditable  to  the  statesman 
ship  of  our  legislators  and  to  the  common  sense  of 
humanity.  This  period  is  so  fully  treated  that  we 
must  content  ourselves  with  commending  the  whole 
chapter  to  the  careful  study  of  every  citizen  who 
has  at  heart  the  honor  of  his  country,  that  his 
pride  may  not  blind  him  to  the  serious  defects 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     437 

which,  uncorrected,  may  yet  prove  a  danger  to  our 
future  liberties,  and  to  our  existence  as  a  nation. 

At  the  close  of  the  Mexican  War  the  army  was 
again  reduced  from  thirty  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  ninety  to  ten  thousand  three  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  and  the  only  trace  left  by  it  on  the 
military  organization  was  the  addition  of  a  single 
regiment  of  mounted  rifles,  the  increase  of  each 
regiment  of  artillery  by  two  companies,  and  the  ad 
dition  of  one  major  to  each  infantry  regiment.  The 
army  consisted  then  of  fifteen  regiments,  varying  in 
strength  from  five  hundred  and  fifty-eight  to  eight 
hundred  men  each,  without  any  provision  for  future 
contingencies.  This  was  partially  remedied  by  the 
act  of  1850,  which  authorized  the  President  to  make 
use  of  the  expansive  principle  to  those  regiments 
serving  at  remote  posts  and  on  the  Western  frontier, 
but  it  was  not  till  1 853-^4  that  advantage  was  taken 
of  this  authority.  Too  feeble  to  afford  protection 
to  the  vast  territory,  the  army  received,  by  the  act 
of  March  3,  1855,  two  additional  regiments  of  cav 
alry  and  two  of  infantry,  making  the  total  number 
of  companies  one  hundred  and  ninety-eight,  and 
which  would  have  aggregated  eighteen  thousand 
three  hundred  and  forty-nine  men  had  the  expan 
sive  principle  been  applied. 

In  1858,  as  a  measure  of  fancied  economy,  a 
regiment  of  mounted  volunteers  was  authorized  for 
Texas  and  two  for  Utah,  whose  officers  were  ap 
pointed  from  the  States  furnishing  the  troops.  The 
principal  military  operations  in  this  period,  from 
1848  to  1 86 1,  were  confined  to  Indian  troubles  and 
the  Utah  Expedition,  which  had  the  effect  of  trans- 


438  Emory  Upton. 

f erring  nearly  all  the  troops  of  the  regular  army 
west  of  the  Mississippi. 

As  an  historical  study,  that  part  of  General  Up 
ton's  work  which  we  have  so  far  briefly  reviewed 
would  alone  be  of  the  greatest  interest,  and  amply 
repay  attentive  study.  It  is,  however,  but  the  pre 
lude  to  the  more  careful  presentation  and  analysis 
of  the  first  years  of  the  great  civil  war.  Himself  a 
prominent  actor  in  many  of  its  most  important  cam 
paigns,  he  displays  in  this  branch  of  his  subject  a 
masterly  power  of  analysis,  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  controlling  circumstances,  a  settled  convic 
tion,  and  an  earnest  belief  in  the  theoretical  truth 
which  he  has  set  out  to  demonstrate.  It  forms  by 
far  the  greater  part  of  his  work,  and  therefore  can 
hardly  be  summarized  within  the  assigned  limits  of 
this  memoir.  We  can  only  refer,  in  a  somewhat  dis 
connected  manner,  to  a  few  of  the  more  prominent 
points  of  his  analysis,  and  must  content  ourselves 
with  commending  this  chapter  to  the  most  careful 
study  of  the  interested  student. 

By  the  action  of  the  previous  Administration, 
one  hundred  and  eighty-three  companies  of  the 
line  of  the  regular  army  had  been  sent  to  the  ex 
treme  frontier ;  and,  of  the  fifteen  remaining,  but 
five  were  available  for  garrisoning  the  nine  perma 
nent  fortifications  on  the  Southern  Atlantic  and 
Gulf  coasts.  The  new  Administration  was  thus 
effectually  prevented  from  using  any  portion  of  the 
regular  forces  of  the  United  States  even  for  the 
defense  of  the  capital.  Recourse  was  of  necessity 
had  to  undisciplined  militia ;  and  the  humiliating 
spectacle  was  presented  of  the  first  body  of  militia 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     439 

called  into  service  from  the  District  of  Columbia 
exacting  conditions  of  the  Government,  or  of  flatly 
refusing  service  !  Throughout  the  North,  to  so  low  a 
standard  had  the  military  art  descended  among  the 
militia — a  few  regiments  in  the  great  cities  alone 
excepted — that,  although  numbering  over  three 
million  men,  they  possessed  neither  instruction  nor 
a  respectable  organization.  They  could  not  be  con 
sidered  in  any  sense  a  military  force,  and  yet  re 
course  must  be  had  to  them,  and  to  them  alone,  in 
the  exigencies  then  pressing. 

Both  the  Revolutionary  War  and  that  of  1812 
had  distinctly  shown  that  any  system  of  national 
defense  based  on  the  consent  and  co-operation  of 
the  States  possessed  no  element  of  strength  or  mili 
tary  value.  And  yet  the  President  was  forced  to 
depend  on  this  system,  and  avail  himself  of  its 
assistance,  because  of  the  paucity  of  the  regular 
army,  its  scattered  condition,  and  the  pressing  need 
of  speedy  action. 

The  conduct  of  the  Governors  of  the  States  in 
response  to  the  call  of  the  President  was,  as  in  1812, 
largely  controlled  by  their  own  political  sentiments 
and  party  affiliations.  In  the  North,  the  response 
was  prompt  and  decisive ;  in  the  South,  just  the 
contrary ;  and  in  the  border  States  it  was  charac 
terized  by  a  refusal,  or  a  temporizing  policy.  In  six 
of  these  latter,  which  afterward  furnished  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  million  men  for  the  Government,  the 
Governors  assumed  the  responsibility  of  declining 
to  accede  to  the  request  of  the  President,  without 
even  giving  the  people  the  opportunity  of  express 
ing  their  will. 


440  Emory  Upton. 

The  rebellion,  spreading  rapidly,  soon  covered 
a  territory  over  three  quarters  of  a  million  square 
miles  in  area,  and  involved  over  eight  and  a  half 
millions  of  people.  Both  sections  made  ample 
preparations  for  war.  On  the  part  of  the  Govern 
ment,  a  call  for  seventy-five  thousand  militia  for 
three  months  was  made ;  the  South  more  wisely 
issued  a  proclamation  for  one  hundred  thousand 
volunteers  for  twelve  months'  service,  and  thus 
both  repeated  the  blunder  of  short  enlistments,  but 
in  different  degrees. 

Controlled  by  circumstances,  the  President  was 
forced  to  assume  dictatorial  powers,  and  to  usurp 
the  functions  of  Congress  in  decreeing  an  increase 
of  the  regular  army  and  navy,  and  in  making  a  call 
for  volunteers.  He  was  impelled  to  this  step  as  a 
measure  of  absolute  necessity,  inasmuch  as  Con 
gress  had  neglected  to  provide  for  any  system  of 
national  defense ;  and,  although  the  new  Congress 
promptly  legalized  his  action,  it  is  well  to  call  at 
tention  to  the  historical  fact  that  the  President 
raised  armies,  provided  a  navy,  and  opened  the 
doors  of  the  Treasury  to  irresponsible  citizens. 
This  immense  stride  toward  despotic  power  was 
attended  with  no  serious  danger  to  the  liberties  of 
the  country,  simply  because  of  the  personal  charac 
ter  and  patriotic  devotion  of  the  President,  and  the 
active  spirit  of  liberty  existing  among  the  people 
whom  he  served. 

Another  anomaly  in  our  history  is  also  to  be 
noticed  in  this  crisis.  The  growth  of  business  at 
the  War  Department  increased  with  such  rapidity 
that  the  Secretary  was  obliged  to  turn  over  to  the 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     441 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  as  a  pressing  necessity, 
the  organization  of  the  forces  called  into  service. 
Many  of  the  details  of  this  organization  were  dis 
cussed  and  recommended  by  an  irresponsible  board 
of  three  army  officers,  but  the  final  decision  was 
made  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The  au 
thor  shows  that  the  recommendations  of  this  board, 
based  on  professional  knowledge,  had  they  been 
adopted,  would  have  been  of  the  greatest  value 
and  importance.  But,  unfortunately,  those  relating 
to  the  organization  of  the  volunteer  regiments,  to 
their  forming  a  part  of  the  regular  army  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  the  methods  of  commission 
ing  their  officers,  were  not  favorably  considered, 
and  the  Government  was  committed  by  the  action 
of  a  Cabinet  officer  other  than  the  War  Secretary 
to  the  mistaken  and  vicious  policy  of  State  troops 
in  a  war  for  national  existence. 

Other  errors,  which  to  the  unprofessional  mind 
might  appear  trivial,  but  which,  once  committed, 
were  attended  with  disastrous  results,  are  also  noted 
and  receive  comment.  Among  these  are  the  failure 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  appreciate  the 
value  of  the  professional  skill  and  training  within  its 
control,  and  to  make  use  of  them  to  the  best  advan 
tage  ;  its  unwise  action  in  regard  to  the  tendered 
resignations  of  regular  officers  of  Southern  birth 
and  affiliations,  and,  by  readily  accepting  such  resig 
nations  as  were  offered,  contributing  to  the  military 
strength  of  the  rebellion ;  the  retention  of  the  regu 
lar  army  as  a  separate  organized  force,  which,  though 
insignificant  in  point  of  numbers,  contained  over 
six  hundred  well-instructed  captains  and  subalterns 


442  Emory  Upton. 

who  could  have  been  much  more  profitably  employed 
in  the  great  army  of  volunteers,  in  commands  of 
higher  importance ;  and,  finally,  in  discouraging 
those  regular  officers  who  desired  a  field  of  wider 
usefulness  from  taking  volunteer  commissions. 

The  battle  of  Bull  Run  exhibits  the  folly  of  re 
lying  on  an  army  composed  of  troops  engaged  for 
short  enlistments,  and  was  but  a  repetition  of  what 
had  so  often  occurred  in  the  War  of  1812,  but  whose 
lessons  seemed  not  to  have  been  learned  by  those 
responsible  for  its  happening.  That  the  battle  was 
brought  about  by  the  combination  of  many  causes- 
such  as  the  intemperate  zeal  of  the  press  and  loyal 
citizens  in  urging  a  speedy  advance  ;  the  belief  that 
the  army  would  exhibit,  in  the  aggregate,  the  same 
courage  and  bravery  which  existed  in  the  patriotic 
citizen ;  that  it  possessed  sufficient  discipline  and 
military  instruction  to  overcome  its  adversary  ;  and 
the  weakness  of  the  Government  in  risking  at  this 
time  so  much  by  yielding  to  popular  clamor — is 
clearly  shown  in  General  Upton's  analysis.  The 
anxiety  to  profit  by  the  service  of  those  regiments 
whose  time  was  about  expiring  brought  about  its 
share  of  the  disaster,  not  only  in  Patterson's  com 
mand,  but  also  in  the  main  army,  where  it  is  shown 
that  at  least  one  regiment,  insisting  on  its  right  to 
discharge,  marched  from  the  field  to  the  sound  of 
the  enemy's  guns !  The  panic  which  followed  the 
battle  is  shown  to  be  the  direct  result  of  lack  of 
discipline,  want  of  confidence  in  commanders,  and 
is  strongly  contrasted  with  the  firmness  displayed 
by  the  battalion  of  regular  troops,  under  Sykes, 
which  covered  the  retreat. 


Military  Policy  of  the   United  States.     443 

The  other  military  operations  of  this  year,  which, 
in  the  excited  state  of  public  feeling,  were  then  re 
garded  as  national  disasters,  added  their  depressing 
influence,  and  are  shown  to  be,  in  the  light  of  future 
estimation,  minor  skirmishes,  important  only  in  edu 
cating  our  troops  in  the  expensive  school  of  war. 

The  situation  at  the  close  of  this  first  year  of  the 
war  was  such  as  to  give  us  a  most  vigorous  and 
abundant  military  legislation.  Congress,  in  attempt 
ing  to  repair  the  mistakes  previously  committed, 
was  prodigal  in  voting  men  and  money  for  the  vig 
orous  prosecution  of  the  war.  It,  however,  was  the 
victim  of  the  fatal  delusion  that  this  generous  dis 
position  of  our  means  and  resources  removed  from 
its  shoulders  all  other  responsibility.  It  regarded 
the  responsibility  as  being  shifted  to  the  shoulders 
of  its  generals,  forgetting  that  armies  require  time 
for  their  evolution,  drill  and  discipline  for  their  effi 
ciency,  and  can  not  be  created  by  the  mere  stroke 
of  the  pen.  The  analysis  of  the  military  legislation 
of  this  epoch  is  most  important,  as  our  author  points 
out  the  delusions  which  then  characterized  the  mili 
tary  measures  that  engaged  the  attention  of  Con 
gress.  Rejecting  in  1861  the  principle  of  obligatory 
military  service  of  its  citizens,  which  had  been  de 
clared  in  1792,  and  still  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of 
a  regular  army,  Congress  violated  the  practice  of 
every  civilized  nation  by  calling  out  a  vast  number 
of  untrained  men  without  providing  the  necessary 
means  to  form  them  into  disciplined  troops,  except 
by  the  most  expensive  and  wasteful  of  all  measures. 
It  provided  no  regimental  depots,  and  made  no  pro 
vision  for  keeping  the  regiments  full,  either  by 


444  Emory  Upton. 

voluntary  enlistment  or  by  the  draft.  It  made  no 
provision  for  officers  of  capacity  or  education,  but 
intrusted  the  lives  of  its  citizens  and  the  conduct  of 
affairs  to  ignorant  and,  in  many  cases,  incompetent 
leaders.  It  gave,  to  those  who  proved  themselves 
deserving,  no  hope  of  reward  save  through  the  Gov 
ernors  of  the  States.  It  permitted  company  officers 
to  be  elected  by  the  men,  and  field  officers  by  the 
company  officers,  to  the  certain  destruction  of  dis 
cipline,  and  to  the  encouragement  of  the  worst  kind 
of  intriguing.  Until  volunteering  gave  place  to  the 
draft,  the  troops  were  enrolled,  subsisted,  clothed, 
supplied,  armed,  equipped,  and  transported  by  State 
agents,  and  the  Government  paid  the  bills.  It  was 
forced  to  convene  boards  to  examine  into  the  quali 
fications  of  officers  commissioned  by  State  Govern 
ors,  and  to  peremptorily  dismiss  large  numbers  of 
worthless  officers  from  the  service.  According  to 
our  author,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  contrive  or  to 
imagine  a  more  vicious  military  policy  than  that 
with  which  we  began  the  war  and  retained  for  a 
considerable  time,  and  he  shows  that  the  responsi 
bility  rests  upon  our  so-called  statesmen,  to  whom 
the  experience  of  history  conveys  no  lessons  worth 
the  learning. 

The  campaigns  of  the  war  during  the  year  1862, 
as  delineated  by  writers,  present  to  the  general  reader 
an  intricacy  and  confusion  which  are  in  striking  con 
trast  to  the  clear  exposition  made  by  General  Upton. 
He  divides  the  year  into  three  periods,  the  first 
characterized  by  offensive  operations  on  the  part  of 
the  Union  forces,  the  second  by  defensive,  and  the 
third  by  offensive  operations  again.  He  separates 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     445 

the  territory  covered  by  the  operations  of  war  into 
three  departments,  the  Eastern,  Middle,  and  West 
ern.  He  gives  from  official  sources  the  data  con 
cerning  the  positions,  strength,  and  movements  of 
the  contending  forces,  and  the  results  of  the  opera 
tions  belonging  to  each  period.  He  closes  each  his 
torical  sketch  with  a  critical  analysis  of  the  causes 
which  determined  our  success  or  defeat.  With  an 
assertion  well  established  that  the  advantage  was 
greatly  in  favor  of  the  Union  forces  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  first  period,  he  shows  that  at  the  end 
it  had  wholly  passed  over  to  the  Confederates,  al 
though  the  period  was  marked  by  a  succession  of 
Union  victories.  He  accounts  for  this  change  by 
reason  of  two  facts :  first,  the  great  extent  of  front 
covered  by  our  armies ;  and,  second,  that  these 
armies  were  under  the  command  of  eight  distinct 
officers,  having  no  common  head  save  the  President 
of  the  United  States. 

During  the  second  period  the  Government  and 
the  Confederacy  conducted  the  war  on  contrary 
principles.  The  former  fought  as  a  confederacy, 
and  the  latter  as  a  nation.  To  establish  this  state 
ment  General  Upton  contrasts  the  military  policy 
of  both  antagonists.  Thus,  while  the  Government 
recognized  the  individuality  of  the  States,  appealed 
to  them  for  troops,  adhered  to  the  principle  of  vol 
untary  enlistments,  gave  the  State  Governors  power 
to  appoint  commissioned  officers,  and  encouraged 
them  to  organize  new  regiments,  the  Confederacy, 
on  the  other  hand,  repudiated  State  sovereignty,  ap 
pealed  directly  to  the  people,  ignored  the  Govern 
ors,  took  away  their  power  to  appoint  officers, 


446  Emory  Upton. 

vested  it  in  their  President,  refused  to  organize 
new  regiments,  abandoned  voluntary  enlistments, 
adopted  the  principle  of  obligatory  military  service, 
and  called  into  the  army  every  white  citizen  be 
tween  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  thirty-five.  The 
effect  was  to  greatly  augment  their  strength,  and,  as 
the  new  troops  were  at  once  poured  into  the  old 
organizations,  three  months  only  of  instruction  and 
discipline  were  sufficient  to  make  them  but  little 
less  efficient  than  veteran  troops. 

This  period  was  one  of  marked  disaster,  and  was 
followed  by  nearly  as  great  a  public  depression  as 
that  of  the  first  Bull  Run.  The  third  period  found 
the  contending  forces,  at  its  termination,  in  very 
nearly  the  same  relative  positions  as  those  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year. 

In  reviewing  the  campaign  of  1862,  he  inquires 
into  the  reasons  why,  with  the  marked  and  un 
doubted  advantage  of  troops  and  resources,  success 
did  not  attend  our  arms,  and  in  answer  he  an 
nounces  as  the  sufficient  reason  the  unfortunate  di 
vision  of  our  forces  into  many  separate  and  inde 
pendent  commands.  He  then  endeavors  to  fix  the 
responsibility.  Differing  in  opinion  with  writers, 
who  have  blamed  either  the  President  or  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief,  he  shows  that  all  our  troubles  have 
originated  in  a  vicious  military  policy  whose  de 
fective  laws  have  tempted  the  President  and  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  assume  the  character  and  re 
sponsibilities  of  military  commanders — responsibili 
ties  for  which  they  were  fitted  neither  by  training 
nor  education  to  undertake.  The  great  War  Secre 
tary,  Stanton,  a  man  of  imperious  will,  became  the 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     447 

supreme  and  controlling-  spirit  in  every  military 
movement,  and  in  the  conduct  of  military  affairs, 
and  to  his  interference  all  our  military  disasters  of 
that  year  may  be  traced. 

Possibly  no  campaign  of  modern  times  has  ever 
been  subjected  to  such  controversial  discussion  as 
the  Peninsular  campaign  of  1862.  Before  General 
Upton  began  its  critical  study  he  accepted  and  be 
lieved  what  is  unquestionably  the  more  general  and 
popular  view.  But,  upon  completing  his  analysis 
under  this  aspect,  he  recognized  that  it  was  neither 
historically  nor  philosophically  correct,  and,  loyal  to 
justice  and  truth,  he  destroyed  his  manuscript  and 
again  undertook  its  careful  study. 

In  his  final  criticism  he  displays  a  master's 
hand.  No  hesitation  or  doubt  marks  the  conclu 
sions  which  he  claims  are  the  logical  results  of 
sound  reason  based  on  superabundant  historical 
evidence.  Stanton's  accession  to  office  and  power 
was  at  once  followed  by  the  strongest  evidence 
of  his  vigorous  personality.  The  President's  first 
war  order  was  issued  on  the  2/th  of  January,  upon 
the  suggestion  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  It  or 
dered  an  advance  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
on  the  22d  of  February,  and  thus  began  what  Gen 
eral  Upton  aptly  designates  as  "  War  Department 
strategy,"  and  which  was  destined  to  dissipate  our 
resources  and  cover  our  arms  with  disaster.  Other 
war  orders  followed  ;  adverse  influences  began  to 
undermine  the  confidence  of  the  President  in  the 
general-in-chief  until,  on  March  nth,  war  order 
number  three  relieved  this  officer  from  the  con 
trol  of  the  armed  forces  as  a  whole,  and  transferred 


448  Emory  Upton. 

his  functions  to  the  hands  of  the  energetic  Secre 
tary  of  War. 

By  thus  assuming  the  direction  of  military  affairs 
both  the  Secretary  and  the  President  became  from 
this  moment  as  much  responsible  for  whatever  of 
disaster  might  befall  the  army  as  if  they  had  actually 
taken  command  in  person  in  the  field.  No  sooner 
had  the  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
sailed  for  Fortress  Monroe  than  the  disintegration 
of  the  forces  which  he  had  relied  upon  for  his  pur 
pose,  and  which  had  been  promised  him,  began  to 
take  place. 

To  establish  the  soundness  of  the  position  which 
General  Upton  so  sturdily  holds,  he  devotes  six 
chapters  to  the  campaigns  of  this  year.  In  the  first 
he  describes  the  operations  of  the  various  theatres 
of  war  in  general,  so  that  a  comprehensive  view  of 
the  whole  is  presented  to  the  reader.  Then,  be 
cause  of  its  greater  importance,  he  devotes  the 
remaining  chapters  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
These  chapters  are  entitled  "  A  Review  of  the  Cam 
paign  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  the  ist  of 
April  till  the  Close  of  the  First  Period  of  1862"; 
"  From  its  Arrival  at  Harrison's  Landing  till  its 
Withdrawal  from  the  Peninsula "  ;  "  The  Second 
Battle  of  Bull  Run  "  ;  "  Conflict  between  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  and  General  McClellan  till  the  Resto 
ration  of  General  McClellan  to  Command " ;  and, 
finally,  "  From  the  Restoration  till  the  Final  Re 
moval  of  General  McClellan." 

These  chapters  are  full  of  interest,  and  the  temp 
tation  has  been  great  to  give  a  brief  synopsis  of 
some  of  their  startling  and  vivid  military  criticisms, 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     449 

but  no  condensation  is  possible,  for  so  unique  is  the 
method  of  discussion  adopted  by  our  author  that, 
unconsciously,  quotation  follows  quotation  until  one 
is  forced  to  give  all,  or,  choosing  the  other  alterna 
tive,  omit  all.  We  must  therefore  content  ourselves 
with  directing  the  attention  of  the  military  student 
to  this  rich  harvest  of  professional  knowledge  and 
instruction. 

Suffice  it  to  say  that  nothing  less  than  a  critical 
study  will  satisfy  those  who  desire  to  obtain  a  com 
prehensive  view  of  our  military  system,  to  learn  its 
defects  and  become  educated  to  its  requirements. 
In  the  whole  of  his  work  General  Upton  does  not 
display  the  least  partisanship.  He  has  strong  con 
victions,  founded  on  a  thorough  acquaintance  with 
the  details  and  practice  of  his  profession,  an  inti 
mate  historical  knowledge  of  the  events  which  he 
describes,  and  has  at  his  command  the  undoubted, 
well-established  facts  to  sustain  the  views  which  he 
advocates.  His  object  has  not  been  to  brighten 
tarnished  military  reputations,  nor  to  glorify  promi 
nent  personages  of  our  history,  but  rather  to  mark 
clearly  on  our  military  chart  the  sunken  rocks  and 
hidden  reefs  that  have  in  the  past  so  nearly  wrecked 
us,  that  these  may  be  avoided  in  our  progress  to 
ward  our  hoped-for  happy  destiny. 

While  engaged  in  the  preparation  of  his  great 
work,  General  Upton  appreciated  the  value  of  hon 
est  criticism  on  the  part  of  eminent  civilians  and 
military  men.  Among  others  he  asked  General 
Garfield,  then  occupying  a  most  prominent  political 
station,  to  examine  his  work.  The  following  letters 
in  response  show  that  this  man,  eminent  in  both 


45 o  Emory  Upton. 

military  and  political  pursuits,  had  a  high  apprecia 
tion  of  its  character : 

MENTOR,  LAKE  COUNTY,  OHIO,  June  28,  1878. 

DEAR  GENERAL  :  Your  manuscript  was  sent  to 
me  just  as  I  was  leaving  Washington,  and  I  have 
been  so  much  engaged  since  then  that  I  have  not 
been  able  to  read  it  until  to-day.  I  am  delighted 
with  the  chapters,  and  feel  confident  that  they  will 
be  of  great  service  to  Congress  and  the  country. 

The  wastefulness  and  danger  which  have  at 
tended  our  methods  of  providing  for  the  necessities 
of  war  are  set  forth  with  great  force  by  the  naked 
recital  of  the  policy  adopted  during  the  War  of  In 
dependence,  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  Wars  of  1812 
and  1861  will  make  the  exhibit  still  more  striking. 

Permit  me  to  offer  a  few  suggestions : 

1.  A  separate   discussion   of   the  origin  of   our 
traditional  prejudice  against  a  standing  army,  show 
ing  that  there  was  ground  for  such  a  feeling  in 
European  states  but  not  here,  would  be  valuable. 

2.  It  would  make  your  work  more  valuable  if 
you  would  give  references  at  the  foot  of  your  pages 
to  the  sources  of  your  authority  for  the  numerous 
quotations. 

3.  Your  dates  would  be  better  understood  if  you 
printed  at  the  top  of  each  page  the  year  to  which 
they  belong. 

4.  When  you  come  to  our  late  war  I  hope  you 
will  discuss  fully  the  evils  and  iniquity  of  the  bounty 
system.     It  would  have  been  a  great  saving  if  we 
had  refused  to  adopt  it  at  all. 

I  hope  you  will  bring  your  book  out,  if  possible, 


Military  Policy  of  the  United  States.     451 

before  the  next  meeting-  of  Congress.  Expressing 
again  my  deep  interest  in  the  chapters  I  have  read, 
I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

MENTOR,  OHIO,  July  22,  1878. 

GENERAL  EMORY  UPTON. 

DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  5th  instant  came 
duly  to  hand.  I  was  absent  from  home  at  the  time, 
and  have  not  been  able  to  reply  sooner.  Your 
chapters,  three  to  seven  inclusive,  are  so  full  of  in 
terest  that  it  was  difficult  to  read  them  with  any 
view  to  criticism.  I  was  more  than  ever  astonished 
that  our  fathers  were  able  to  succeed  in  the  War  of 
the  Revolution  with  the  prejudices  that  existed 
against  a  regular  army,  the  want  of  system,  and  the 
great  distress  that  prevailed  at  that  time.  I  hope 
you  will  not  soften  the  history  of  the  horrible  man 
agement  of  the  War  of  1812.  I  see  nothing  in  these 
chapters  that  should  offend  any  just  political  senti 
ment.  I  think  the  country  will  just  now  bear  a 
good  deal  of  plain  talk  on  the  whole  subject,  in  view 
of  the  dangers  of  communism.  Your  plan  for  a 
national  army,  modeled  somewhat  on  the  German 
plan  of  a  regular  active  force,  Landwehr  and  Land- 
stlirm,  is  excellent,  and  I  hope  you  will  work  it  out 
so  fully  in  its  details  that  we  can  embody  it  in  a  bill 
to  be  introduced  into  Congress.  I  am  satisfied  we 
shall  never  be  able  to  organize  an  effective  national 
militia  on  the  old  plan.  I  send  your  manuscript  to 
Batavia,  in  accordance  with  your  request. 

With  kindest  regards,  yours  very  truly, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 


452  Emory  Upton. 

PORTLAND,  MAINE,  September  3,  1878. 

DEAR  GENERAL  :  I  brought  your  manuscript  of 
the  military  policy  of  the  United  States  from  the 
Revolution  till  1812  with  me  to  Maine,  and  have 
read  it  carefully  and  with  great  interest.  I  have 
suggested  a  few  things  on  the  margin,  and  would 
make  only  the  further  suggestion  :  it  would  add 
great  force  to  your  exhibit  if  you  could  find  and 
quote  a  few  crisp  passages  from  the  messages  of 
Presidents,  the  reports  of  Secretaries  of  War,  and 
from  the  debates  in  Congress,  setting  forth  the  evils 
of  army  organization  complained  of  in  your  chapter 
from  the  Revolution  to  1812.  I  am  sure  you  will 
have  no  difficulty  in  finding  them.  The  chapter  is 
an  admirable  one,  and  greatly  adds  to  the  value 
of  your  book.  I  send  the  manuscript  by  express  to 
Fortress  Monroe. 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

MENTOR,  OHIO,  November  12,  1878. 

DEAR  GENERAL  :  I  owe  you  an  apology  for  so 
long  neglecting  to  answer  your  letters,  and  for  so 
long  detaining  your  last  manuscript  chapters.  But 
I  was  very  busily  engaged  in  the  political  campaign, 
and  could  only  find  time  between  meetings  to  read 
the  very  interesting  pages  you  sent  me.  I  made  a 
few  marginal  suggestions  and  returned  the  manu 
script  to  you  last  week.  I  am  surprised  that  your 
publisher  was  not  willing  to  assume  the  responsi 
bility  of  publishing,  for  I  can  not  doubt  the  work 
will  be  widely  read.  I  hope  we  shall  see  it  in  print 


Military  Policy  of  the   United  States.     453 

soon.  The  work  increases  in  value  as  it  approaches 
our  own  times ;  and  if  it  is  brought  down  to  the 
present  time  it  can  not  fail  to  do  much  good. 

With  thanks  for  your  kind  congratulations  on 
my  election,  I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PROFESSIONAL    VIEWS     ON     MILITARY    LEGISLATION, 
AND   FINAL  REVISION   OF    TACTICS. 

MANY  measures  relating  to  the  reorganization 
of  the  regular  army  were  introduced  into  Congress 
during  this  period  of  Upton's  intellectual  activity. 
Several  of  these  embodied  important  provisions 
that  were  radical  in  their  nature,  and  therefore  at 
tracted  unusual  attention  on  the  part  of  military 
officers  and  legislators.  The  most  prominent  meas 
ure,  known  as  the  "  Burnside  Bill,"  the  result  of  a 
long  and  painstaking  study  by  a  joint  committee  of 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  was  reported  to  the  Sen 
ate  on  the  1 2th  of  December,  1878.  Its  provisions 
were  immediately  subjected  to  rigid  scrutiny,  and, 
as  a  sequence,  the  most  violent  opposition  or  strong 
est  support  was  manifested  by  army  officers,  deter 
mined  by  their  particular  official  position,  training, 
or  professional  judgment. 

The  result  of  General  Upton's  study  and  experi 
ence  was  to  place  him  among  the  advocates  of  the 
bill,  and  from  the  first  he  became  one  of  its  strong 
est  advocates.  If  the  conclusions  which  he  reached 
in  his  study  of  the  proper  military  policy  of  the 
country  be  accepted  as  sound  and  unanswerable,  it 
is  undeniable  that  some  such  reorganization  as  that 
provided  by  this  bill  is  an  inevitable  consequence. 


Views  on  Military  Legislation.        455 

Believing  this,  he  earnestly  and  ardently,  in  conver 
sation  and  by  letter,  advocated  its  passage.  On  the 
of  January,  1879,  ne  writes: 


Should  the  latest  army  bill  become  a  law,  it  will 
promote  me  immediately,  and  possibly  send  me  to 
California.  While  wholly  ready  to  follow  the  lead 
ings  of  Providence,  such  a  change  would  not  appear 
favorable  to  my  occupations  at  present.  Still,  if  the 
new  book  should  awaken  a  storm  of  abuse,  I  might 
find  some  recess  in  the  Yosemite  a  very  acceptable 
hiding-place.  .  .  .  Extracts  from  two  of  my  private 
letters  have  been  published,  so  I  have,  in  a  small 
way,  come  in  for  abuse  ;  but  it  does  not  worry  me. 
Truth  and  honesty  are  on  the  side  of  the  line,  and 
the  country  will  yet  see  the  general  of  the  army, 
under  the  President,  in  the  full  exercise  of  the  au 
thority  belonging  to  his  position.  The  "  Military 
Policy  "  will  not  only  show  the  evil  wrought  to  the 
service  by  the  usurpations  of  the  Secretary  of  War, 
but  Southern  members  of  Congress  will  find  that  a 
similar  evil  helped  to  overthrow  their  cause.  A 
double  proof  ought  to  convince  honest  men  that  a 
change  should  be  made. 

Not  only  does  he  make  frequent  mention  in  his 
private  letters  of  his  interest  in  these  questions,  but 
he  often  took  occasion  to  express  his  opinions  in 
communications  for  the  public  journals.  He  had 
by  this  time  grown  to  such  a  stature  in  the  estima 
tion  of  military  men,  that  whatever  came  from  his 
pen  merited  and  received  weighty  attention.  He 
could  always  command  a  hearing,  although  he  was 


456  Emory  Upton. 

not  always  accorded  a  respectful  answer  to  his  ar 
guments. 

Among  other  questions  affecting  the  well-being 
of  the  army,  that  known  as  "  compulsory  retirement 
of  officers  at  the  age  of  sixty-two  "  occupied  his 
earnest  attention  and  received  his  unqualified  sup 
port.  His  advocacy  of  this  principle  was  so  vigor 
ous  that  the  strongest  efforts  of  the  opposition  were 
directed  against  him.  He  was  even  attacked  on  the 
ground  of  personal  interest,  since  his  rank  was  such 
that,  were  the  compulsory  retirement  at  the  age  of 
sixty-two  adopted,  he  would  at  once  get  his  regi 
ment,  or  at  least  be  considerably  advanced  in  his 
own  grade.  These  insinuations,  however,  were 
without  vitality,  since  Upton's  purity  of  motives 
was  so  well  established  throughout  the  army  that 
the  only  injury  done  him  by  their  promulgation  was 
that  of  wounding  his  own  sensitive  spirit.  To  one 
less  in  love  with  his  profession,  and  to  one  who 
cared  more  for  public  opinion  than  for  the  public 
service  and  the  principles  of  justice  and  truth,  the 
possibilities  of  these  unjust  insinuations  might  have 
deterred  him  from  entering  so  actively  into  the  dis 
cussion.  But  belief  with  Upton  meant  action,  and, 
disregarding  all  selfish  reasons,  he  did  what  he 
thought  would  best  advance  the  interests  of  the 
military  service.  He,  therefore,  having  compiled 
many  data  bearing  on  this  question,  wrote  an  article 
entitled  "  Compulsory  Retirement,"  which  was  pub 
lished  in  the  "  United  Service  Magazine  "  in  March, 
1880. 

In  this  article  he  shows  from  historical  records 
that  the  great  commanders  who  achieved  celebrated 


Views  on  Military  Legislation.        457 

victories  were  young  in  years,  and  of  necessity  then 
in  possession  of  their  best  mental  and  bodily  activ 
ity.  He  points  out  from  our  own  history  that,  be 
cause  of  our  superannuated  officers,  "  absenteeism  " 
had  largely  existed  in  the  army  during  war,  and 
must  continue  to  exist ;  that,  in  most  of  our  wars 
previous  to  the  rebellion,  the  older  officers  being 
generally  absent  from  their  commands,  the  regi 
ments  were  led  into  battle  by  the  junior  field-officers, 
captains,  and,  in  some  instances,  by  lieutenants.  He 
uses  the  records  of  the  rebellion  on  both  sides  to 
prove  that  success  is  more  certain  with  the  physi 
cally  active,  and  by  the  quick  decision  of  young 
manhood,  than  with  the  slow  caution  which  almost 
invariably  accompanies  the  aged  veteran.  After 
giving  numerous  statistics  to  illustrate  his  argument, 
he  concludes : 

After  considering  the  facts  from  ancient  and 
modern  history,  as  well  as  those  within  our  own  ex 
perience,  should  Congress  still  be  tempted  to  base 
its  legislation  upon  false  deductions  from  the  Ger 
man  system,  it  may  find  additional  cause  for  reflec 
tion  in  the  history  of  the  Ute  war  now  in  progress. 
How  many  officers,  with  the  irresolution  of  advanc 
ing  years,  would,  like  Dodge,  have  galloped  into 
the  darkness  intent  upon  saving  Thornburgh's  com 
mand  ?  When  the  news  came  that  Thornburgh  was 
killed ;  that  Payne,  Cherry,  and  their  gallant  com 
rades  were  fighting  for  life ;  when  the  country  in 
suspense  awaited  tidings  of  another  massacre  like 
the  one  on  the  Little  Big  Horn,  how  many  colonels 
of  cavalry,  sixty-five  years  of  age,  would,  like  Mer- 

20 


458  Emory  Upton. 

ritt,  have  attempted  or  dreamed  it  possible  to  march 
one  hundred  and  sixty -five  miles  in  two  days  ? 

As  an  example  of  his  loyalty  to  what  he  believed 
ta  be  the  truth,  even  when  he  had  long  entertained 
contrary  convictions,  it  may  be  well  to  preserve  the 
following  correspondence  relating  to  the  celebrated 
case  of  Fitz-John  Porter,  and  which  explains  itself : 

FORT  MONROE,  VA.,  December  8,  1879. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  When,  in  1862,  General 
McClellan,  after  being  relieved  from  command,  rode 
the  lines  of  his  army,  neither  my  regiment  nor  my 
self  joined  in  the  demonstrations  of  affection  and 
applause  which  nearly  everywhere  greeted  his  ap 
pearance. 

The  son  of  an  abolitionist,  an  abolitionist  myself, 
both  as  a  cadet  and  an  officer,  my  sympathies  were 
strongly  on  the  side  of  the  Administration  in  its 
effort  to  abolish  slavery,  and  I  could  not,  therefore, 
even  indirectly  participate  in  an  ovation  which 
might  be  construed  as  a  censure  on  either  the  civil 
or  military  policy  of  the  Government.  With  these 
views  you  will  naturally  infer  that  I  have  always 
been  anti-McClellan,  anti-Fitz-John  Porter,  and  such 
is  the  fact. 

Up  to  a  few  months  ago,  when  I  began  our  mili 
tary  policy  during  the  rebellion,  I  believed  that 
these  officers,  differing  in  politics  from  the  Admin 
istration,  had  not  done  their  whole  duty  to  the 
country.  But,  in  the  process  of  this  investigation, 
I  have  been  compelled  to  change  my  mind.  Like 
many  millions  of  our  people,  my  opinions  were 


Views  on  Military  Legislation.        459 

vague  and  shadowy ;  they  had  no  foundation  in 
fact. 

You  will  remember  that  from  the  nth  of  March 
till  the  nth  of  July,  1862,  we  had  no  general-in- 
chief.  Our  armies,  numbering  more  than  six  hun 
dred  thousand  men,  were  commanded  by  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  Secretary  of  War.  Could  I  lay  before 
you  all  the  facts  that  have  come  under  my  obser 
vation,  I  believe  you  would  be  convinced  that  the 
causes  of  a  four  instead  of  a  one  year's  war  can  all 
be  traced  to  this  brief  but  disastrous  period. 

It  was  during  this  time  that  the  troops  east  of 
the  Alleghanies  were  divided  up  into  six  independ 
ent  commands.  It  was  during  the  same  period 
that  the  great  army  concentrated  at  Corinth,  and 
wrhich  might  have  made  a  summer  excursion  to 
Vicksburg  and  Jackson,  was  dispersed  from  Mem 
phis  to  Cumberland  Gap,  a  distance  of  nearly  three 
hundred  miles.  In  both  cases  the  result  was  the 
same.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  rolled  back 
to  the  Potomac ;  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  was  called 
back  to  the  Ohio.  It  may  be  added,  as  a  further 
coincidence,  that  the  commanders  of  the  two  armies, 
against  whose  protests  the  division  of  our  forces 
was  made,  were  relieved  from  their  commands. 

This  was  all  that  was  done  in  the  West ;  but  in 
the  East  the  reputation  of  another  officer  was 
blighted.  The  movements  of  Jackson  in  the  cam 
paign  of  the  second  Bull  Run  presented  an  oppor 
tunity  to  destroy  Lee's  army  which  was  lost,  as  was 
alleged  by  General  Pope,  through  the  willful  disobe 
dience  of  General  Porter.  On  this  charge  the  lat 
ter  was  tried,  and  not  being  able  to  present  evi- 


460  Emory  Upton. 

dence  conclusive  of  his  innocence  he  was  convicted 
and  sentenced  to  be  cashiered. 

His  case  will  soon  come  before  Congress  and 
the  whole  country  is  now  on  the  qui  vive  to  know 
what  course  you  will  pursue. 

You  were  a  member  of  the  original  court  by 
which  he  was  tried.  Then  you  were  known  only 
as  "a  soldier,  now  you  are  recognized  as  a  statesman. 
The  memory  of  the  immortal  Lincoln  pleads  for  no 
stigma  to  rest  upon  any  officer  or  soldier  who  ever 
in  battle  risked  his  life  for  the  Union. 

Who,  if  he  had  the  power,  would  not  expunge 
from  our  history  the  crime  of  Benedict  Arnold  ? 
Yet  for  sixteen  years,  until  he  has  grown  gray,  the 
hero  of  Gaines's  Mill,  who  for  nearly  a  whole  day 
fought  thirty  thousand  against  seventy  thousand, 
whose  skill  was  again  acknowledged  in  the  victory 
of  Malvern  Hill,  has  by  the  press  and  the  people 
been  unjustly  denounced  as  a  traitor. 

Humanity  recoils  from  the  crime  of  the  British 
Cabinet  which  shot  Admiral  Byng.  In  our  own 
history  the  case  of  Fitz-John  Porter  is  analogous. 
Public  opinion  is  already  setting  strongly  in  his 
favor.  No  officer,  who  has  read  the  recent  report 
of  the  Board  of  Army  Officers,  now  believes  that 
the  opportunity  to  destroy  Jackson  was  lost  on  the 
2Qth  of  August.  If  not,  he  was  innocent.  If  you 
will  read  the  official  dispatches  of  General  Pope  to 
General  McDowell  on  the  2/th  of  August,  directing 
that,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  he  should  march 
with  his  two  corps  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  from 
Gainesville  to  Manassas,  his  right  on  the  Manas- 
sas  Gap  Railroad,  his  left  thrown  well  to  the  east, 


Views  on  Military  Legislation.       461 

and  then  read  McDowell's,  Sigel's,  and  Reynolds's 
reports,  showing  that,  in  disregard  of  General 
Pope's  explicit  orders,  all  of  these  commands  moved 
to  Manassas  on  the  south  instead  of  the  north  side 
of  the  railroad,  you  will  recognize  at  a  glance  that 
the  opportunity  to  destroy  Jackson  was  lost  on  the 
28th. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  but  one  of  Jackson's 
divisions  was  at  Groveton.  The  other  two  were 
east  of  Bull  Run. 

Sigel,  at  Gainesville,  three  and  a  half  miles  west 
of  Groveton,  was  ordered  to  march  at  the  "  earliest 
blush "  of  dawn.  He  did  not  make  an  effort  to 
move  till  after  7.30. 

Look  at  the  maps  accompanying  the  recent  pro 
ceedings,  and  you  will  see  that  had  Sigel,  Reynolds, 
and  King  marched  in  dchelon  of  columns  north  of 
the  railroad,  as  explained  in  Reynolds's  report  ("  Re 
port  of  Military  Operations  during  the  Rebellion," 
page  276),  the  left  division  would  have  marched 
through  Groveton  before  turning  off  the  main  pike 
to  go  to  Manassas.  The  few  shots  fired  by  the 
enemy  the  moment  Reynolds  moved  east  of  Gaines 
ville  would  have  been  the  prelude  to  a  battle  with 
Taliaferro's  division  at  Groveton,  which,  being  de 
feated  by  9  A.  M.,  would  have  left  Ewell  and  Hill 
to  be  destroyed  successively  in  the  same  manner. 
This  done,  the  whole  army  could  have  faced  about 
and  caught  Longstreet  half-way  through  Thor 
oughfare  Gap,  and,  destroying  him,  could  have 
ended  the  rebellion. 

Instead  of  this,  the  whole  of  McDowell's  twenty- 
five  thousand  men,  which  faced  eastward  in  the 


462  Emory  Upton. 

morning,  circled  around  Groveton  on  a  radius  of 
about  two  miles,  and,  having  failed  to  discover  the 
enemy  till  late  in  the  day,  finally,  toward  evening, 
took  position  facing  west  three  miles  east  of  Grove- 
ton.  By  this  unfortunate  movement,  being  on  the 
left  of  the  army  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  Sigel 
and  Reynolds  found  themselves  on  the  right  on  the 
morning  of  the  2pth.  The  other  half  of  McDowell's 
command,  Ricketts  and  King,  were  retreating  on 
Bristow  and  Manassas.  But  the  enemy  was  no 
longer  divided.  Longstreet  testifies  that  he  was  in 
line  of  battle  on  the  right  of  Jackson  by  10.30  or  u 
A.  M.,  which  was  an  hour  earlier  than  when  Porter 
arrived  on  what  had  now  become  the  Union  left. 

These  facts  to  me  appear  conclusive,  and  my  de 
sire  that  you  should  not  make  a  mistake  is  my  ex 
cuse  for  presenting  them  to  you.  Had  General 
Pope  alleged  that  his  defeat  was  due  to  disobe 
dience  of  his  orders  on  the  28th,  his  name  in  history 
would  have  been  placed  among  skillful  commanders 
who  at  least  deserved  success,  but  in  locating  the 
loss  of  the  battle  a  day  too  late,  on  the  2Qth,  he  now 
labors  under  the  imputation  of  not  having  under 
stood  his  own  plans. 

I  have  had  no  communication  with  General  Por 
ter,  but  have  written  you  of  my  own  motion. 

Always  a  Republican,  I  desire  simply  to  see  jus 
tice  done.  The  great  party  has  saved  the  Union, 
and  can  well  afford  to  restore  to  honor  a  man  who 
has  fought  so  gallantly  for  his  country. 

It  is  true,  as  the  Board  remarks,  that  he  was 
harsh  and  unkind  in  his  criticisms  of  his  commander; 
but  having  read  the  history  of  the  Revolution  you 


Views  on  Military  Legislation.        463 

are  aware  that  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Conti 
nental  army  could  be  for  nearly  seven  years  on  the 
verge  of  mutiny,  always  denouncing  Congress,  yet 
always  presenting  a  bold  front  to  the  enemy. 

The  case  of  Fitz-John  Porter  is  already  historic, 
and  when  the  time  comes  your  speech  will  also  pass 
into  history. 

I  do  not  think  I  overestimate  your  influence 
when  I  say  that  your  position  will  be  the  position 
of  the  Republican  party.  God  grant  that  you  may 
dare  to  do  right ! 

With  kindest  regards,  sincerely  your  friend, 

E.  UPTON. 

P.  S. — You  will  find  an  exact  parallel  to  McDow 
ell's  circling  around  Groveton  in  Jomini's  "  Napo 
leon/'  Eckmiihl  campaign,  1809. 

Davoust  was  at  Ratisbon,  west  of  the  Danube, 
with  orders  to  join  Napoleon  at  Abensberg.  His 
artillery  and  trains  were  ordered  to  take  the  river- 
road  ;  two  columns,  of  two  divisions  each,  were  or 
dered  to  take  two  parallel  dirt-roads  on  the  left. 

The  Archduke  Charles,  between  Napoleon  and 
Ratisbon,  moved  upon  Davoust,  intending  to  de 
stroy  him  ;  but  his  left  column,  instead  of  taking 
the  river-road,  encountered  Davoust's  left  column 
marching  in  opposite  directions.  As  a  consequence, 
the  two  armies  (Davoust  had  fifty  thousand)  turned 
on  a  pivot,  and,  at  the  close  of  the  day,  had  exactly 
reversed  their  positions :  Davoust  faced  toward 
Ratisbon,  the  archduke  faced  toward  Abensberg. 
Napoleon,  having  thus  united  his  army,  gained  the 
victory  at  Eckmtihl. 


464  Emory  Upton. 

To  this  letter  General  Garfield  made  the  follow 
ing  reply : 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  December  10,  1879. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  Yours  of  the  8th  instant 
came  duly  to  hand,  and  has  been  thoughtfully  and 
carefully  read.  I  have  not  yet  read  a  page  of  the 
commission  on  General  Fitz-John  Porter's  case,  but 
of  course  I  shall  read  it  with  the  utmost  care  as 
soon  as  I  can  find  the  time.  I  hope  there  is  nothing 
in  my  nature  that  will  prevent  me  from  seeing  the 
truth  and  acting  upon  it,  even  if  it  should  lead  me 
to  reverse  all  my  former  opinions  and  actions  on 
the  subject;  but  I  say  to  you  frankly  that  it  will  re 
quire  new  and  striking  evidence  to  unsettle  the  con 
clusions  of  my  mind  in  reference  to  that  case.  The 
court  that  tried  Fitz-John  Porter  commenced  their 
labors,  as  I  know,  with  strong  prepossession  in  his 
favor,  and  the  developments  of  the  trial  were  pain 
ful  surprises  to  the  court,  several  of  whose  members 
had  been  intimate  personal  friends  of  Porter.  There 
was  not  in  my  heart,  nor  could  I  discover  it  in  the 
conduct  of  other  members,  anything  to  indicate 
passion  or  political  bias  in  the  course  of  the  trial ; 
but,  notwithstanding  all  this,  we  may  have  erred  in 
our  findings,  and  have  mistaken  the  facts.  Still,  I 
am  bound  to  say  that  a  trial  with  witnesses  fresh 
from  the  scenes  concerning  which  they  testified  was 
far  more  likely  to  get  at  the  actual  facts  than  a  com 
mission  taking  the  testimony  of  witnesses  who  spoke 
from  memory  seventeen  years  old.  But,  as  I  said 
before,  I  do  not  prejudge  the  case  in  its  new  aspects, 
I  only  give  you  my  preliminary  views. 


Views  on  Military  Legislation.        465 

I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  from  you  at  any  time 
any  other  points  you  may  have  bearing  on  the  sub 
ject.  Very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 
GENERAL  E.  UPTON, 

Fort  Monroe,  Va. 

Thus,  during  his  tour  at  Fortress  Monroe,  was 
Upton's  mind  engaged  in  varied  intellectual  work. 
It  may  be  called  the  literary  and  professional  epoch 
of  his  life.  His  reputation  as  an  intellectual  soldier, 
in  contradistinction  to  that  of  a  fighting  one,  will 
be  measured  by  the  productions  of  his  pen  during 
this  time.  The  public  has  yet  to  formulate  its 
opinion  of  him  in  this  respect,  as  the  data  by  which 
its  estimate  can  alone  be  made  have  not  yet  been 
presented  for  criticism.  But  his  friends  believe 
that,  high  as  was  his  reputation  in  active  service,  on 
the  march,  in  camp,  in  the  care  and  discipline  of  his 
men,  in  the  excitement  of  battle,  in  the  quick  per 
ception  of  the  varying  possibilities  which  were  sug 
gested  on  the  field  of  action,  his  fame  will  at  least 
be  equaled  if  not  surpassed  by  this  other  aspect  of 
his  professional  career,  and  they  are  willing  to  leave 
the  decision  to  that  most  impartial  of  all  judges, 
public  opinion. 

There  are  but  few  matters  of  minor  interest  to 
notice  before  we  turn  our  attention  to  the  sad  events 
of  Upton's  last  days  of  service. 

These  matters  of  absorbing  and  exacting  inter 
est,  which  occupied  almost  all  of  his  leisure,  did  not 
cause  him  to  neglect  those  other  duties  which  are 
ever  characteristic  of  the  gentleman  and  Christian 


466  Emory  Upton. 

soldier.  He  was  punctilious  in  the  discharge  of  his 
social  obligations.  His  house,  presided  over  by  his 
sister  Sara,  was  constantly  filled  with  guests.  Ac 
quaintances,  friends,  and  relatives,  in  an  incessant 
stream,  were  the  recipients  of  his  hospitality.  He 
was  entirely  free  from  ostentatious  display,  and 
yet  his  entertainments  were  generous  and  complete. 
With  respect  to  the  private  soldiers  under  his  com 
mand,  it  need  only  be  said  that  he  regarded  them  as 
men  having  the  same  feelings,  attributes,  and  affec 
tions  which  he  himself  possessed.  Exacting  the 
strictest  discipline,  he  tempered  it  with  kindness 
and  consideration.  He  established  a  Sunday  serv 
ice  for  them,  got  officers  and  their  wives  to  unite 
with  him  in  giving  them  religious  instruction,  helped 
them  to  correct  thinking  and  right  living,  and  set 
them  the  best  example  of  soldierly  conduct.  And 
when  he  was  established  at  the  Presidio  at  San 
Francisco,  even  against  the  advice  and  in  opposition 
to  the  belief  of  many  that  anything  could  be  done 
to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  private  soldiers,  he 
spared  no  expense  in  the  establishment  of  a  place 
of  resort  as  an  offset  to  the  attractions  of  drinking- 
saloons,  which  had  done  so  much  to  effect  their  de 
moralization.  Sustained  by  a  strong  faith  in  the 
higher  qualities  of  his  men,  he  achieved  a  noble 
success,  and  to  this  day  his  work  stands  as  a  monu 
ment  of  their  moral  and  intellectual  growth,  and  of 
Upton's  interest  in  and  devotion  to  their  material 
and  moral  necessities. 

He  soon  felt  the  need  of  revising  the  tactics. 
The  constant  improvements  in  the  accuracy  and 
range  of  fire-arms  forced  upon  him  the  conviction 


Final  Revision  of  Tactics.  467 

that  some  modification  in  the  formation  of  troops 
for  attack  and  defense  was  imperative.  Being  alive 
to  these  changes  and  to  their  influence  in  the  direc 
tion  of  a  more  open  order,  he  directed  his  attention 
to  the  best  means  of  meeting  them.  He  describes 
in  the  following  letter  the  successful  result  of  a  visit 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  army  at  Washington  in 
pursuance  of  his  object : 

FORT  MONROE,  February  22,  1879. 

.  .  .  The  business  part  of  my  visit  was  to  ap 
proach  General  Sherman  on  the  subject  of  revising 
the  tactics.  It  so  happened  that  by  opposite  doors 
General  Ewing  (his  brother-in-law)  and  myself  en 
tered  his  office  at  the  same  instant.  The  latter,  as 
soon  as  we  were  presented,  said,  "  I  never  witnessed 
your  skirmish-drill  till  a  day  or  two  ago,  and  I  want 
to  tell  you  it  is  the  prettiest  thing  I  ever  saw." 
General  Schofield,  already  in  the  room,  chimed  in: 
"  Did  you  read  the  account  of  a  recent  lecture  de 
livered  in  London  before  the  United  Service  Insti 
tution  ?  The  lecturer  presented  what  he  called  the 
best  formation  for  skirmishing,  when  Sir  Garnet 
Wolseley  stated  that  the  proposed  method  was  the 
same  as  the  American  system."  General  Sherman 
then  spoke  up,  "  Yes,  that  was  your  invention,"  and, 
too  modest  to  reply,  I  submitted  to  the  impeach 
ment.  The  way  being  open,  I  told  him  that  I 
wanted  to  perfect  the  system,  when  he  said,  "  You 
revise  it,  bring  it  to  me,  and  I  will  get  it  approved." 
This  is  what  I  have  been  looking  forward  to  for  a 
long  time.  If  I  can  get  it  out  before  the  "  Military 
Policy,"  I  shall  not  care  how  hard  the  wind  blows. 


468  Emory  Upton. 

To  the  final  chapters  of  his  book  and  to  this  re 
vision  of  his  tactics  Upton  now  devoted  his  best 
energies.  When  fatigued  with  one  he  turned  to  the 
other.  But  he  was  not  destined  to  complete  either ; 
'both  were  left  by  him,  however,  in  such  a  state  as 
to  need  only  the  careful  attention  and  editing  which 
could  be  easily  given  by  friendly  hands.  And  it  is 
pleasant  to  record  that  in  each  case  such  friends 
arose  whose  disinterested  and  unselfish  labor  has 
been  as  honorable  and  meritorious  to  themselves  as 
it  was  creditable  to  Upton. 

His  promotion  to  the  colonelcy  of  the  Fourth 
Regiment  of  Artillery  followed  in  the  due  course  of 
time,  and  he  was  thereupon  relieved  from  duty  at 
Fortress  Monroe  and  ordered  to  the  Presidio,  Cali 
fornia,  where  he  assumed  command  of  his  regiment 
on  the  23d  of  December,  1880. 

The  revision  of  the  tactics,  upon  which  he  was 
engaged  at  the  time  of  his  death,  had  been  so  far 
completed  as  to  need  but  careful  editing  on  the 
part  of  an  officer  familiar  with  the  subject,  and  in 
complete  accord  with  the  advanced  views  of  Gen 
eral  Upton.  His  papers  were  at  first  confided  to 
General  Alexander,  who,  however,  because  of  se 
vere  illness,  was  compelled  to  forego  the  task,  and 
they  were  finally  placed  in  the  hands  of  Lieutenant 
E.  J.  McClernand,  an  officer  of  the  Second  Cavalry. 
This  officer  had  just  completed  a  creditable  tour  of 
duty  at  the  Military  Academy  as  an  instructor  of 
tactics,  when,  on  reporting  for  duty  with  his  regi 
ment,  General  Alexander  recognized  his  essential 
qualifications  for  the  task  which  his  illness  had  pre 
vented  him  from  completing.  Lieutenant  McCler- 


Final  Revision  of  Tactics.  469 

nand  had  made  a  thorough  study  of  tactics  while 
on  duty  at  West  Point,  and,  with  a  generosity  that 
is  commendable,  undertook  this  labor.  Upon  its 
completion,  McClernand  applied  to  the  War  De 
partment,  asking  that  a  board  be  appointed  to  con- 
sider  the  revised  tactics,  in  substantially  the  follow 
ing  language : 

General  Upton  had  been  engaged  in  the  revision 
of  the  tactics  for  infantry  troops  several  years  be 
fore  his  death.  He  had  brought  not  only  the  learn 
ing  and  experience  which  he  had  gained  in  the 
preparation  of  his  former  edition,  but  also  a  vast 
amount  of  information  acquired  from  a  personal  in 
spection  of  the  armies  of  Europe  and  Asia.  It  is  a 
subject  of  congratulation  that  he  did  so  far  accom 
plish  his  intentions  as  to  make  it  possible  for  another 
to  bring  them  to  a  successful  completion  ;  indeed,  all 
that  he  had  left  to  be  done  consisted  principally  in 
the  correction  of  details. 

I  have  made  it  my  business  to  study  many  sys 
tems  of  infantry  tactics,  American  and  European, 
and  I  believe  those  of  General  Upton  will  be  pro 
nounced  by  all  military  men  to  have  few  equals  and 
no  superiors.  In  accordance  with  the  advice  of 
Colonel  Hasbrouck,  the  commandant  of  cadets,  and 
instructor  of  tactics  of  the  Military  Academy,  Miss 
Upton  placed  General  Upton's  manuscript  in  my 
possession,  and  requested  me  to  complete  it  for 
presentation.  Understanding  that  the  War  Depart 
ment  contemplated  a  revision  of  the  infantry  tactics, 
I  conceived  it  proper  to  inform  the  adjutant-general 
of  the  existence  of  the  completed  manuscript  em- 


470 


Emory  Upton. 


bodying  a  new  system  of  tactics,  and  to  request 
that  the  system  be  examined  by  a  board  of  army 
officers. 

A  few  of  the  changes,  which  are,  however,  of 
great  and  far-reaching  importance,  are  here  men 
tioned.  The  system  is  arranged  for  both  a  peace 
and  a  war  footing  organization. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  A  COMPANY  OF  INFANTRY. — 
The  company  is  to  consist  of : 


PEACE. 
I  captain. 
I  first-lieutenant. 
i  second-lieutenant. 

1  first-sergeant. 
4  sergeants. 

4  corporals. 

2  musicians. 
2  artificers. 

50  privates. 

Total ...   3  commissioned, 

63  non-commissioned 
and  privates. 


WAR. 

1  captain. 

2  first-lieutenants. 

2  second-lieutenants. 

1  first-sergeant. 
8  sergeants. 

1 6  corporals. 
4  musicians. 

2  artificers. 

150  to  1 80  privates. 

Total. .      5  commissioned, 

181  to  211  non-commis 
sioned  and  men. 


The  habitual  instruction  of  the  company  is  in 
open  or  skirmishing  order,  and  executing  various 
movements  in  close  order  at  the  conclusion  of  each 
exercise.  The  company  can  be  deployed  as  skir 
mishers  from  column  of  fours,  double  column  of 
fours,  and  column  of  platoons,  and  also  from  line. 
It  can  lie  down  in  column  of  fours,  and  open  and 
close  files  while  in  column  of  fours.  From  column 
of  fours  it  can  execute  on  the  right  or  left  into  line 
and  continue  the  march  ;  can  form  line  to  the  right, 


Final  Revision  of  Tactics,  471 

left,  or  front,  from  double  column  of  fours  (a  new 
movement),  continuing  the  movement  or  halt,  as  de 
sired  ;  can  form  square  against  cavalry,  form  double 
column  of  fours,  and  finally  execute  several  new 
movements  when  in  column  of  platoons. 

BATTALION  ORGANIZATION. — The  battalion  usu 
ally  consists  of  four  companies,  but  may  be  either 
less  or  greater  than  four,  but  in  the  latter  case  is  not 
to  exceed  six  companies.  The  movements  of  the 
battalion  comprise  column  at  half  distance ;  a  line 
of  double  columns  (the  companies  being  in  double 
column  of  fours),  and  some  admirable  formations 
for  street-fighting.  Some  of  the  more  complicated 
movements  in  the  old  tactics  are  greatly  simplified, 
or  are  entirely  omitted. 

The  normal  order  in  the  school  of  the  battalion 
is  the  skirmishing.  In  this,  two  companies  in  the 
formation  of  skirmishers,  with  supports  and  reserves, 
constitute  the  fighting-line ;  the  other  two  compa 
nies  form  the  battalion  reserve.  When  more  than 
four  companies  form  the  battalion,  the  additional 
companies  may  be  added  to  the  fighting-line. 

The  general  principles  of  attack  are  next  de 
lineated.  The  troops  are  placed  in  the  open  or 
skirmishing  order  before  they  arrive  within  effective 
range.  Supports  and  reserves  are  held  close  to  the 
fighting-line,  as  the  present  range  of  fire-arms  is  so 
great  that,  in  order  to  render  efficient  assistance,  all 
these  troops  must  be  under  fire,  except  where  pro 
tected  by  the  inequalities  of  the  ground.  The 
method  of  using  heavy  lines  of  skirmishers  and  ad 
vancing  at  a  run  from  cover  to  cover  is  adopted 
throughout,  the  supports  and  reserves  being  used 


472  Emory  Upton. 

at  the  critical  moment,  and  by  their  impetus  carry 
the  fighting-line  forward. 

In  each  position  the  skirmishers,  singly  or  with 
their  supports,  seek  to  overwhelm  the  enemy  by 
their  fire,  or  tempt  him  to  expend  his  ammunition. 
If  he  shows  signs  of  weakness,  they  rush  to  the  next 
cover  and  open  fire  as  before.  If  unable  to  move 
forward  on  a  line,  they  work  forward  man  by  man, 
those  in  front  protecting  the  advance  of  those  in 
rear  by  keeping  down  the  enemy's  fire.  If  the 
enemy  gives  way,  he  can  be  pursued  by  either  the 
skirmishers  or  their  supports,  or  by  both  combined  ; 
the  reserve  may  also  be  added  for  pursuit.  If  the 
skirmishers  are  driven  back  they  rally  on  the  sup 
port,  which  will  be  in  line,  uncovering  its  front  as 
quickly  as  possible,  to  enable  it  to  open  fire.  These, 
in  turn,  if  forced  to  retire,  rally  on  the  reserve. 

In  these  tactics,  as  the  conditions  now  require, 
the  first  importance  is  given  to  skirmishing. 

REGIMENTAL  ORGANIZATION. — The  regiment  is 
supposed  to  consist  of  three  battalions,  but  the  rules 
prescribed  are  applicable  to  a  less  or  greater  num 
ber.  This  school  is  quite  similar  to  that  of  a  bri 
gade  in  the  old  tactics.  The  open  order,  having 
become  a  necessity  because  of  the  increased  range, 
requires  a  greater  distance  apart  of  officers,  and 
hence  higher  qualifications  are  demanded  of  them, 
and  as  a  consequence  more  discretion  is  allowed 
subordinates. 

As  an  intermediate  instruction  for  young  sol 
diers,  between  the  squad  drill  and  the  school  of  the 
company,  the  school  of  the  platoon  is  introduced, 
which  is  especially  necessary  on  the  war  footing. 


Final  Revision  of  Tactics.  473 

The  object  of  the  skirmishing  in  the  school  of  the 
platoon  is  to  teach  men  in  detail  the  elementary 
principles  of  this  order,  the  extended  application  of 
which  is  reserved  for  the  school  of  the  company  and 
battalion. 

Upton  has  abandoned  the  deployment  by  fours 
and  substituted  a  more  direct,  simple,  and  rapid 
method.  This,  in  my  opinion,  is  a  radical  and  an 
admirable  change. 

The  platoon  is  habitually  divided  into  two  parts 
—the  front  rank  constituting  the  skirmishers  or 
fighting-line,  and  the  rear  rank  the  supports.  The 
company  on  a  war  footing  has  a  normal  order  of 
three  lines  or  Echelons,  while  in  peace  it  has  but 
two. 

This  review  and  professional  opinion  of  Upton's 
latest  labor  on  his  tactics  are  most  important  in  view 
of  the  report  which  was  spread  that  his  death  was 
caused  by  his  belief  in  his  professional  inability  and 
consequent  failure  to  overcome  inherent  difficulties 
in  his  tactics.  That  this  report  was  wholly  unwar 
ranted  the  preceding  pages  clearly  show,  and  we 
now  seek  the  causes  of  his  death  in  his  own  physi 
cal  and  organic  prostration. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

DEATH. 

WHEN,  on  the  morning  of  the  i5th  of  March, 
1 88 1,  the  telegraph  flashed  across  the  continent  the 
startling  intelligence  that  General  Emory  Upton 
had  taken  his  own  life  during  the  preceding  night, 
doubt,  incredulity,  sorrow,  and  deep  distress  in 
rapid  succession  possessed  his  many  friends.  Of  all 
the  honorable  officers  of  the  army  he  was  the  very 
last  of  whom  such  a  fate  would  have  been  pre 
dicted,  and  yet  it  was  true  that  his  own  hand  had 
sent  the  bullet  on  its  fatal  mission.  To  even  his 
most  intimate  associates  this  action  was  shrouded 
in  the  deepest  mystery.  He  had  hidden  his  great 
suffering,  the  sure  precursor  of  his  physical  break 
ing-down,  from  every  one,  and  only  at  a  time  of 
greatest  agony  had  he  been  unable  to  conceal  it 
from  two  of  his  brother  officers  just  a  day  or  two 
before  his  death. 

The  circumstances  attending  this  death  are  so 
peculiar  that  we  must  pay  careful  attention  to  many 
matters  which,  considered  alone,  might  be  regarded 
as  of  but  slight  importance,  but  which  in  their  en 
tirety  afford  the  only  clew  to  the  real  cause  of  his 
distressful  death.  Let  us  then,  in  full  justice  to  his 
memory,  inquire  into  these  circumstances. 


Death.  475 

Every  man  possesses  a  public  and  a  private 
character  which  are  not  always  in  complete  accord. 
When  the  unexpected  happens,  as  in  General  Up 
ton's  case,  the  mind  seeks  a  knowledge  of  those  re 
lations  of  life  which  are  generally  hidden  from 
public  view  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  a  rational 
judgment,  and  to  obtain  a  vera  causa  in  complete 
accord  with  the  act  in  question.  Upton's  life,  in 
all  of  its  minutest  public,  professional,  and  private 
details,  offered  not  the  slightest  clew,  to  the  ordi 
nary  observer,  that  could  throw  any  light  upon 
the  true  cause  of  his  death.  As  an  officer  of  the 
army  he  was  the  soul  of  honor ;  through  all  grades, 
from  the  humblest  subaltern  to  major-general,  he 
had  served  his  country  well — in  peace  with  the 
most  faithful  devotion,  in  war  with  the  greatest 
gallantry.  He  was  beloved  by  his  troops,  es 
teemed  by  his  associates,  and  honored  by  his 
country.  Professionally,  he  devoted  every  energy 
and  faculty  to  the  study  and  practice  of  the  mili 
tary  art ;  he  was  a  constant,  painstaking  student, 
and  had  become  well  versed  in  all  the  details  of 
war.  Seeking  to  ennoble  his  profession,  he  kept 
constantly  in  view  the  good  of  the  service  above 
self-advancement.  Personally  an  humble,  undoubt- 
ing  Christian,  a  believer  in  a  personal  Saviour, 
he  subordinated  earthly  aims  to  the  heavenly,  and 
ever  looked  to  the  higher  life  beyond  the  grave.  If 
suicide  be  possible  to  such  a  man,  then  is  no  one 
secure  from  its  terrible  consequences. 

Suicide  is  defined  to  be  "  the  act  of  designedly 
destroying  one's  own  life,  committed  by  a  person  of 
years  of  discretion  and  of  sound  mind."  Upton  had 


476  Emory  Upton. 

reached  the  years  of  discretion ;  he  had  taken  his 
own  life :  and  now  we  have  to  determine  whether 
this  was  done  designedly,  and  whether  he  possessed 
a  sound  mind  on  the  night  of  the  I4th  of  March, 
1881. 

This  leads  us  to  investigate  his  physical  condi 
tion  for  some  years  prior  to  this  fatal  day. 

To  the  casual  observer,  and  even  to  his  intimate 
personal  friends,  Upton  for  several  years  before  his 
death  appeared  outwardly  to  be  a  splendidly  de 
veloped  man,  in  the  full  possession  of  robust  physi 
cal  health.  He  had  in  later  years  considerably  in 
creased  his  weight,  his  shoulders  had  broadened,  and 
all  his  movements  were  characterized  by  his  usual 
quick,  nervous,  and  alert  action.  He  gave  every 
external  promise  of  a  long  life.  He  had  gained  by 
merit  alone  a  reputation  and  standing  second  to 
none  in  the  army.  He  numbered  among  his  per 
sonal  friends  many  true  men  of  high  station  and  of 
noble  character.  Not  one  of  his  intimates  suspected 
that  death  by  his  own  hand  could  ever  be  possible. 
Doubtless  he  himself  was  as  little  aware  of  his 
actual  danger  as  it  was  possible  for  a  man  to  be  to 
whom  no  certain  warning  had  come.  The  follow 
ing  letters  express  his  serenity  and  actual  hopes  at 
this  near  approach  of  death  : 

NEW  YORK,  August  27,  1879. 

MY  DEAR  MOTHER  :  I  am  reminded  that  this 
is  my  fortieth  birthday,  and  can  not  let  it  pass 
without  expressing  the  gratitude  that  is  in  my 
heart  for  all  the  loving  acts  and  sacrifices  which  you 
have  bestowed  upon  me,  who  at  best  am  but  an  un- 


Death.  477 

worthy  son.  Father,  too,  I  must  include,  with  full 
forgiveness  for  the  many  times  he  took  advantage 
of  my  weakness  to  chastise  me  for  acts  which  to  a 
juvenile  mind  appeared  perfectly  proper.  To-day  I 
become  half  of  an  octogenarian.  Will  the  next  forty 
years  be  as  eventful  as  the  last  ?  I  hope  not.  As  I 
look  back  to  the  day  I  last  left  home,  I  think  of  you 
as  standing  in  the  front  door,  father  on  the  stoop, 
both  enjoying  the  blessed  peace  which  God  gives 
to  his  loving  children.  Would  that  our  heavenly 
Father  might  bless  each  of  your  children  with  a 
happiness  as  pure  and  serene  as  has  been  vouch 
safed  to  their  parents ! 

FORT  MONROE,  February  i,  1880. 

To-day  we  enter  upon  the  second  month  of  the 
new  year.  ...  It  has  been  most  beautiful.  At  the 
chapel  after  the  morning  service  we  had  the  com 
munion.  I  did  not  forget  the  loved  ones  at  the 
mercy-seat.  What  an  inestimable  privilege  it  is  to 
know,  to  love,  and  trust  a  Saviour  who  so  loved  us 
as  to  give  his  life  for  us !  The  Bible-class  to-day 
numbered  but  four ;  yet  it  was  to  me  at  least  a  prof 
itable  hour.  The  strong  point  I  tried  to  bring  out 
was  that  religion  is  to  be  enjoyed  now.  "  Blessed 
are  the  poor  in  spirit,  for  theirs  is  the  kingdom  of 
heaven."  This  great  gift  is  ours  to  enjoy  now. 
"  Blessed  are  they  that  mourn,  for  they  shall  be 
comforted."  What  a  precious  promise  this  is !  God 
does  not  willingly  afflict  or  grieve  his  children. 
We  may  sorrow  over  the  ills  or  trials  of  those  we 
love,  we  may  sorrow  over  our  own  frailties  and 
short-comings,  yet  above  all  is  the  assurance  that 
we  shall  be  comforted.  I  have  much  this  year  to 


478  Emory  Upton. 

be  grateful  for.  My  mental  condition  is  much  im 
proved.  Last  year  at  this  time  I  was  much  de 
pressed.  I  had  malaria,  and  did  not  mistrust  it 
till  Dr.  Robinson  told  me  of  it  at  Newport.  Now, 
whenever  I  feel  pains  in  the  back  of  my  head,  I  take 
from  thirty  to  forty  grains  of  quinine  in  thirty-six 
hours,  and  at  once  feel  relieved.  To-morrow  I 
shall  begin  the  revision  of  the  tactics — a  work  of 
three  months,  and  shall  then  again  begin  the  Policy. 

WASHINGTON,  August  27,  1880. 

MY  PRECIOUS  MOTHER  :  My  forty-first  birthday 
would  find  me  in  excellent  spirits,  but  for  the  re 
flection  that  to-day  you  may  still  be  suffering  from 
rheumatism  or  neuralgia.  You  may  be  sure  that 
none  of  your  children  forget  you,  or  fail  to  offer  the 
prayer  that  our  heavenly  Father  may  make  your 
bed  in  sickness  and  speedily  restore  you  to  health. 
The  same  prayers,  too,  are  offered  for  father,  who 
with  you  has  been  favored  with  the  rich  blessings 
which  God  gives  to  his  children.  A  day  like  this 
should  make  one  look  forward  to  the  end  of  life. 
We  are  all  hastening  to  the  Border-Lands,  and  be 
yond  them  by  faith  we  can  see  those  who  have 
been  near  and  dear  to  us  in  life. 

Rachel,  Le  Roy,  and  Emily,  are  all  awaiting  that 
reunion  which  shall  know  no  separation.  They 
have  received  the  crown  of  life,  and  to  us  it  is 
promised  if  we  remain  faithful  unto  the  end.  It 
may  be  our  heavenly  Father's  will  to  afflict  us 
with  pain  in  this  world,  but  we  have  the  assurance 
that  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear  heard  the  things 
which  he  hath  prepared  for  those  that  love  him. 


Death.  479 

PRESIDIO,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  December  26,  1880. 
All  this  week  I  have  been  settling  down,  and, 
as  I  have  had  to  make  several  trips  to  the  city,  the 
days  have  slipped  away  very  rapidly.  I  shall  fur 
nish  one  room  with  a  carpet  for  parlor,  and  sleep 
in  the  one  in  rear,  off  which  is  a  bath.  The  oldest 
inhabitant  is  abroad,  and  says  he  has  never  seen 
such  weather.  I  think  he  is  right,  for  I  am  told  it 
has  rained  every  day  since  the  ist  of  December, 
and  until  to-day  it  has  to  my  knowledge  poured 
twenty  hours  out  of  twenty-four.  This  will  be  over 
in  March.  What  effect  it  will  have  on  my  head  it 
would  be  premature  to  say,  but  I  don't  expect  to 
derive  any  benefit. 

PRESIDIO,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  January  i,  1881. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER  AND  MOTHER  :  The  first  let 
ter  of  the  new  year  shall  be  to  you,  to  wish  God's 
greatest  blessings  to  rest  upon  you.  With  us  the 
new  year  begins  bright  and  sunny.  In  the  East 
we  read  of  cold  and  storm,  but  above  all  the  Lord 
reigns.  I  am  glad  that  the  ist  of  January,  1881, 
has  arrived,  for  now  we  can  say  that  we  hope  this 
year  to  go  East. 

Most  of  the  officers  and  their  families  are  fond 
of  this  coast.  Their  children  are  all  well,  and,  a  few 
weeks  excepted,  the  weather  for  most  of  the  year  is 
delightful.  I  shall  soon  be  hard  at  work  revising 
the  tactics — I  hope,  for  the  last  time.  Then  I  shall 
go  on  with  the  book  that  is  nearest  my  heart. 

The  officers  to-day  are  out  calling  in  full  uniform. 
I  was  much  gratified  to  learn  from  Sara's  letter  that 
both  of  my  good  parents  are  improving  in  health. 


480  Emory  Upton. 

My  prayers  for  the  coming  year  will  be  that  God 
will  have  you  in  his  tender  keeping. 

PRESIDIO,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  January  2,  1881. 

MY  DEAR  SARA  :  I  am  beginning  to  feel  quite 
domesticated.  To-morrow  the  instruction  begins 
on  the  new  plan,  and  I  shall  hope  soon  to  make  my 
influence  felt  in  the  regiment.  To-day  I  have  had 
the  company  of  an  old  West  Point  friend,  General 
Tannatt.  The  last  time  I  saw  him  I  spent  a  week 
with  him  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  1866.  Last 
night  he  came  out  with  me,  and  has  thus  been  my 
first  guest.  A  multitude  of  associations  came  back 
when  we,  to-day,  partook  of  the  communion  togeth 
er.  He  and  Benjamin  and  myself  attended  the  first 
prayer-meeting  established  by  General  Howard  at 
West  Point.  General  Howard  himself  is  in  the 
city,  and  we  all  might  have  been  together  had  we 
made  an  effort  or  thought  of  it. 

This  evening  General  Tannatt  and  myself  took 
a  four-mile  walk.  The  road  lies  wholly  in  the  Res 
ervation  and  winds  around  the  hills,  one  moment 
commanding  a  view  of  the  bay,  and  the  next  look 
ing  off  on  the  grand  Pacific.  At  the  Golden  Gate 
we  came  upon  Fort  Point,  a  brick  castle  with  four 
tiers  of  guns.  The  hill  back  of  it  is  twice  its 
height,  and  is  connected  with  it  by  a  bridge  which 
abuts  against  the  parapet.  So  we  descended  into 
the  fort  as  they  entered  houses  in  the  time  of  the 
Saviour,  by  going  through  the  roof.  To-day  and 
yesterday  have  been  the  only  fine  days  we  have 
had,  and  they  have  been  like  the  loveliest  autumn 
days  at  Fort  Monroe.  This  week  I  shall  begin 


Death.  481 

work  on  the  tactics,  and  shall  press  it  till  the  re 
vision  is  done. 

These  letters  show  a  total  ignorance  of  any 
serious  danger  which  threatened  his  life.  Indeed, 
in  making  a  careful  search  throughout  his  volu 
minous  correspondence,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
fragmentary  references  to  malaria,  as  in  the  letter 
to  Mrs.  Martin,  of  February  I,  1880,  and  to  pains 
in  his  head,  briefly  referred  to  in  a  few  instances, 
not  the  slightest  evidence  is  found  to  warrant  the 
suspicion  that  he  was  aware  of  his  condition.  That 
these  ailments  may  have  appeared  trivial  to  him, 
and  scarcely  worth  mentioning,  might  at  once  be 
inferred  from  the  indifference  which  he  invariably 
showed  to  personal  physical  suffering.  Even  in  his 
home  letters  during  the  war,  there  is  but  the  barest 
mention  made  of  his  severe  wounds  received  in 
battle,  and  he  dismissed  them  with  a  sentence  or 
two,  simply  expressing  his  hope  of  speedy  recov 
ery.  Hence,  while  it  may  be  inferred  that  any 
mention  of  depression  of  spirits  or  slight  illnesses 
might  be  taken  to  mean  that  they  were  like  the 
attacks  ordinarily  attending  even  the  most  excel 
lent  health,  they  may  have  been  in  his  case,  and 
were,  as  we  know  from  other  sources,  quite  serious 
in  their  character. 

While,  in  iS/o-'/S,  General  Upton  was  serving 
as  commandant  of  cadets  at  West  Point,  he  availed 
himself  of  the  services  of  the  dentist  at  the  Acad 
emy,  Dr.  Saunders,  for  whom  he  ever  entertained 
a  great  regard.  Dr.  Saunders,  in  reply  to  inquiries 
regarding  General  Upton's  malady,  says : 

21 


482  Emory  Upton. 

General  Upton  consulted  me  professionally 
shortly  after  he  reported  for  duty  as  commandant 
of  cadets  at  West  Point.  During  one  of  his  earlier 
visits  to  my  office  I  heard  a  distinct  and  regular 
throbbing  in  his  head,  very  faint,  however,  and  not 
beating  in  unison  with  the  temporal  artery  on  which 
my  hand  rested.  When  I  drew  his  attention  to 
this,  he  expressed  surprise  at  my  hearing  it,  and 
told  me  he  had  noticed  the  sound  occasionally  for 
some  time  past,  and  was  puzzled  to  account  for  it. 

After  this  we  discussed  the  subject  at  every 
visit.  I  advised  him  to  see  the  post-surgeons,  but 
they  could  give  no  satisfactory  explanation  of  it. 

As  time  passed,  the  pulsation  or  ticking  became 
more  and  more  distinct,  and  the  annoyance  from  it 
increased  to  such  an  extent  that  the  general  could 
not  sleep  unless  greatly  fatigued,  and  when  his  rest 
was  once  disturbed  it  was  almost  impossible  for 
him  to  sleep  again. 

I  feared  an  aneurism,  but  never  spoke  my  sus 
picion  ;  I  continually  urged  him  to  see  a  specialist. 
He  consulted  several  physicians,  but  I  do  not  think 
he  tried  any  special  treatment  before  going  abroad. 

His  letters  to  me  while  away  were  always  cheer 
ful — no  allusion  being  made  to  his  head  troubles. 
He  appeared  to  be  enjoying  his  trip  greatly,  and 
told  me  that  he  was  accumulating  loads  of  valuable 
data  for  future  use. 

When  he  returned,  I  congratulated  him  on  his 
fine  appearance,  and  I  can  remember  well  how 
anxiously  he  watched  to  see  if  I  would  find  the  old 
trouble.  It  was  there. 

He  came  to  see  me  from  time  to  time,  and  it  was 


Death.  483 

plain  that  he  grew  more  and  more  uneasy  about  his 
disease.  The  last  time  I  saw  him,  in  the  early  part 
of  the  year  1880,  he  exclaimed,  "Cure  me  of  this, 
and  I  will  give  you  ten  thousand  dollars !  "  A  min 
ute  afterward  he  said,  "  Allen  understands  it,  and  I 
will  submit  to  his  treatment."  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  true  nature  of  his  fearful  malady,  we  know 
not,  probably  never  shall ;  but  that  he  bore  up  man 
fully  against  a  mysterious  disease  of  whose  presence 
he  was  ever  conscious  through  its  ceaseless  knock- 
ings  at  the  portals  of  his  brain  we  have  ample  proof. 
That  he  struggled  bravely  and  hopefully  with  it 
until  reason  left  her  throne,  and  death  relieved  him 
from  his  sufferings,  all  who  knew  him  must  admit. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  say  that  during  the  many 
years  he  was  a  constant  visitor  at  my  office,  we 
touched  in  the  course  of  conversation  on  almost 
every  topic — literature,  law,  politics,  military  mat 
ters,  medicine,  death,  religion,  etc.  He  was  the 
most  charming  conversationalist  I  ever  met — a 
bright,  clear-headed  man  of  affairs.  At  all  times 
he  was  pronounced  in  his  condemnation  of  suicide, 
not  because  he  believed  it,  as  is  customary,  a  cow 
ardly  crime,  but  because  "  the  Everlasting  had  fixed 
his  canon  'gainst  self-slaughter."  Suicide  was  con 
trary  to  his  religion.  General  Upton  was  a  relig 
ious  thinker,  not  an  enthusiast,  and  no  man  ever 
lived  more  in  accordance  with  his  religious  convic 
tions. 

In  accordance  with  the  resolution  referred  to 
above,  Upton  took  the  earliest  opportunity  to  con 
sult  with  Dr.  Harrison  Allen,  of  Philadelphia,  and 


484  Emory  Upton. 

to  make  arrangements  to  place  himself  under  his 
care  for  medical  treatment.  But  three  references 
to  this  matter  occur  in  his  correspondence. 

Governor's  Island,  July  <5,  1880. — Dr.  Allen  told 
me,  to-day,  that  he  thought,  if  I  could  give  him 
six  weeks,  he  could  cure  my  ailment,  and  I  have 
resolved  to  take  two  months  for  that  purpose. 

Philadelphia,  September  22,  1880. — .  .  .  I  feel  quite 
settled  after  my  stay  here  for  nearly  a  week.  You 
will,  doubtless,  be  anxious  about  my  treatment.  It 
is  by  no  means  severe.  The  actual  cautery  gives 
very  little  pain.  It  was  applied  about  an  hour  ago, 
and  now  I  feel  no  disagreeable  effects  whatever. 
My  trouble  makes  me  feel  uncomfortable  to  myself, 
and  therefore  I  have  not  as  yet  disclosed  myself  to 
any  of  my  friends. 

November  j,  1880. — .  .  .  Lest  you  should  imagine 
that  I  am  suffering  all  sorts  of  agony,  I  wish  to  tell 
you  I  am  not.  The  cautery  has  been  applied  but 
once  since  my  return,  and  the  doctor  says  he  is 
about  through  with  it. 

The  hope  entertained  by  Upton's  physician  and 
himself  that  this  heroic  treatment  by  electrical  cau 
terization  of  the  mucous  membrane  of  the  nasal  pas 
sages  would  result  efficaciously  proved  unfounded. 
He  merely  obtained  temporary  relief,  and  upon  the 
expiration  of  his  leave  of  absence  he  bade  his  friends 
adieu  and  proceeded  to  San  Francisco  to  assume  the 
command  of  his  new  regiment.  From  all  obtainable 
data  the  writer  of  this  memoir  is  unable  to  find  the 
slightest  evidence  that  would  give  the  least  color  to 
any  belief  that  General  Upton  at  this  time  had  the 


Death.  485 

remotest  suspicion  of  his  own  danger.  But  a  few 
days  previous  to  his  departure  they  spent  an  even 
ing  together,  during  which  Upton  for  hours  dis 
coursed  most  charmingly  and  rationally  upon  the  an 
ticipated  pleasure  of  his  new  duties  and  station,  and 
gave  a  well-digested  outline  of  his  labors  in  the  re 
vision  of  his  tactics  and  in  the  completion  of  his 
military  policy.  Most  anxious  was  he  to  become 
again  settled,  and  to  resume  the  intellectual  labor 
upon  these  works,  whose  completion  seemed  almost 
certain  of  realization. 

To  convey  the  best  view  of  what  is  known  of  his 
malady  and  its  treatment,  the  following  letters,  the 
first  written  by  Mr.  Samuel  Powel,  of  Philadelphia, 

to  Mrs.  M ,  and  the  other  by  Dr.  Harrison  Allen 

to  the  writer  of  this  memoir,  are  quoted : 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  12,  1881. 

...  I  feel  now,  as  I  have  from  the  beginning, 
surprised  and  dazed  by  the  terrible  surprise  which 
overtook  us  all  in  a  moment,  but  which,  I  am  sure, 
the  duration  of  my  life  can  not  efface.  This  must 
make  a  lasting  bond  among  us  all  who  loved  and 
admired  that  wonderful  man. 

The  day  after  your  letter  came  I  called  on  Dr. 
Harrison  Allen,  who  is  an  old  acquaintance  of  mine, 
and  I  had  with  him  a  very  full  conversation  about 
our  friend,  not  only  as  to  his  malady  and  its  treat 
ment,  but  including  General  Upton's  impressions  as 
to  his  case,  as  he  expressed  them  to  Dr.  Allen,  and 
as  Dr.  Allen  had  recorded  them  in  his  case-book. 
I  think  the  report,  though  very  brief,  will  satisfy  us 
that  Dr.  Hanford's  views  are  well  founded,  and  that 


486  Emory  Upton. 

serious  facts  existed  in  General  Upton's  knowledge 
earlier  than  we  probably  have  supposed.  Bearing 
in  mind  the  quiet,  succinct  language  General  Up 
ton's  brave  and  soldierly  habits  imparted  to  his  sen 
timents,  and  the  few  words  he  was  accustomed  to 
use  as  to  his  own  concerns,  those  who  know  him 
can  best  understand  the  full  force  of  Dr.  Allen's 
brief  record. 

General  Upton  told  Dr.  Allen,  on  presenting 
himself  to  him  for  the  special  treatment  of  his  "  nasal 
catarrh,"  that  the  affection  had  been  of  very  long 
standing,  and  that,  notwithstanding  what  may  have 
been  said,  it  certainly  could  not  be  referred  to  any 
specified  origin ;  that  it  had  insidiously  crept  upon 
him  in  his  youth,  and  had  given  him  trouble  even 
at  West  Point.  Latterly  the  affection  had  caused 
him  great  discomfort,  and  it  had  often  so  oppressed 
his  faculties  of  mind  that  he  became  convinced  that, 
unless  decidedly  relieved,  he  could  not  much  longer 
be  of  any  service  to  the  Government. 

This  is  the  substance  of  what  I  derived  from  the 
reading  of  the  record  of  Dr.  H.  Allen.  He  agreed 
with  me  that  the  description  covered  portentous 
meaning  to  those  appreciating  his  patient's  nature. 
Yet  Dr.  Allen  did  not,  from  his  investigation  while 
the  treatment  lasted,  feel  anxious  about  a  serious 
result.  The  disease,  he  knew,  was  of  an  obstinate 
nature,  but  all  along  he  expected  good  results  from 
the  system  of  treatment.  It  consisted  in  placing  a 
very  fine  coiled  wire  upon  any  particular  spot  of 
the  disordered  membrane,  and  causing  it  to  glow 
by  electricity  for  a  mere  instant  at  a  very  high  heat. 
This  has  the  property  of  setting  up  a  new  action  in 


Death.  487 

the  circulation  of  the  spot,  and  often  renews  the 
proper  vital  action  which  has  lost  its  power  through 
long-continued  disorder  and  suppressed  activity. 
It  does  not  differ  in  principle  from  an  old  and  very 
common  remedy  used  by  farriers  called  "  firing  "  in 
the  treatment  of  horses.  It  has  been  for  a  consid 
erable  time  used  in  the  treatment  of  various  diffi 
culties  in  human  beings.  .  .  . 

Dr.  Allen  told  me  he  had  considerable  experi 
ence  with  the  method,  and  he  had  great  and  in 
creasing  success  in  employing  it.  He  had  good 
hopes,  in  the  case  of  our  friend,  that  it  would  prove 
ultimately  successful.  I  gathered  in  conversation 
with  him  that  he  had  no  idea,  on  taking  leave  of 
General  Upton,  that  there  then  existed  any  danger 
ous  condition  of  the  bones  upon  which  the  brain  re 
poses. 

It  has  occurred  to  me  that  perhaps  some  primary 
cause  for  the  irritation  of  the  visible  membranes 
covering  the  lower  surface  of  these  bones  may  have 
existed  on  the  brain-side,  and  that  the  serious  dis 
ease  may  have  been  out  of  sight  even  to  the  specu 
lum  employed  in  such  investigations.  Dr.  Allen 
saw  no  reason  to  suspect  such  a  difficulty  during 
treatment,  but  he  recurred  to  the  calm  and  plainly 
pronounced  opinion  of  General  Upton  that  his  dis 
order  came  over  him  in  such  a  way  as  to  cloud  his 
mind  and  confuse  his  thoughts,  so  he  was  convinced 
it  would  unfit  him  to  serve  the  Government.  This 
was  not  reiterated  by  the  general,  but  his  once 
stating  it  seemed  to  rise  in  memory  with  great  force 
upon  Dr.  Allen,  as  it  did  upon  me  while  conversing 
upon  the  sad  history. 


488  Emory  Upton. 

You  would  be  much  gratified  by  hearing-  Dr. 
Alien's  relation  of  the  impression  General  Upton 
made  upon  most  of  his  fellow-patients  while  waiting 
with  them  his  turn  in  the  anteroom.  Few  of  them 
who  were  detained  in  his  company  failed  to  ask  Dr. 
Allen  who  could  be  that  remarkable  man  they  had 
met  in  his  parlor.  Dr.  Allen  was  much  impressed 
with  his  noble,  generous  nature,  and  sincerely 
lamented  his  most  untimely  loss,  which  was  a  great, 
surprise  to  him. 

Reflecting  upon  all  I  have  heard,  I  think  there 
must  have  been  some  local  morbid  cause,  some 
actual  disorganization  of  the  brain-substance  itself, 
and  I  am  of  the  conviction  that  General  Upton 
himself,  months  before  his  death,  believed  such  to 
be  the  fact.  That  he  was  entirely  unsuspicious 
of  any  remote  assignable  origin  for  it,  beyond 
the  mere  insidious  disorder  for  which  he  was  un 
der  treatment,  and  for  which  he  plainly  said,  so 
that  Dr.  Allen  recorded  it,  that  there  was  no  known 
cause. 

We  have  nothing  to  remember  or  to  reason 
about  beyond  the  pure  and  elevated  nature  of  the 
man  with  whom  all  our  intercourse,  that  of  every 
one  who  ever  came  in  contact  with  him,  assures  us 
of,  that  of  all  human  beings  General  Upton  most 
especially  lived  as  he  undoubtedly  died,  under  the 
convictions  of  his  conscience,  and  in  the  discharge 
of  what  he  believed  to  be  the  right. 

In  response  to  a  note  of  inquiry  as  to  the  nature 
of  General  Upton's  disorder,  Dr.  Harrison  Allen,  on 
the  8th  of  March,  1884,  wrote: 


Death.  489 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  of  Febru 
ary,  and  will  gladly  give  you  such  information  as  is 
in  my  possession. 

General  Upton  was  suffering  from  a  grave  form 
of  chronic  catarrh  when  he  was  under  my  care. 
The  nature  of  the  disease  was  obscure,  and  I  had 
not  obtained  sufficient  light  upon  the  subject  to 
warrant  proposing  treatment  other  than  that  which 
had  proved  successful  in  my  hands  in  other  in 
stances.  I  need  scarcely  say  these  measures  did  not 
secure  the  hoped-for  relief,  and  when  he  left  me  in 
November  it  was  with  the  understanding  that  he 
was  to  conduct  an  electrical  treatment  for  a  time, 
and  that  he  would  see  me  again  for  a  second  treat 
ment. 

General  Upton  had  a  symptom  which  I  had  never 
before  seen  in  a  person  who  had  not  a  tumor  grow 
ing  somewhere  in  the  region  of  the  nose  or  the  up 
per  throat-passages.  That  symptom  was  a  bloody, 
chocolate-colored  phlegm.  I  was  so  impressed  with 
this  peculiar  discharge  that  I  examined  the  general 
repeatedly  and  anxiously  for  some  additional  evi 
dence  of  growth,  but,  finding  none,  I  was  unable  to 
arrive  at  a  diagnosis  that  a  tumor  existed.  I  have 
ascertained  that  some  persons  have  declared  that 
the  surgeons  found  a  tumor  of  the  bones  of  the 
nose,  as  these  bones  join  those  of  the  brain-case. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  I  found  enough  to  excite  my  sus 
picions,  but  not  enough  to  warrant  surgical  inter 
ference. 

Respecting  the  connection  existing  between  the 
disease  and  the  suicidal  mania,  I  can  say  little  that 
has  the  value  of  evidence.  General  Upton  com- 


490  Emory   Upton. 

plained  of  a  dull,  dazed  feeling  about  the  brows  and 
crown.  The  sensation  was  compared  to  a  veil 
dropping"  down  over  his  mental  faculties.  The 
general  conceived  that,  since  this  feeling  inter 
fered  with  application,  it  might  become  his  duty 
to  resign  from  the  army.  As  he  expressed  it, 
he  feared  he  was  no  longer  of  use  to  the  Govern 
ment. 

This  state  of  mind  often  exists  in  the  subjects  of 
nasal  catarrh,  and  was  especially  noticeable  in  Gen 
eral  Upton's  case. 

I  think  it  probable  that  the  catarrh  was  a  symp 
tom  excited  by  a  slowly-growing  tumor,  or  slowly- 
extending  inflammation,  which  involved  the  remote 
recesses  of  the  face,  and,  by  a  sudden  change  in  its 
character,  the  membranes  of  the  brain  as  well ;  or 
so  excited  the  brain  to  morbid  activity  as  to  explain 
the  suicidal  mania.  The  report  of  the  surgeons 
who  made  the  post-mortem  examination  would  be 
valuable  in  this  connection.  * 

I  fear  I  have  not  answered  your  inquiry  as  fully 
as  you  would  like.  At  best,  I  can  but  frame  a  prob 
ability. 

I  became  much  attached  to  General  Upton,  and 
felt  keenly  the  responsibility  I  assumed  when  he 
came  under  my  care.  In  calmly  reviewing  the  facts 
of  his  case,  now  that  nearly  four  years  have  elapsed 
since  he  was  here,  I  can  not  see  that  anything  more 
could  have  been  done  than  was  attempted,  and  I  can 
only  express  in  conclusion  profound  pity  that  so 
noble  a  nature  should  have  been  lost  to  his  country 
through  the  ravages  of  disease. 

*  None  was  made. 


Death.  49 1 

Colonel  Henry  C.  Hasbrouck,  a  classmate  of 
Upton's,  and  at  the  time  of  the  latter's  death  an  offi 
cer  of  his  regiment  and  under  his  command,  writes : 

FORT  ADAMS,  NEWPORT,  R.  I.,  February  10,  1882. 

...  I  shall  give  you  concisely  what  came  under 
my  observation  that  had  any  bearing  upon  his  death, 
and  that  might  in  my  opinion  be  useful  to  you  in 
the  preparation  of  your  memoir. 

When  he  first  joined  the  regiment  he  told  me  he 
was  sorry  to  come  out  West ;  that  he  particularly 
desired  to  remain  East,  in  order  to  avail  himself  of 
the  services  of  a  specialist  whom  he  had  consulted 
about  a  catarrhal  trouble  that  worried  him.  Long 
before,  and  up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  he  frequent 
ly  complained  about  severe  headaches.  I  particu 
larly  remember  one  instance,  when  we  had  been  to 
the  theatre  together,  to  see  the  first  representation 
of  a  play  written  by  Captain  Field,  of  the  Fourth 
Artillery.  I  asked  him  his  opinion  of  it,  and  he  told 
me  he  could  form  none,  as  his  head  had  so  much 
pained  him  that  he  had  no  remembrance  at  all  of 
the  first  act,  and  went  on  to  say  that  he  supposed 
he  was  going  to  have  another  one  of  his  bad  nights ; 
that  he  was  frequently  unable  to  sleep,  and  after 
lying  down  for  a  while  would  be  compelled  to  get 
up  and  walk  the  room  for  some  hours,  and  until  he 
became  so  fatigued  that  he  could  get  a  little  sleep 
before  reveille. 

Nearer  the  end  I  have  heard  him  complain  that 
he  had  been  under  the  charge  of  the  best  specialists 
for  his  catarrhal  trouble ;  that  they  could  give  him 
no  relief ;  that  he  never  could  get  cured  ;  that  the 


492  Emory  Upton. 

headaches  were  getting  longer  and  more  painful. 
He  spoke  of  these  things  in  such  a  simple,  uncom 
plaining  way,  and  he  was  all  the  time  working  so 
hard,  and  never  neglecting  even  the  slightest  detail 
of  a  post  duty  or  a  drill,  that  it  made  but  little  im 
pression  upon  me  at  the  time. 

It  was  Sunday  morning,  March  I3th,  that  I  first 
realized  how  much  he  was  suffering.  I  happened  to 
be  alone  with  him  in  his  office,  and,  in  answer  to  my 
inquiry  about  his  headache,  he  broke  down  com 
pletely,  laid  his  head  on  his  desk,  and  sobbed.  After 
he  was  composed  I  walked  with  him  to  his  quarters, 
and  was  much  with  him  all  that  day  and  evening, 
and  also  Monday  evening.  He  was  very  despond 
ent,  talked  of  the  loss  of  his  will-power,  and  of  the 
respect  of  the  officers  of  the  regiment,  spoke  much 
of  the  failure  of  his  tactics,  and  particularly  of  the 
system  of  deployment  as  skirmishers,  said  if  his  sys 
tem  was  adopted  it  would  involve  the  country  in 
disaster  in  the  next  war. 

All  day  Monday,  the  I4th,  I  was  sitting  on  a 
court,  and  was  not  with  him  until  evening.  He  at 
tended  to  all  his  duties,  and  nothing  unusual  was 
noticed  by  any  one  except  by  the  adjutant,  Mr. 
Dyer,  to  whom  he  had  also,  but  not  to  such  an  ex 
tent  as  to  me,  spoken  of  his  ill-health  and  despond 
ency.  When  I  saw  him  Monday  evening  he  was 
still  depressed,  but  when  I  left  him  I  thought  he  was 
in  a  somewhat  more  cheerful  mood,  and  he  had 
given  a  sort  of  promise  that  he  would  go  to  Mon 
terey  next  day.  That  night  he  shot  himself,  and 
was  found  dead  in  his  bed  next  morning. 

There  was  no  one  in  the  house  but  his  Chinese 


Death,  493 

servants,  who  slept  in  a  room  far  removed  from 
him,  and  who  heard  no  noise  nor  disturbance  dur 
ing  the  night.  I  never  thought  at  the  time  that  his 
mind  was  affected,  but  I  do  now  believe  that  it  was. 
After  his  death  I  learned  that  he  had  exhibited  some 
signs  of  loss  of  memory  just  previous  to  the  i3th  of 
March.  He  had  forgotten  and  could  not  recall  the 
names  nor  remembrance  of  some  gentlemen  and 
ladies  whom  he  had  met  and  traveled  with  in  Japan ; 
this  seemed  to  have  given  him  much  trouble.  He 
was  unreasonably  sanguine  about  his  tactics.  He 
told  a  gentleman  in  San  Francisco  that  there  would 
be  no  more  war  after  his  tactics  were  published ; 
that  the  system  was  so  perfect  that,  given  two  coun 
tries  and  their  resources,  the  result  of  a  conflict  be 
tween  them  could  be  calculated  with  mathematical 
certainty. 

My  impression,  when  he  first  spoke  to  me  about 
his  troubles,  was,  that  he  was  in  a  state  of  nervous 
depression,  partly  owing  to  his  catarrhal  troubles, 
but  principally  to  overwork  and  hard  study. 

It  seems  to  be  the  accepted  opinion  that  the 
catarrhal  trouble  had  extended  up  into  the  nasal 
sinuses,  that  pus  had  collected  there  and  pressed 
upon  the  brain,  and  thereby  produced  the  mental 
disorder  that  made  him  falsely  imagine  that  he  had 
lost  the  respect  of  his  officers,  that  his  tactics  were 
a  failure,  etc.,  and,  finally,  that  night  when  he  re 
tired,  resulted  in  suicidal  mania. 

You  know  as  well  as  I  his  ability  and  devotion 
to  duty.  Under  all  these  troubles,  and  even  through 
that  last  Monday,  every  detail  of  his  duty  as  post 
and  regimental  commander  was  attended  to  as  care- 


494  Emory  Upton. 

fully  as  if  he  were  in  perfect  health.  No  one  knows 
what  exertion  of  will  was  exacted  to  accomplish 
this  under  the  burden  he  was  struggling  with. 

I  have  never  served  under  an  officer  who  so 
thoroughly  commanded  the  respect,  confidence,  and 
affection  of  those  under  him.  His  self-command 
during  these  last  few  days  was  so  complete  that  no 
one  but  Mr.  Dyer  and  I  knew  of  his  despondency. 

That  his  mind  was  affected,  and  no  longer  capa 
ble  of  complete  healthy  action,  and  that  this  con 
dition  resulted  from  the  rapid  progress  of  his  dis 
ease,  whereby  the  brain  had  become  involved  in  its 
turn,  is  unquestionably  evident  from  the  above  nar 
ration.  As  collateral  evidence  of  this  alarming  con 
dition,  the  following  letter,  both  as  to  date  and 
character,  shows  that  the  delusion  as  to  his  tactics 
was,  for  the  time  being,  the  subject  of  his  irrespon 
sible  thoughts. 

PRESIDIO,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  March  13,  1881. 

MY  DEAR  SARA  :  Since  writing  to  you,  last  Sun 
day,  I  have  been  in  no  little  distress  over  the  re 
vision.  It  has  seemed  to  me  that  I  must  give  up 
my  system  and  lose  my  military  reputation.  God 
only  knows  how  it  will  eventually  end,  but  I  trust 
he  will  lead  me  to  sacrifice  myself,  rather  than  to 
perpetuate  a  method  which  might  in  the  future  cost 
a  single  man  his  life.  Whichever  way  it  may  turn, 
I  know  I  shall  have  your  sympathy,  and  may  our 
heavenly  Father  bless  and  keep  you  and  our  pre 
cious  father  and  mother ! 

I  need  all  your  prayers,  for  I  would  keep  my  in 
tegrity. 


Death.  495 

Friday  I  went  over  to  Oakland  to  a  luncheon. 
The  city  is  flat,  and  has  beautiful  lawns  strewed 
with  flowers.  I  don't  feel  like  writing  any  more. 
Only  let  me  feel  that  I  have  your  love  and  sym 
pathy. 

With  a  fervent  kiss  for  you  all,  ever  your  affec 
tionate  brother,  EMORY. 

Again,  the  unfinished  letter  to  the  adjutant-gen 
eral,  found  on  the  desk  in  his  quarters,  relates  to 
the  same  subject : 

To  the  Adjutant-General  U.  S.  A. 

SIR  :  In  my  effort  to  revise  the  tactics  so  that 
they  might  apply  to  companies  over  two  hundred 
strong,  I  discovered  that  the  double  column  and 
the  deployment  by  numbers,  when  compared  with 
the  French  method,  was  a  failure.  The  fours,  too, 
I  was  forced  to  admit — . 

With  an  extraordinary  effort  of  will,  resisting 
the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  and  yet  with  a  heroism 
impelling  him  to  withdraw  from  that  service  with 
which  he  felt  he  could  no  longer  do  his  whole  duty, 
he  penned  at  the  last  moment,  before  the  citadel  of 
his  mind  was  surrendered,  the  following: 

PRESIDIO,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  March  14,  1881. 
To  the  Adjutant-General  U.  S.  A. 

SIR:  I  hereby  tender  my  resignation  as  colonel 
of  the  Fourth  Artillery. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

E.  UPTON, 
Colonel  Fourth  Artillery. 


496  Emory  Upton. 

This  heroic  but  misdirected  act  completed, 
Emory  Upton's  life  on  earth  ceased.  Disease,  in 
sidiously  sapping  at  the  foundations  of  his  bodily 
organization,  had  finally  intrenched  itself  in  that 
highest  of  all  physical  organs,  the  brain,  and  his 
pure  soul,  having  no  longer  a  fit  abiding-place  on 
earth,  sought  its  flight  heavenward. 

In  reviewing  the  foregoing  testimony,  no  one 
can  question  these  conclusions  which  flow  from 
it: 

1.  That  his  disease,  known  as  a  "chronic  nasal 
catarrh,"  originating  imperceptibly  during  his  cadet 
life,  grew  unnoticeably,  and  after  a  long  time  be 
came  first  annoying  and  finally  distressful. 

2.  That,  although  he  suffered  from  severe  head 
aches  from  1875  till  1879,  wholly  unaccountably  to 
himself,  professional  opinion  led  him  to  believe  that 
he  was  attacked  by  malaria,  and  that  he  then  took 
the  proper  medicinal  remedies  in  the  hope  of  speedy 
recovery. 

3.  Finally,  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  his  disease, 
he  consulted  an  eminent  specialist,  and  underwent 
heroic  treatment  for  its  cure,  which,  however,  pro 
duced  no  permanent  relief. 

4.  That  now  he  began  to  fear  that  he  could  no 
longer  be  of  any  use  to  the  Government,  because 
of  the   frequent  recurrence  of   his  dreadful  head 
aches,  to  the  dropping  of  a  veil  over  his  mental 
faculties,  attacks  which,  becoming  more  and  more 
frequent,  marked  the  rapid  progress  of  his  disease, 
until,  in  the  language  of  his  physician,  "  finally  by  a 
sudden  change  in  its  character  the  slowly  extend 
ing  inflammation  involved   the  membranes  of  the 


Death.  497 

brain,  or  so  excited  the  brain  to  morbid  activity  as 
to  explain  the  suicidal  mania." 

Just  as  any  organ  becoming  diseased  transmits 
false  intelligence  to  the  mind,  so  in  this  case,  when 
the  brain  itself  became  the  seat  of  disease,  the  acts 
which  are  directed  by  its  working  are  no  longer 
those  of  the  heroic,  Christian  man,  whose  career 
we  have  followed.  Disintegration,  quickly  followed 
by  death,  marks  the  period  of  irresponsible  utter 
ances  and  actions. 

We  have  seen,  from  the  testimony  of  Lieutenant 
McClernand,  how  futile  were  the  expressed  fears  of 
Upton  as  to  the  failure  of  his  tactics.  Examined  and 
tested  by  him,  they  are  found  to  be  without  fault 
or  defect.  And  yet,  Upton's  comrades  being  wholly 
in  darkness  as  to  their  excellences  or  defects,  it  was 
the  only  matter  upon  which  any  explanation  could 
be  based  for  his  sudden  decease,  in  an  event  so  per 
fectly  startling  and  unexpected. 

To  the  possible  existence  of  any  other  specific 
disease  which  might  have  existed,  and  whose  con 
sequences  might  lead  him  to  seek  relief  in  death, 
the  writer  of  this  memoir,  in  pursuance  of  his  duty, 
writh  a  full  sense  of  his  responsibility,  and  in  justice 
to  Upton's  memory,  has  directed  his  closest  atten 
tion.  And  he  has  established  in  his  own  mind,  by 
the  strongest  of  all  possible  evidence,  a  firm  belief 
that  not  only  no  other  disease  than  that  described 
by  his  physician  existed,  but  that  there  is  not  even 
the  slightest  evidence  to  warrant  even  a  suspicion 
of  its  existence. 

If  the  proper  estimate  of  a  man's  inherent  char 
acter  be  that  which  is  derived  from  the  completed 


498  Emory  Upton. 

history  of  his  thoughts  and  actions  from  boyhood 
till  the  end  of  life,  what  is  the  reiterated  and  con 
current  testimony  as  to  the  subject  of  our  sketch  ? 
The  pages  of  his  life's  history  lie  open  before  us. 
His  letters  as  a  boy,  as  a  military  student,  an  active 
soldier,  and  a  traveler  in  foreign  lands,  are  happily 
preserved,  and,  not  one  being  written  for  the  public 
eye,  they  give  us  an  insight  into  his  real  nature  and 
all  record  a  clean,  pure,  and  spotless  life. 

Such,  also,  is  the  testimony  of  those  who  en 
joyed  his  friendship,  and  were  permitted  to  sound 
the  depths  of  his  nature.  The  following  letter  of 
the  Rev.  E.  P.  Roe  is  here  preserved  in  corrobora- 
tion  of  this  opinion. 

THE  DEATH  OF  GENERAL    UPTON. 
BY  REV.  E.  P.  ROE. 

DEAR  EVANGELIST:  While  pastor  of  the  Pres 
byterian  Church  at  Highland  Falls,  near  West- 
Point,  I  formed  the  acquaintance  of  General  Emory 
Upton,  then  commandant  of  the  cadets.  His  mili 
tary  reputation,  his  position,  and  especially  his  hero 
ism  and  great  usefulness  in  our  national  struggle 
for  life,  entitled  him  to  respect ;  but  his  genial  per 
sonal  qualities  soon  developed  that  respect  into  ad 
miration  and  warm  friendship.  For  several  years 
I  saw  him  frequently  ;  my  wife  and  I  were  guests 
at  his  quarters,  and  we  often  had  the  pleasure  of 
entertaining  him  and  the  members  of  his  house 
hold  at  the  parsonage.  Our  intimacy  led  to  the 
frankest  interchange  of  thought  and  feeling,  and  I 
had  abundant  opportunities  of  observing  the  work- 


Death.  499 

ings  and  tendencies  of  a  strong  and  brilliant  mind. 
His  views  on  the  great  moral  and  political  ques 
tions  of  the  day  were  courageous,  advanced,  and, 
above  all  things,  Christian.  My  interviews  with 
him  were  always  tonic  in  their  effects,  and  his 
hearty  sympathy  with  every  phase  of  a  pastor's 
work  was  a  kindly  inspiration  to  new  and  better 
effort.  He  spoke  to  me  often  and  fully,  both  of  his 
duty  in  relation  to  the  cadets  and  his  work  in  the 
line  of  authorship,  and  I  saw  without  disguise  the 
governing  motives  of  his  daily  life  and  effort.  In 
all  sincerity  I  assert  that  I  can  not  recall  a  single 
expression,  or  an  inadvertent  yet  significant  act, 
that  indicated  a  selfish  ambition  or  a  debasing  tend 
ency.  He  was  ambitious,  but  in  the  large,  manly 
way  characteristic  of  all  men  of  unusual  force  and 
ability.  It  was  never  the  self-seeking  which  grasps, 
snatches,  or  begrudges  the  meed  of  others.  Never 
would  he  stoop  a  hair's  breadth  to  any  man  or  any 
power  to  gain  an  end ;  never  would  he  disguise  an 
honest  conviction  did  his  manhood  prompt  its  ex 
pression. 

His  method  of  self-advancement  was  to  serve 
his  country  with  devoted  and  uncalculating  loyalty, 
and  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  station  with  scru 
pulous  fidelity.  He  was  regarded  by  the  cadets  as 
a  severe  disciplinarian  on  the  plain  and  in  camp, 
and  as  a  kind  and  genial  friend  in  his  own  quarters. 

His  Christian  influence  at  West  Point  was  un 
obtrusive,  but  decided  and  strong ;  and  so  consist 
ent  was  his  life  that  I  can  recall  not  even  a  word  of 
criticism  breathed  against  his  religious  profession 
or  character.  As  is  ever  the  case  with  forceful, 


500  Emory  Upton. 

positive  men,  there  were  a  few  who  did  not  like 
him ;  but  never  have  I  heard  him  spoken  of  in  other 
terms  than  those  of  respect. 

It  is  a  fact,  perhaps  not  generally  known,  that 
the  cadets  maintain  among  themselves  a  prayer- 
meeting,  which  in  points  of  interest  and  attendance 
compares  favorably  with  any  existing  in  other  col 
leges.  This  at  least  was  true  a  few  years  since, 
and  I  think  it  is  so  still.  While  the  general  did 
not  think  it  wise,  in  view  of  his  relations  to  the 
young  men,  to  attend  these  meetings,  his  interest 
in  them  was  warm  and  constant ;  and  occasionally, 
when  my  duties  permitted  me  to  be  present,  and 
I  afterward  referred  to  the  simple,  manly  earnest 
ness  which  was  the  refreshing  characteristic  of  the 
words  spoken  and  prayers  uttered,  his  face  would 
glow  with  honest  gratification,  that  was  as  unmis 
takable  as  the  light  of  day.  I  know  that  the  chap 
lain  of  the  post,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Forsyth,  ever  found 
in  him  a  cordial  and  useful  ally. 

In  later  years,  after  he  had  made  a  tour  of  the 
world,  by  order  of  the  Government,  that  he  might 
study  the  military  systems  of  other  nations,  I  vis 
ited  him  at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  he  returned  the 
visit  at  my  home  at  Cornwall-on-the-Hudson.  I 
saw  on  these  occasions  only  changes  for  the  better 
— a  broader  and  more  liberal  mind,  a  deeper  en 
thusiasm  for  his  profession,  and  an  eager  desire  to 
make  the  army  more  effective  for  all  the  purposes 
for  which  it  exists.  He  banished  wholly  from  the 
mind  the  impression  that  rank  and  station  were 
ends  to  be  sought  for  their  own  sake.  They  were 
but  the  vantage-ground  from  which  he  hoped  to 


Death.  501 

advance  to  a  larger  and  wider  usefulness.  He 
seemed  much  impressed  with  grave  defects  in  our 
military  system  and  with  the  evils  of  political  med 
dling  and  mismanagement,  and  was  full  of  the  hope 
of  doing  something  to  aid  in  bringing  about  changes 
for  the  better.  There  were  in  his  manner  the  same 
direct  gaze,  the  same  twinkle  of  genial  humor  in 
his  eyes,  the  same  honest,  manly  ring  to  his  words, 
nor  had  life  abroad  relaxed  the  high  moral  tone  of 
his  thought  and  convictions. 

He  was  always  broad  and  charitable  in  his  views, 
but  his  liberality  was  not  of  that  flabby  kind  which 
makes  little  distinction  between  right  and  wrong, 
and  tolerates  with  easy-going  indifference  that  which 
is  questionable.  In  nice  points  of  honor  between 
man  and  man  he  was  scrupulous  to  the  last  degree, 
and  I  have  sometimes  thought  that  the  element  of 
fear  was  left  out  of  his  nature  or  else  driven  forth 
by  his  resolute  will. 

Faults  he  undoubtedly  had,  as  have  all  men  ;  but 
I  have  rarely  met  one  who  had  so  few  weaknesses. 

To  the  manly  strength  of  his  character,  his 
deep  but  unobtrusive  devotion  to  the  memory  of 
his  beautiful  young  wife  gave  an  indescribable 
grace.  Only  to  those  who  knew  him  well  would 
he  speak  on  this  subject ;  but  on  one  or  two  occa 
sions  I  saw  clearly  that  she  was  an  abiding  presence 
in  the  inner  sanctuary,  the  "holy  of  holies,"  of 
his  heart.  Having  had  this  insight,  I  saw  that 
many  of  his  characteristics  were  the  result  of  the 
sacred,  purifying  influence  of  one  to  whom  he  was 
as  constant  as  if  she  were  a  living  wife.  She  was 
always  his  bride. 


502  Emory  Upton. 

When,  therefore,  the  tidings  came  that  such  a 
man  had  "  committed  suicide,"  I  experienced  a 
shock  that  I  can  not  describe.  It  was  as  if  some 
thing  as  stable  as  the  everlasting  hills  had  given 
way.  Then  almost  instantly  the  conviction  came 
that  it  was  not  suicide  in  the  ordinary  acceptance 
of  the  word — that  there  must  be  an  explanation  of 
the  act  which  would  prove  him  irresponsible. 

Character  is  the  most  priceless  possession  of  man 
or  woman,  and  a  character  like  his  was  the  result 
of  a  long  and  continued  growth.  Many  and  varied 
circumstances  and  influences  had  combined  to  form 
it ;  but,  above  all,  his  resolute  will,  co-working  in 
hearty  accord  and  sympathy  with  the  will  of  God, 
was  the  chief  source  of  its  strength  and  complete 
ness.  His  faith  was  of  the  practical  and  genuine 
cast  that  entered  into  and  controlled  all  that  he  said 
and  did,  and  not  a  thing  of  forms  and  observances. 

When  a  man  commits  an  act  that  is  strange,  un 
accountable,  and  in  itself  most  evil,  it  is  supremely 
unjust  to  disregard  the  logic  of  a  good,  noble  life, 
and  interpret  the  act  in  a  sinister  way,  if  any  other 
explanation  is  possible.  It  is  not  the  mantle  of 
charity  that  is  needed,  but  clear-eyed  justice,  that 
fairly  estimates  all  the  facts  in  the  case.  He  is 
either  base  himself  or  else  exceedingly  superficial 
or  ignorant  who  can  believe  that,  after  goodness 
and  honor  have  become  the  warp  and  woof  of  char 
acter,  a  man  can  deliberately  give  himself  up  to 
crime.  His  taste  for  carrion  is  insatiable  who  will 
believe  this  when  there  is  no  adequate  motive  or 
overwhelming  temptation.  The  fair  and  candid 
mind  interprets  the  isolated  act  in  the  light  of  past 


Death. 


503 


life  and  steadily  maintained  character,  and,  in  an 
instance  like  this,  feels  assured  that  there  must  be 
an  explanation  which  will  leave  no  shadow  on  an 
illustrious  name. 

There  are  explanations  which  are  neither  forced 
nor  far-fetched.  How  often  the  frail  body  sudden 
ly  gives  way  when  greatly  overtaxed  !  Experience 
proves  that  the  overwrought  mind  is  in  greater 
danger.  The  facts  are  that  General  Upton  was  a 
martyr  to  a  disease  that  apparently  was  incurable 
—catarrh  in  his  head.  His  sufferings  from  this 
infirmity  were  almost  constant,  and  for  years  he 
sought  relief  in  vain.  Last  fall  he  put  himself  un 
der  the  care  of  a  specialist,  and  endured  without 
flinching  the  pain  of  "  actual  cautery."  Any  good 
physician  can  suggest,  but  never  make  the  reader 
comprehend,  the  intensity  of  the  anguish  caused  by 
this  operation.  Having  received  but  little  benefit 
from  six  weeks  of  treatment,  General  Upton  re 
turned  to  his  friends  greatly  discouraged  and  op 
pressed  with  the  feeling  that  he  would  eventually 
succumb  to  this  disease. 

Bearing  this  almost  intolerable  burden  of  phys 
ical  pain,  he  resumed  the  duties  of  his  rank  and 
station,  to  which  was  superadded  the  mental  effort 
to  solve  one  of  the  most  difficult  military  problems 
of  the  age.  What  man,  what  mind  could  long  en 
dure  such  a  strain  ?  Under  these  triple  burdens 
there  was  a  point  beyond  which  he  could  not  pass. 
He  may  not  have  realized  this  truth  until  the  crisis 
was  upon  him,  and  with  characteristic  reticence  he 
would  be  more  inclined  to  hide  than  to  speak  much 
of  his  distress  beyond  the  limits  of  his  own  family. 


504  Emory  Upton. 

In  the  strongest  of  inspired  language  God  has 
commended  the  charity  that  thinketh  no  evil.  But 
little  charity  do  they  deserve  who  persist  in  think 
ing  evil  in  the  face  of  a  good,  pure  life ;  little  char 
ity  should  they  receive  who  heedlessly  or  venom 
ously  seek  to  destroy  the  character  which  has  been 
built  up  by  long  years  of  patient  continuance  in 
well-doing. 

I  believe  that  my  friend  fought  the  good  fight, 
that  his  warfare  is  accomplished,  and  that  he  has 
received  a  higher  rank  and  richer  reward  than  even 
the  grateful  nation  he  served  so  faithfully  could  be 
stow. 

The  funeral  ceremonies  at  San  Francisco  were 
such  as  were  befitting  the  well-beloved  comrade  and 
eminent  soldier.  His  remains  were  brought  to 
Willowbrook,  attended  by  two  of  his  former  com 
rades,  and  after  the  final  services  of  the  Church  they 
were  placed  by  the  side  of  those  of  his  beloved  wife 
in  the  cemetery  of  Fort  Hill  at  Auburn. 

On  the  fly-leaf  of  his  Bible,  under  the  date  Au 
gust  31,  1879,  *s  inscribed  in  his  own  hand,  "What 
soever  you  do,  do  it  heartily,  as  unto  the  Lord,  and 
not  unto  man."  Exemplifying  this  text  throughout, 
strong  in  faith,  ardent  in  piety,  firm  in  adherence  to 
the  Church,  zealous  in  his  official  duties,  loved  for 
his  personal  virtues,  and  honored  for  his  official  in 
tegrity,  his  earthly  life,  rounded  and  complete,  pre 
sents  a  fitting  prelude  and  preparation  for  that 
heavenly  life  whose  reality  he  now  unquestionably 
enjoys. 


INDEX. 


Abraham,  Captain,  168. 

Adams,  General  Daniel,  149,  150, 

154,  157. 

Adams,  General  Wirt,  140,  141, 
158,  171,  172. 

Afghans,  344. 

Agra,  329. 

Alexander,  General  A.  J.,  151, 160- 
163,  165,  167,  169,  170,  219, 
468. 

Allen,  Dr.  Harrison,  483-488. 
Letter  of,  488. 

Ancestry,  I. 

Anderson,  General  Robert,  211. 

Angle,  at  Spottsylvania,  110-112. 

Appointment,  Judge  Pringle's  let 
ter  of,  7. 

Armistead's  brigade,  141. 

Armstrong,  General  F.  C.,  157- 

Armstrong's     brigade,     140  —  149, 

153-156. 

Army  organization,  principles  of, 
407. 

of  China,  394. 

of  India,  396. 

of  Japan,  392. 

of  Persia,  400. 

Arnold,  Captain  Richard,  55. 
Artillery  School,  Fort  Monroe,  389. 
Asper,  Joel  F.,  263. 
Ayres's  brigade,  95. 
Ayres,  General  R.  B.,  195,  196. 

22 


Baird,  Captain,  52. 

Banks,  General  N,  P.,  77. 

Barry,   General  W.    F.,  198,   204, 

211,  212. 

Bartlett,  General  J.  J.,  73,  74,  82, 

113- 
Bates,  Captain  A.  E.,  206,  207,  209, 

213. 

Battle's  brigade,  125. 
Beaumont,  Major  E.  B.,  160,  177. 
Belknap,   Secretary  W.   W.,   213, 

300. 

Bell's  brigade,  139,  141,  149. 
Benjamin,  Colonel  S.,  480. 
Benteen,  Colonel  F.  W.,  175. 
Birney's  division,  103. 
Birney,  General,  112. 
Black,  Colonel  H.   M.,   194,   196, 

198,  204,  205. 
Board,  Tactical,  Report  of,  195. 

Grant,  198. 

Report  of,  202. 

Assimilation,  206. 
Boyd,  Captain,  93. 
Bragg,  General  Braxton,  78. 
Breckenridge's  division,  118. 
Bruce,  Mr.,  363. 
Buford's  division,  140-142,  146. 
Burhaus,  Captain,  99. 
Burial  of  Upton,  504. 
Burning  of  cadet  barracks,  273. 
Burns,  Captain,  93. 


506 


Index. 


Burnside,  General  A.  E.,  101. 
Burnside's  Army  Bill,  454, 
Butler,  General  B.  F.,  117. 
Butterfield,  General  Daniel,  45. 

Cadets  visit  Washington,  274. 

Calcutta,  336. 

Campaign,  Grant's  overland,  Up 
ton's  report  of,  92-107. 
situation  after,  117-120. 

Campbell's  brigade,  126,  141,  149. 

Campbell,  Major  Douglas,  eulogy 
of  Upton,  67-70. 

Canby,  General  R.  S.,  135,  159, 
198,  204. 

Capron's  brigade,  131. 

Carroll,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  92. 

Casey's  (General  Silas)  Tactics,  190, 
198,  216. 

Cavalry  corps,  Wilson's,  145-178. 

Chalmers's  brigade,  140-142,  145, 
146,  148,  149,  151,  153,  158, 
171,  172. 

Characteristics,  Upton's  early,  4-7. 

China, military  academy  plan,  291- 

298. 
appointment  to,  284-289. 

Chinese  dinner,  319. 
Temple  of  Horrors,  324. 

Chinkiang,  323. 

Clanton's  brigade,  141. 

Clitz,  General  H.  B.,  194,  196. 

Cold  Harbor,  109. 

Colorado,  journey  to,  179-186. 

Columbus,  capture  of,  165. 

Colonel  Fourth  Regiment  of  Artil 
lery,  468. 

Commandant  of  cadets,  245-256. 
Upton  as,  275-280. 

Congressional  committee's  censure, 

263. 

reply  to,  266-270. 
comments  on,  270-273. 


Cooke,  General  P.  St.  George,  216. 
Corruption  of  officials,  373. 
Courtship,  Upton's,  217-229. 
Crawford's  division,  95. 
Cremation  in  India,  340. 
Criticism  of  generals,  79-81. 
Crook,  General,  120,  128. 
Crossland's  brigade,  150-154. 
Croxton's  brigade,  147,   148,  151, 

152,  158,  170-172. 
Cyrus's  tomb,  363. 
Czar  of  Russia,  381. 

Dalton,  Major  H.  R.,  92,  97,  126. 
Davis,  Jefferson,  33,  425. 
Death,  Upton's,  474. 

Mrs.  Upton's,  235-241. 
Delhi,  route  to,  329,331. 
Duffy,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  93. 
Du  Pont,  Colonel  II.  A.,  206-208, 
210,  213,  416,  417. 

Upton's  letter  to,  tactics,  208- 
211. 

Upton's  letter  to,  military  policy, 

418-425- 

Dwight's  division,  126. 
Dyer,  Lieutenant  A.  B.,  492,  494. 

Early's  (General)  operations,  nS- 

124. 

Education,  Upton's  early,  3. 
Edwards's  brigade,  85,  126. 
Eggleston,  Colonel,  167. 
Ellis,  Major,  101. 
England's  Eastern  policy,  326. 
Estimate  of  Upton  by  MajorCamp- 

bell,  67-70. 

European  trip,  230-233. 
E  well's  attack,  103. 

Farnham's  Zouaves,  48. 
Fenton,  Governor  R.  E.,  66,  243. 
Fifield,  Rachel,  I. 


Index. 


507 


Fish,  Captain,  101,  102,  107. 
Forsyth,  General  George  A.,  299, 

300,  333,  373,  384. 
Forsyth,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  500. 
Franchot,  Colonel  Richard,  66,  67. 
Franklin's  division,  61. 
French,  General,  211,  212. 
Fry,  Captain  James  B.,  47. 

Galloway,  G.  Norton,  112. 
Garfield,  General  J.  A.,  421,  449, 

451-453,  464. 
letter  from  Upton  on  Fitz-John 

Porter,  458. 
letter    to    Upton    on    Fitz-John 

Porter,  464. 
letters   to    Upton    on    Military 

Policy,  450. 

Garrard's  division,  131. 
Getty's  division,  125. 
Gibbon,  General  John,  74. 
Gillem,  General  A.  C.,  178. 
Gillis's  battery,  100. 
Gilpin,  aide-de-camp,  178. 
Gordon,  Lieutenant,  93,  106. 
Gordon's  division,  125. 
Gorton,  Captain,  99. 
Grant,  General  U.  S.,  77,  78,  89, 

91,    107,    118-120,    123,    130, 

131.  133,  I59»  !95,  197,  I98« 

204,  205,  245. 

Gricr,  General  W.  N.,  198,  204. 
Griffin,  General,  194,  195. 
Griffin's  division,  104. 
Grierson's  division,  132,  133. 
Grover's  division,  126. 

Hall,  Captain,  85. 
Hamilton,  Colonel  John,  206. 
Hancock,  General  W.  S.,  74,  no. 
Hardee,  General,  190,  216. 
Hasbrouck,  Colonel    II.   C.,   469, 
491-494. 


Hascall,  Lieutenant  H.  G.,  52. 
Hatch,  General,  132,  133,  135. 
Heintzelman,  General,  49. 
Hill,  General  B.  H.,  172. 
Himalayas,  expedition  to,  333. 
Hindoo  temples  at  Benares,  340. 
Hong-Kong,  323. 
Hood,  General,  133,  134,  136,  139. 
Hooker,  General,  63. 
Howard,  General  O.  O.,  52,  480. 
Hubbard,  Major,  144. 
Humphreys,  General  A.  A.,  107. 
Hunt,    General,    198,    211,    212, 

216. 
Hunter,  General  David,  118-120. 

India,  letters  from,  326-346. 
Influence  of  West  Point,  37-41. 
Irving,  Colonel,  64. 
Ispahan,  364. 

Jackson's  division,  140-142,   146- 
149,  151,  152,  171. 

Jackson,  Stonewall,  84,  423,  459- 
461. 

Johnson,   Lieutenant,    I2ist   New- 
York,  98. 
First  New  York  Battery,  126. 

Johnson's  division,  133,  135. 

Johnston,  General  Joseph  E.,  78, 
169. 

Keck,  Lieutenant  Peter,  169. 
Keck,  Lieutenant  Sloan,  169. 
Kellogg,  Colonel,  104,  105. 
Kent,   Lieutenant-Colonel   J.   F., 

127. 

Kershaw's  division,  124. 
Keyes,  Colonel  E.  D.,  52. 
Kilpatrick,  General,  74,  131,  133. 
Kirkwood,  Dr.,  235. 
Knipe's  division,  133,  135. 
Kyber  Pass,  344. 


5o8 


Index. 


La  Grange's  brigade,  148,  152,  159, 

165. 

Lament,  Captain,  101. 
Latta,  Major  James  W.,  169,  176, 

181. 

Lee,  General  R.  E.,  62,  73-75,  78, 
79,  89,  91,  118,  119,  124,  142, 
172. 

Lessig,  Colonel,  102. 
Letters,   extracts    from    Upton's : 
Berlin,  385. 
China,  316-326. 
Geneva,  378. 
in   the  field,  45-65,  70-92,  108, 

112,  116. 
India,  326-346. 
Japan,  312-316. 
Pacific  Ocean,  309,  312. 
Persia,  348-3  70. 
Rome,  376-378. 
Russia,  379-385- 
West  Point,  12-19,  21-25. 
West  Point,  on  secession,  27-37. 
Yosemite,  304. 
of  resignation,  495. 
to  Du  Pont  on  tactics,  208-211. 
to  Du  Pont  on  Military  Policy, 

418-425. 
to  Garfield  on  Fitz-John  Porter, 

453. 

of  Dr.  Harrison  Allen,  488. 
of  General    Garfield  to   Upton 

(Fitz-John  Porter),  464. 
of  General   Garfield   to   Upton 

(Military  Policy),  450. 
of  Colonel  Hasbrouck  (Upton's 

death),  491. 
of  Samuel  Powel  (Upton's  death), 

485- 
of  Judge  Pringle  (appointment 

to  West  Point),  7. 
of    Rev.   E.    P.    Roe    (Upton's 

death),  498. 


Letter  of  Dr.   William    Saunders 

(Upton's  death),  482. 
of    General    Sherman   (instruc 
tions),  300. 

Lewis,  Captain,  167. 

Lincoln,    President,    28,    30,    123, 
172,  440,  446,  447. 

Litchfield,  General,  336. 

Long's  division,  133,  144,  150,  153 
-156,  163. 

Longstreet,  General,   74,  106,  461, 
462. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  53-55. 

Low,  Mr.,  284,  286. 

Liicknow,  329. 

McCausland's  raid,  120. 
McClellan,   General,   60,  62,   123, 

423-425,  448,  458. 
McClernand,    Lieutenant    E.    J., 

468,  469,  497. 

McCook,  General  A.  McD.,  52. 
McCook's  division,   131,  133,  144, 

147, 148, 153,158-160,165,170. 
McCulloch,  Colonel,  140. 
McDonald,  Major,  105. 
McDowell,  General,  47-49,  52,  59, 

60,  423,  460,  461. 
Mcllvaine,  Bishop,  24. 
Mackenzie,  General  R.  S.,  96,  106. 
McGlasson,  Captain,  168. 
Mahan,  Professor,  52. 
McLaughlin's  brigade,  101. 
McMahon,      Lieutenant  -  Colonel 

Martin,  105. 

Manoeuvres,  Russian,  382. 
Mansfield,  General,  45. 
Martin,  Emily  Norwood,  217. 
E.  T.  Throop,  217. 
Mrs.  E.  T.  Throop,  481. 
Mather,  Major,  85. 
Meacle,  General  George,  73,  79,  87, 

88,  115,  198,  204. 


fndex. 


509 


Merritt,  General  Wesley,  206,  457 
Metcalf,  Lieutenant,  100. 

Military    epochs    of    the    United 
States,  426. 

lessons  of  the  Revolution,  428. 

policy  during  War  of  1812,  430. 

during  Mexican  War,  433. 

prior  to  1862,  during  the  rebel 
lion,  444. 

letters    referring     to    projected 
work,  418. 

suggestion  upon,  410. 
Miller's  brigade,  153. 
Minty,  Colonel,  156. 
Missionaries  in  India,  330. 
Mitchell,  General  O.  M.,  55. 
Morgan,  General  Charles  II.,  208. 
Morris's  brigade,  gj. 
Morris,  General,  198. 
Morse,  Mary,  i. 
Morse,  Lieutenant  F.,  107. 
Muscat,  347. 

Sultan  of,  349. 

Napier,  Lord,  331,  332. 
Newton,  General  John,  61. 
Noble,  Colonel,  167. 
Northbrook,  Lord,  336. 

O'Donncll,  Private,  98. 
Olcutt,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  72,  94. 
Omaney,  Major,  344. 
Orders  for  foreign  tour,  299. 
O'Reilly,  Rev.  Father,  4. 

Packard,  Jasper,  263. 
Paine,  Captain,  102. 
Patterson's  regiment,  161,  162. 
Patterson,   Lieutenant   F.   G.,   95, 

107. 

Paul,  General,  74. 
Penang,  327. 


Peninsular  campaign,  447. 
Penrose,  Colonel,  93,  94. 
Persepolis,  ruins  of,  361. 
Peshawer,  347. 

Persia  contrasted    with    the   Cau 
casus,  371. 

irrigation  in,  364. 

poverty  in,  365. 

punishments  in,  352. 

travel  in,  360. 
Pitcher,  General  T.  G.,  246,  266, 

270,  273,  279. 
Platt,  Captain,  55. 
Pope,  General  John,  62,  178,  181, 

459,  460,  462. 
Porter,  Captain,  62. 

Porter,    General   Fitz-John,   458- 

460,  462-464. 

Potter,  General  John  H.,  206. 
Prince  of  Wales,  23,  336-338,  340- 

342. 
Pringle,  Judge  Benjamin,  7-9,  29, 

35,41- 
Promotion,  recommendations  for, 


Ramseur's  division,  124. 
Randall,  Stephen,  and    Electa,  I, 

2. 

Rappahannock  Station,  82-85. 
Rawul  Pindee,  342. 
Report,  Upton's,  Fourth  Cavalry 

Division,  160. 
Upton's,  on  overland  campaign, 

92. 

Grant's,  tactics,  202. 
Retirement,  compulsory,  456. 
Review  of  troops,  India,  331. 
Revolutionary  period,  426. 
Reynolds,   General   John   F.,   74, 

461,  462. 
Ricketts,  General  James  B.,  101, 

104,  105,  462. 


Index. 


Roddy's  brigade,  139,  141,  J45, 
146,  149-151,  153,  J54.  157- 
162. 

Rodney's  battery,  155,  163,  167. 

Rosecrans,  General  W.  S.,  77. 

Ross,    Colonel     and     Mrs.,    353, 

354- 

Ross's  Texans,  141. 
Rucker's  brigade,  139. 
Ruger,  General  Thomas  H.,  209, 

279. 

Runyon,  General,  47,  48. 
Russell,  General  David  A.,  82-86, 

96,  99,  100,  125-127,  193. 

Sanborn,  Captain  F.  G.,  107. 

Sanborn,  General,  181. 

Sanger,  Major  I.  P.,  299,  300,  330, 

331,  333,  373- 

Saunders,  Dr.  William,  482. 
Schenck,  General  Robert,  52. 
Schofield,  General  John  M.,  206, 

213,  467- 
Scott,  General  Winfield,  34,  190, 

216,  244,  425,  433,  436. 
Seaver,  Colonel,  97. 
Sedgwick,  General   John,    88,  94, 

US- 

Selma  campaign,  130. 
Serfs,  Russian,  380. 
Seward,  W.  H.,  284,  286,  288. 
Seymour,  General  Truman,  208. 
Sheridan,  General,   121,  122,  124, 

126,  129,  130. 
Sherman,  General  T.  W.,  answer 

to  letter  of,  198-202.* 
Sherman,  General  W.  T.,  130-134, 

159,  169,  207,  210,  211,  298, 

300,  302,  378,  420,  467. 
Sigel,  General,  461,  462. 
Singapore,  326. 

Slocum,  General  H.  W.,  263,  264. 
Speidel,  Major,  48,  49. 


Spottsylvania,    assault    of,    lines, 

96. 

Stannard's  brigade,  106. 
Stanton,  E.  M.,  Secretary  of  War, 

196,  204,  243,  423,  424. 
Starke's  brigade,    140,    141,    147, 

149,  153,  155- 
Steele's  column,  142,  146. 
Stevens's  batteiy,  128. 
Stoneman,  General,  132,  178. 
Studies,  tactical,  188-195. 

Tactics,  adopted,  213. 

revision  of,  467,  470. 

letters  in  reference  to,  208. 

Upton's  claim  respecting,  215. 
Tactical  studies,  188-195. 
Taku  forts,  321. 
Tannatt,  General,  480. 
Taylor,  General  Richard,  141, 146, 

147,  149. 

Teheran,  353,  367. 
Temple,  Sir  Richard,  337. 
Thayer,  General  Sylvanus,  38. 
Thomas,  Colonel  Lorenzo,  44. 
Thomas,  General  George  H.,  159. 
Tourtellotte,   Colonel,     206,    207, 

209,  213. 
Townsend,   General   E.    D.,   177, 

191,  198. 

Troubles  at  West  Point,  257. 
Truefitt,  Major,  101. 

Upton,  John,  i. 

Upton,  Daniel,  2. 

Upton,  Electa,  I. 

Upton,  Sara,  466,  469,  474,  494. 

Upton,  Maria,  12. 

Van    Horn,    Captain    J.    J.,   194, 

196. 

Van  Voast,  Major  James.  206. 
Vincent,  Captain,  52. 


Index. 


Walker,  Mr.,  359. 
Warren's  corps,  103. 
Weed,  General,  74. 
Weibeck,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  103. 
Wilkes,  Admiral,  59. 
Williams,  Captain  Robert,  52. 
Williams,  Cornelia,  217. 
Wilson,  General  J.  H.,  125,  130- 
138,  141-159.  J73,  176,  177- 


Winchester,  battle  of,  124. 
Winslow,  General  E.  F.,  132,  151, 

157,  160-170. 
Wright,  General  H.   G.,  75,  102, 

114,  120. 

Yorke,  Colonel,  344. 
Young,  Captain,  166. 
Young,  Colonel,  151. 


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